read at the

ABSTRACTS

PAPERS READ

at the

FORTY-SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING

of the

AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

meeting jointlY

with the

SOCIETY FOR MUSIC THEORY

DENVER, COLOMDO

6-9 NOVEMBER 1980

A.I,I .S. PAPERS

Edited by Craig lvlonson, Yale Unlvers ity

CONTENTS

Thursday, November 63:00-6:00 p.n.

Renaissance TopicsMusical Theater in 18th-Century FranceBeethoven : MendelssohnStudy Session: The Future of Debussy Research

Italianate ChantRenaissance StylesItalian and SpanishRonantic Topics

Friday, November 79:00 a.rn, -12:00

and SourcesKeyboard Music

10131518

z02325

z9313436

59424547

48505356

Friday, November2:00-5:00 p.n.

The Church: The TropeStudies in Italian MusicThe Classical Period: New Directions for ResearchAMS/SMT Late 19th-Century and Early

2Oth-Century Manuscript Studies

Saturday, Novenber9:00 a.n.-12:00

Studies in the English RenaissanceSpecial StudiesMusica SpeculativaBrahms : -Wagner

Saturday, November2:00-5:00 p.rn,

Mozart: Haydn: BeethovenBaroque Performance PracticesArs Nova TopicsAM--S/eMS-A1 te rnat ive Car ee r s

Sunday, Novernber 99:00 a.n. -12:00

Italian Musical InstitutionsAncient and Medieval TopicsStudies in American MusicBaroque Topics

Tndex of Authors

RENAISSANCE TOPICS, November 6, 3:00 p.m.

CENTRAL EUROPEAN NOTATIONAL PRACTICESOF THE EARLY 15TH CENTURY

Tom R. WardUniversitY of Illinois

Several theoretical treatises preserve a notationalpractice which seems to have been widely known in centralEurope during the first half of the fifteenth century.Although these treatises have been published individuallyover the last 100 years, their origins and interrelation-ships have not been sufficiently explored. More important,the existence of a specific nuslcal repertory notatedaccording to the system presented by these treatises hasgone unnoticed. Fina11y, the pieces provided as exarnplesof notation or rnusical forms in the treatises have not beenthoroughly investigated.

On the basis of sources and internal evidence thetreatises can be shown to contain a Late fourteenth- andearly fifteenth-century tradition known in Prague, andpossibly in Vienna as we11. The specific pieces of musiccited in the treatises occur in rnanuscripts of Gerrnan orcentTal European origin, and in sone cases the particularversion of the piece only survives in these sources.

The music which uses this notational systen appears inthe oldest layers of Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek MS.Iat. 14274. The genres and styles represented are ratherbroad, possibly indicating that nuslc in general, not just ofa single type or style, was expressed in this system by aparti-u1ar group of musicians. Evidence of repertory andscribes indicates that this manuscript may have been copied,at least in part, in Vienna or its environs. Thus, portionsof the book serve as the practical analog to the theoreticalsources. This relationship, along with other available evi-dence, provides possible answers about the origin of MunichL4274 and a clearer picture of the nusical environment inwhich it was copied.

THE MUSlC AND MUSICiANSOF ANNE DE BRETAGNE (I477 -I5L4)

Stephen Boni-rneNew York, N.Y.

As the last Tuler of an independent Brittany and twice-crowned queen of France, Anne de Bretagne gave generoussupport to musicians and other artists. At least six corn-posers returned the favor ln the forrn of eight musical pieces:two rondeaux based on her notto, one anonymous and the otherby Hilaire Daleo (Turleron) ; a rnotet by Agricola praising herfaithfulness to Louis XII, her second royal husband, during

his grave illness; rnotets by F6vin and Mouton on her rnother-hood; and three laments on her death--one by Moulu, and twosettings of Quis dabit oculis by Festa and Mouton.

Anne ernployed a contingent of instrumentalists andmaintained her own nusic chapel distinct fron the ChapelleRoyale of her husbands. It includcd the singer and conposerPietrequin Bonnel, the prestigious organist Pierre Mouton,and Jean Mouton as maistre de chape1le.

This paper focuses on the musical compositions and rnanu-scripts written for Anne de Bretagne, the nusicians shepatronized, and the music perforrned for her three cerernonialpassages through Paris--both coronation entr6es and her funeral'ihe cornpositions for Anne have already attraEtea the attenti-onof nany-musicologists, but the rest of the information for thepaper derives fron recent research in the libraries and archivesof Paris and Nantes.

A LOST GUIDE TO TINCTORISI TEACHINGS RECOVERED

Bonnie J. BlackburnChicago, I11i-nois

In his Practica musicae of 1497, Franchinus Gafuriusref ers to a m-EgTstralfFlnotetus, a "pedagogical motet," byJohannes TinctoriS-E[aT 5h-ows the proper way to notate rnodusby rneans of pauses. The motet, Difficiles alios delectatpitrgete cantus ("He takes delighT--in composing- other -iflfficultsongFT, was widely known, as is denonstrated in the SpataroCorrespondence (Rone, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS. Vat.1at. 5318). There it is discussed by Giovanni Spataro,Giovanni del Lago, and the organist Giovanni- da Legge inletters to Pietro Aaron and Lorenzo Gazio. It served as a

rnodel for the solution of knotty problens of nensural usage,imperfection, alteration, coloration, and proportions.Although the work nust then have been about fifty years o1d,musicians and theorists were sti1l keenly interested in it.

The rnotet does not appear in Tinctoris' Opera 9IL!1, noris it found arnong the exarnples in his treatises. For fourhundred years it 1ay dornant arnong the rnusical exarnples ofan early 16th-century rnanuscript, Perugia, Biblioteca ComunaleAugusta, M. 1013. The three-voice motet is longer and farnoie cornplicated than any of the illustrations in Tinctoris'treatisei. Tinctoris conposed it as a practical example ofhis teachings, especially as expounded in his four tracts onnote values, irnpeifection, alteration, and proportions, andprovided it with rneticulous marginal annotations.

THE FROTTOLA AND THE UNWR]TTEN TMDITION:IMPROVISORS AND FROTTOLISTS AT NORTH ITALIAN COURTS

William PrizerUni.versity of California, Santa Barbara

The problern of the "unwritten tradition" in fifteenth-century Italy has drawn the attention of nany scholars, butprincipally that of Nino Pirrotta, who both defined the prob-1en and pointed toward a solution. Pirrotta has ca11ed theunwritten tradition "a sea of colors and sound" standingbetween the "is1and" of Trecento rnusic and the "nainland" ofwritten masterworks whicFEe Ttalians produced fron thesixteenth century onwards. On the basis of literary sources,docurnents, and paintings, as well as musical sources, it ispossible to denonstrate that the frottola of Mantua and otherNorth Italian courts began as a direct outgrowth of thispreviously improvised tradition.

This paper will show that the practice of playing thelute polyphonically, an apparent characteristic of frottolaperfornance, was known in Mantua by L470 and nust have beenused by the irnprovisors. Two letters written by a Mantuanstudent of the great Ferrarese inprovisor Pietrobono, whichlist the works the master lutenist taught hin, represent aparticularly irnportant discovery in this regard. With onlyone exception, these works can be found in the frottolarepertory, linking inextricably the inprovised practice withthe frottola.

Having established the early frottola as the notatedrecord of the previously unwritten tradition, this studyattenpts to describe the style of the later improvisors, notonly through docurnents and paintings, but also through anexanination of the approximately thirty anonynous settingsof the strambotti of the poet-improvisor Serafi.no da11'Aquilain NortilTfallan sources of 1490 to 1500. By combining con-tenporary descriptions of Serafino's performances with thestylistic characteristics of these strarnbotti, it may beposslble to see sornething of the sty-IE--end-ctua1 rnusicalcontent of the works of the later improvisors.

I{USICAL THEATER IN 18TH-CENTURY FRANCE, November 6, 3:00 p.m.

OPERA_CON{IQUE IN TRANSITION:EGIDIO DUNfTS LE PFIMRE AMOUREUX DE SON MODELE

Kent M. SnithCornell University

In one of two substantial nineteenth-century articleson Egidio Duni, Arthur Pougin described the composer as "1ecr6aieur v6ritable de 1'op6ra-comique. " Since then, Duni'srole in the developrnent of ej-ghteenth-century op6ra-conique

his grave illness; rnotets by F6vin and Mouton on her rnother-hood; and three laments on her death--one by Moulu, and twosettings of Quis dabit oculis by Festa and Mouton.

Anne ernployed a contingent of instrumentalists andmaintained her own nusic chapel distinct fron the ChapelleRoyale of her husbands. It includcd the singer and conposerPietrequin Bonnel, the prestigious organist Pierre Mouton,and Jean Mouton as maistre de chape1le.

This paper focuses on the musical compositions and rnanu-scripts written for Anne de Bretagne, the nusicians shepatronized, and the music perforrned for her three cerernonialpassages through Paris--both coronation entr6es and her funeral'ihe cornpositions for Anne have already attraEtea the attenti-onof nany-musicologists, but the rest of the information for thepaper derives fron recent research in the libraries and archivesof Paris and Nantes.

A LOST GUIDE TO TINCTORISI TEACHINGS RECOVERED

Bonnie J. BlackburnChicago, I11i-nois

In his Practica musicae of 1497, Franchinus Gafuriusref ers to a m-EgTstralfFlnotetus, a "pedagogical motet," byJohannes TinctoriS-E[aT 5h-ows the proper way to notate rnodusby rneans of pauses. The motet, Difficiles alios delectatpitrgete cantus ("He takes delighT--in composing- other -iflfficultsongFT, was widely known, as is denonstrated in the SpataroCorrespondence (Rone, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS. Vat.1at. 5318). There it is discussed by Giovanni Spataro,Giovanni del Lago, and the organist Giovanni- da Legge inletters to Pietro Aaron and Lorenzo Gazio. It served as a

rnodel for the solution of knotty problens of nensural usage,imperfection, alteration, coloration, and proportions.Although the work nust then have been about fifty years o1d,musicians and theorists were sti1l keenly interested in it.

The rnotet does not appear in Tinctoris' Opera 9IL!1, noris it found arnong the exarnples in his treatises. For fourhundred years it 1ay dornant arnong the rnusical exarnples ofan early 16th-century rnanuscript, Perugia, Biblioteca ComunaleAugusta, M. 1013. The three-voice motet is longer and farnoie cornplicated than any of the illustrations in Tinctoris'treatisei. Tinctoris conposed it as a practical example ofhis teachings, especially as expounded in his four tracts onnote values, irnpeifection, alteration, and proportions, andprovided it with rneticulous marginal annotations.

THE FROTTOLA AND THE UNWR]TTEN TMDITION:IMPROVISORS AND FROTTOLISTS AT NORTH ITALIAN COURTS

William PrizerUni.versity of California, Santa Barbara

The problern of the "unwritten tradition" in fifteenth-century Italy has drawn the attention of nany scholars, butprincipally that of Nino Pirrotta, who both defined the prob-1en and pointed toward a solution. Pirrotta has ca11ed theunwritten tradition "a sea of colors and sound" standingbetween the "is1and" of Trecento rnusic and the "nainland" ofwritten masterworks whicFEe Ttalians produced fron thesixteenth century onwards. On the basis of literary sources,docurnents, and paintings, as well as musical sources, it ispossible to denonstrate that the frottola of Mantua and otherNorth Italian courts began as a direct outgrowth of thispreviously improvised tradition.

This paper will show that the practice of playing thelute polyphonically, an apparent characteristic of frottolaperfornance, was known in Mantua by L470 and nust have beenused by the irnprovisors. Two letters written by a Mantuanstudent of the great Ferrarese inprovisor Pietrobono, whichlist the works the master lutenist taught hin, represent aparticularly irnportant discovery in this regard. With onlyone exception, these works can be found in the frottolarepertory, linking inextricably the inprovised practice withthe frottola.

Having established the early frottola as the notatedrecord of the previously unwritten tradition, this studyattenpts to describe the style of the later improvisors, notonly through docurnents and paintings, but also through anexanination of the approximately thirty anonynous settingsof the strambotti of the poet-improvisor Serafi.no da11'Aquilain NortilTfallan sources of 1490 to 1500. By combining con-tenporary descriptions of Serafino's performances with thestylistic characteristics of these strarnbotti, it may beposslble to see sornething of the sty-IE--end-ctua1 rnusicalcontent of the works of the later improvisors.

I{USICAL THEATER IN 18TH-CENTURY FRANCE, November 6, 3:00 p.m.

OPERA_CON{IQUE IN TRANSITION:EGIDIO DUNfTS LE PFIMRE AMOUREUX DE SON MODELE

Kent M. SnithCornell University

In one of two substantial nineteenth-century articleson Egidio Duni, Arthur Pougin described the composer as "1ecr6aieur v6ritable de 1'op6ra-comique. " Since then, Duni'srole in the developrnent of ej-ghteenth-century op6ra-conique

has been acknowledged in nany encyclopedic works on nusic.Nevertheless, Duni is the only inportant op6ra-conique corn-poser of his time who has not been the objEt oT a majorscholarly study during this century. This paper traces theevolution of the op6ra-comique at the Parisian fair theatersand the Th6atre Itali.en from 1753 to 1761. The traditionalvaudeville con6die, ln which new French texts were adaptedio popular Frerrciltunes (vaudeville tirnbres), gave way tothe pasticcio op6ra-conique with parodle ariettes, in whichnew Fieidh-TExTs were addEa to poplTar Itallan arlas importedby the Bouffons. This pasticcio op6ra-comique was replacedin turn by the com6die melEEfil ariettes,-Tn*-w[ich French textsre ce ived o r i g ina-f-fficaI s e t-i-g-.-by--French and I ta 1 i an corn -posers, including Duni, Laruette, Gibert, Phl1idor, Monsignyand Gr6try. Each of these stages of development will bei.llustrated through an exanple fron Duni's [,e peintre amoureuxde son modBle (1757), a hybrid, transitionaT-woFI in whTEtrlTltFre.e approaches coexist.

FRANZ BECK'S MELODRAMA PANDORE:THE MANNHE IM TRADIT ION INCOUNTE-RTROUSSEAU

Donald H. FosterCincinnati Conservatory

For nearly fifty years (ca. 1761-1809) the MannheirnerFranz Beck lived in Bordeaux, where as conductor of the city'sopera orchestra his attention shifted largely from thesyrnphony to theater music. Of his few remaining theatricalscores, the single nelodrama Pandore (1789) was his onlystage work to be published anil-lfie only one to receive itsfirst performance in Paris. It is a rare example--perhapsthe only remaining one--of the French rnelodrarna which fa11sbetween the first of the genre, Rousseau's Pygmalion (1,770),and nineteenth-century examples. These two-works resembleeach other in so many ways that the one is likely to havebeen rnodelled on the other. But whereas Pygnalion is by amusical dilettante, Pandore is clearly the worft of a skilledsyrnphonist. Beck's ovEiTiiie, of symphonic proportions anddesign, contains features typical of the Sturrn und Drang styleof his symphonies. The sixteen instrunentilrnoVEmentrinter-polated in the drarna itself reveal a theatrical as well as asyrnphonic mind at work. These movements, like those inPygmalion but in contrast to Georg Benda's melodranas of thesane period, never coincide with the spoken text, but aredesigned to accompany action. A few thenatic connectionsexist between the interludes and the overture, and both tonaland dramatic logic are evident in the overall forrn. Pandoresheds light both on Beck's syrnphonic style in later 13-Te,after he had ceased to compose synphonies, and on his abilitiesas a theater composer.

SEDAINE, GRETRY, AND THE COMPOSITIONoF OPERAS-COMTQUES

James B. KoppUniversitY of PennsYlvania

Andr6 I'lodeste Gr6try set ei.ght op6ra-cornique librettosby X'lichel Jean Sedaine in the period 7773 to 1793, includingtire famous Richard Coeur de Lion. Gr6try remarked in hisM6rnoires thatTFe situations Sedaine introduces are sorlmper6us" that Sedaine "forces the musician to take up newforrns in order to render his original characters." Sedaine,through his stage directions, conslstently made denands onGr6try that excecded those presented by typical op6ra-coniquelibrettos of the time, and the collaborative efforts of thetwo stand sorncwhat apart fron the usual "cornedy mingled wi thariettes" of the mid-eighteenth century.

This study focuses on five contexts i.n which the effectsof Sedaine's stage directions on Gr6try's musical settings areespecially clear or well-docurnented: the overture and intro-duttion, the entr'actes, the ritournelles of the arias, thevocal portions of the arias, tnilTron orle nunber to another.A new ilexibility of arla structure (Raou1 Barbe-b1eu), thesophisticatcd use of a recurring mo1iu" (B:Ftld Coeur deLlon), and dramatically effective uses of the overture (Le[]l,gnif iqr"r {u!g::,n "t Ni.olette, Richard Coeur de Lj-on[-eni r r a c t c ( Irqg !]Tiq, ",

-Ri-cTaFA;--Ra ouT,-_euf l I aun e Is DIa n d

r itourne I lc _Jf'laFnlTi4ueI- -a lI these "new Forms" a re shown to

owe tIElr orlETnaT conceptions to Sedaine's "imperioussituations. " Sedaine's tendency toward arnbitious stagedirections js rclated to dranatic precepts of Diderot ("Dela po6sie dramatique") and Beaumarchais (Eug6nie, "Essai sur1e genre dramatique s6rieux").

THE FIRST FRENCH VERSIONOF MOZART'S MARRIAGE OF FIGARO

Sherwood DudleyUniversi.ty of Californi.a, Santa Cruz

The first French perfornance of Mozart's Marriage ofFigaro--given at the Piris Op6ra on March 20,1733, at -[efuieIT of th" Revolution- -was presented as an op6ra-comique 'witf, the rccitctivcs rcplaced bv some of the oi-iginal-!'ra1-ogueof Beaurnarchais. This production has attracted the attentionof norc litcrary historians than nusicologists because sorne

scholars have believed that Beaumarchais hirnself wrote theFrench verses to the set numbers. The present paper showssuch a contention to be highly doubtful.

This paper addresses the following najor aspects of thesubj ect ' i1'defineation of the events leading up to. the pro-duciion, concentTating on Beaumarchaisrs role as artistj'csupervlior; 2) description of how Beaurnarchais first turned

into a five-act oP6ra-cornique,the Da Pontc-N'lozart Figarowh ich lnc luded rno s t oT-The play's dialogue ,lTmostllT of

has been acknowledged in nany encyclopedic works on nusic.Nevertheless, Duni is the only inportant op6ra-conique corn-poser of his time who has not been the objEt oT a majorscholarly study during this century. This paper traces theevolution of the op6ra-comique at the Parisian fair theatersand the Th6atre Itali.en from 1753 to 1761. The traditionalvaudeville con6die, ln which new French texts were adaptedio popular Frerrciltunes (vaudeville tirnbres), gave way tothe pasticcio op6ra-conique with parodle ariettes, in whichnew Fieidh-TExTs were addEa to poplTar Itallan arlas importedby the Bouffons. This pasticcio op6ra-comique was replacedin turn by the com6die melEEfil ariettes,-Tn*-w[ich French textsre ce ived o r i g ina-f-fficaI s e t-i-g-.-by--French and I ta 1 i an corn -posers, including Duni, Laruette, Gibert, Phl1idor, Monsignyand Gr6try. Each of these stages of development will bei.llustrated through an exanple fron Duni's [,e peintre amoureuxde son modBle (1757), a hybrid, transitionaT-woFI in whTEtrlTltFre.e approaches coexist.

FRANZ BECK'S MELODRAMA PANDORE:THE MANNHE IM TRADIT ION INCOUNTE-RTROUSSEAU

Donald H. FosterCincinnati Conservatory

For nearly fifty years (ca. 1761-1809) the MannheirnerFranz Beck lived in Bordeaux, where as conductor of the city'sopera orchestra his attention shifted largely from thesyrnphony to theater music. Of his few remaining theatricalscores, the single nelodrama Pandore (1789) was his onlystage work to be published anil-lfie only one to receive itsfirst performance in Paris. It is a rare example--perhapsthe only remaining one--of the French rnelodrarna which fa11sbetween the first of the genre, Rousseau's Pygmalion (1,770),and nineteenth-century examples. These two-works resembleeach other in so many ways that the one is likely to havebeen rnodelled on the other. But whereas Pygnalion is by amusical dilettante, Pandore is clearly the worft of a skilledsyrnphonist. Beck's ovEiTiiie, of symphonic proportions anddesign, contains features typical of the Sturrn und Drang styleof his symphonies. The sixteen instrunentilrnoVEmentrinter-polated in the drarna itself reveal a theatrical as well as asyrnphonic mind at work. These movements, like those inPygmalion but in contrast to Georg Benda's melodranas of thesane period, never coincide with the spoken text, but aredesigned to accompany action. A few thenatic connectionsexist between the interludes and the overture, and both tonaland dramatic logic are evident in the overall forrn. Pandoresheds light both on Beck's syrnphonic style in later 13-Te,after he had ceased to compose synphonies, and on his abilitiesas a theater composer.

SEDAINE, GRETRY, AND THE COMPOSITIONoF OPERAS-COMTQUES

James B. KoppUniversitY of PennsYlvania

Andr6 I'lodeste Gr6try set ei.ght op6ra-cornique librettosby X'lichel Jean Sedaine in the period 7773 to 1793, includingtire famous Richard Coeur de Lion. Gr6try remarked in hisM6rnoires thatTFe situations Sedaine introduces are sorlmper6us" that Sedaine "forces the musician to take up newforrns in order to render his original characters." Sedaine,through his stage directions, conslstently made denands onGr6try that excecded those presented by typical op6ra-coniquelibrettos of the time, and the collaborative efforts of thetwo stand sorncwhat apart fron the usual "cornedy mingled wi thariettes" of the mid-eighteenth century.

This study focuses on five contexts i.n which the effectsof Sedaine's stage directions on Gr6try's musical settings areespecially clear or well-docurnented: the overture and intro-duttion, the entr'actes, the ritournelles of the arias, thevocal portions of the arias, tnilTron orle nunber to another.A new ilexibility of arla structure (Raou1 Barbe-b1eu), thesophisticatcd use of a recurring mo1iu" (B:Ftld Coeur deLlon), and dramatically effective uses of the overture (Le[]l,gnif iqr"r {u!g::,n "t Ni.olette, Richard Coeur de Lj-on[-eni r r a c t c ( Irqg !]Tiq, ",

-Ri-cTaFA;--Ra ouT,-_euf l I aun e Is DIa n d

r itourne I lc _Jf'laFnlTi4ueI- -a lI these "new Forms" a re shown to

owe tIElr orlETnaT conceptions to Sedaine's "imperioussituations. " Sedaine's tendency toward arnbitious stagedirections js rclated to dranatic precepts of Diderot ("Dela po6sie dramatique") and Beaumarchais (Eug6nie, "Essai sur1e genre dramatique s6rieux").

THE FIRST FRENCH VERSIONOF MOZART'S MARRIAGE OF FIGARO

Sherwood DudleyUniversi.ty of Californi.a, Santa Cruz

The first French perfornance of Mozart's Marriage ofFigaro--given at the Piris Op6ra on March 20,1733, at -[efuieIT of th" Revolution- -was presented as an op6ra-comique 'witf, the rccitctivcs rcplaced bv some of the oi-iginal-!'ra1-ogueof Beaurnarchais. This production has attracted the attentionof norc litcrary historians than nusicologists because sorne

scholars have believed that Beaumarchais hirnself wrote theFrench verses to the set numbers. The present paper showssuch a contention to be highly doubtful.

This paper addresses the following najor aspects of thesubj ect ' i1'defineation of the events leading up to. the pro-duciion, concentTating on Beaumarchaisrs role as artistj'csupervlior; 2) description of how Beaurnarchais first turned

into a five-act oP6ra-cornique,the Da Pontc-N'lozart Figarowh ich lnc luded rno s t oT-The play's dialogue ,lTmostllT of

Mozartts nusic, two entr'actes and an extended ba11et in thernarriage scene (with interpolated arj-as whose rnusic carne fromDon Giovanni and Cosl fan tutte); 3) reconstruction of the wayin wE-iE6-Te aurnarcElll5 reduc ed-th i s I on g, curnbe r s ome ve r s i oninto a four-act op6ra-cornique, cutting extensive portions ofhis dialogue and-Ei-tTre-rnusfEal numbers, sometines in a sur-prising way;4) brief cornmentary on the drarnatic inplicationsof Beaurnarchais's changes in dialogue.

BEETHOVEN: MENDELSSOHN, Novenber 6,3:00 p.m.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE IIDIABELLIII VARIATIONSAND ITS EVOLUT]ON

William KindernanUniversity of California, Berkeley

Beethovenrs sketches and drafts for the "Diabe1li"Variations, Op. 120, shed new light on the genesis and organi-zation of this, his greatest set of variations. Reconstructionand analysis of material fron the Wittgenstein Sketchbook anda set of loose drafts used contemporaneously with it revealthat a plan for the whole set, cornprising twenty-three vari-ations, was finished by 1819, This source study thusnecessitates a revision in the previously accepted chronologyfor the conposition of 0p. 120, and also provides the basisfor an analytical study of the Variations. When Beethovenreturned to the conposition of Op. IZ0 at the end of 1822 andduring the first nonths of 1823, he introduced innovations inforn not evident in the earlier drafts, producing a percepti-ble dernarcation in style between certain of the variations,This paper will also explore the issues of large-sca1e fornand linear connections between successive variations in theset. Analysis of the entire work based on the idea ofvariation groupings, such as have been proposed by numerouswriters, will be shown to rest on an inadequate methodologicalfoundation. An assessment will be made of the relationshipbetween the analysis of cornpositional principles in thefinished work and Beethovents sketches and drafts for 0p. 120as documents preserving a creative process.

BEETHOVEN'S DIABELLI VARIAT]ONS :

PERFORMANCE IMPLIEETTONS IN_TE'E-SRE-TCHES

Judith K. Rade11Universitv of Illinois

Studies of Beethoven's sketches have generally beendirected toward an understanding of the compositional process.This paper exarnines the inplicaiions of the revisions in thesketches and drafts of the Thirty-three Variation-s on a.Waltzby A. Diabelli, 0p. I20, for the performance of the work.

Following a brief discussion of the chronologi'ca1problerns and Iheir solution, the paper will denonstrate that'an understanding of the growth of- the work from early sketchesto autograph can lead to interpretive decisions affectingsignifiiant details of dynarnics, rhythrn and texture. More-ovEr, certain kinds of revisions--sectional expansions andcontiactions, for instance- -may have inplications for. theperforrner's connunication of the larger structure of indi-vidualvar iat ions .

MENDELSSOHN'S STUDY OF CHORALE

R. Larry ToddDuke UniversitY

At the age of ten Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy undertooka regular couise of conpositional instruction under CarlFrief,rich ZeLter in Beriin. A workbook containing Mendelssohnrsexercises fron 1819-1821 survives in the Margaret DenekeMendelssohn Collection at Oxford. Well over a hundred pagesln length, this manuscript is organized into distinct sectionsdevotei to figured bass,- chorale, invertible counterpoint,canon, and fugue. The nanuscript also contains several un-publiihed pieEes by Mendelssohn, sorne of which probably..i"p.".".tt iris earliest surviving compositions. The workbookdelnonstrates convincingly that [{endelssohnrs training had itsioott ln eighteenth-c"it.try theory--specifically, il t-he wo:rkof importani Berlin musiclans such as Kirnberger and Marpurg,who were devoted admirers of the teaching and music of J' S'Bach. As such, Mendelssohn's workbook ii an important thoughunrecognized source, offering important infornation aboutMendelisohn's developnent and about the preservation andrevival of the Bach tradition in the nineteenth century as well'

A sizeable portion of the workbook is filled withchorale exercisei, including studies in unernbellished andernbellished four-part chorale sty1e, chorale exercises inwhich the given cirorale rnelody is assigned to voices. otherthan the s6pruno, and exerci.ses that appear to have been.freely compbsed. Six such chorales are set to texts that rnay

now be ide;tified fron the Geistliche Oden und Lieder of C'F. c"rl"tt (1758) , whose poetry @re?-nurnerou5 settingsby J. A. Hiiler,'C, P. E.- Bach, Haydn, Beethoven, and Loewe'Mbndelssohn's exercises reveal in detail his youthful attemptto master the Bachian chorale style' anC explain in no smal1way the conposer's lifelong attraction to the chora-1e, whichwould figurb proninently not only in Mendelssohn's cantatas,oratorlo;, and other sacred works, but also in secularconpositions such as the Refornation Syrnphony or the secondpiano trio.

Mozartts nusic, two entr'actes and an extended ba11et in thernarriage scene (with interpolated arj-as whose rnusic carne fromDon Giovanni and Cosl fan tutte); 3) reconstruction of the wayin wE-iE6-Te aurnarcElll5 reduc ed-th i s I on g, curnbe r s ome ve r s i oninto a four-act op6ra-cornique, cutting extensive portions ofhis dialogue and-Ei-tTre-rnusfEal numbers, sometines in a sur-prising way;4) brief cornmentary on the drarnatic inplicationsof Beaurnarchais's changes in dialogue.

BEETHOVEN: MENDELSSOHN, Novenber 6,3:00 p.m.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE IIDIABELLIII VARIATIONSAND ITS EVOLUT]ON

William KindernanUniversity of California, Berkeley

Beethovenrs sketches and drafts for the "Diabe1li"Variations, Op. 120, shed new light on the genesis and organi-zation of this, his greatest set of variations. Reconstructionand analysis of material fron the Wittgenstein Sketchbook anda set of loose drafts used contemporaneously with it revealthat a plan for the whole set, cornprising twenty-three vari-ations, was finished by 1819, This source study thusnecessitates a revision in the previously accepted chronologyfor the conposition of 0p. 120, and also provides the basisfor an analytical study of the Variations. When Beethovenreturned to the conposition of Op. IZ0 at the end of 1822 andduring the first nonths of 1823, he introduced innovations inforn not evident in the earlier drafts, producing a percepti-ble dernarcation in style between certain of the variations,This paper will also explore the issues of large-sca1e fornand linear connections between successive variations in theset. Analysis of the entire work based on the idea ofvariation groupings, such as have been proposed by numerouswriters, will be shown to rest on an inadequate methodologicalfoundation. An assessment will be made of the relationshipbetween the analysis of cornpositional principles in thefinished work and Beethovents sketches and drafts for 0p. 120as documents preserving a creative process.

BEETHOVEN'S DIABELLI VARIAT]ONS :

PERFORMANCE IMPLIEETTONS IN_TE'E-SRE-TCHES

Judith K. Rade11Universitv of Illinois

Studies of Beethoven's sketches have generally beendirected toward an understanding of the compositional process.This paper exarnines the inplicaiions of the revisions in thesketches and drafts of the Thirty-three Variation-s on a.Waltzby A. Diabelli, 0p. I20, for the performance of the work.

Following a brief discussion of the chronologi'ca1problerns and Iheir solution, the paper will denonstrate that'an understanding of the growth of- the work from early sketchesto autograph can lead to interpretive decisions affectingsignifiiant details of dynarnics, rhythrn and texture. More-ovEr, certain kinds of revisions--sectional expansions andcontiactions, for instance- -may have inplications for. theperforrner's connunication of the larger structure of indi-vidualvar iat ions .

MENDELSSOHN'S STUDY OF CHORALE

R. Larry ToddDuke UniversitY

At the age of ten Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy undertooka regular couise of conpositional instruction under CarlFrief,rich ZeLter in Beriin. A workbook containing Mendelssohnrsexercises fron 1819-1821 survives in the Margaret DenekeMendelssohn Collection at Oxford. Well over a hundred pagesln length, this manuscript is organized into distinct sectionsdevotei to figured bass,- chorale, invertible counterpoint,canon, and fugue. The nanuscript also contains several un-publiihed pieEes by Mendelssohn, sorne of which probably..i"p.".".tt iris earliest surviving compositions. The workbookdelnonstrates convincingly that [{endelssohnrs training had itsioott ln eighteenth-c"it.try theory--specifically, il t-he wo:rkof importani Berlin musiclans such as Kirnberger and Marpurg,who were devoted admirers of the teaching and music of J' S'Bach. As such, Mendelssohn's workbook ii an important thoughunrecognized source, offering important infornation aboutMendelisohn's developnent and about the preservation andrevival of the Bach tradition in the nineteenth century as well'

A sizeable portion of the workbook is filled withchorale exercisei, including studies in unernbellished andernbellished four-part chorale sty1e, chorale exercises inwhich the given cirorale rnelody is assigned to voices. otherthan the s6pruno, and exerci.ses that appear to have been.freely compbsed. Six such chorales are set to texts that rnay

now be ide;tified fron the Geistliche Oden und Lieder of C'F. c"rl"tt (1758) , whose poetry @re?-nurnerou5 settingsby J. A. Hiiler,'C, P. E.- Bach, Haydn, Beethoven, and Loewe'Mbndelssohn's exercises reveal in detail his youthful attemptto master the Bachian chorale style' anC explain in no smal1way the conposer's lifelong attraction to the chora-1e, whichwould figurb proninently not only in Mendelssohn's cantatas,oratorlo;, and other sacred works, but also in secularconpositions such as the Refornation Syrnphony or the secondpiano trio.

THE ROMANTIC MTNDELSSOHN:THE COMPOSITION OF DIE ERSTE WALPURGISNACHT

Douglass SeatonFlorida State University

Anong the works of Felix Mendelssohn, Op, 60, the settingfor chorus, soloists, and orchestra of Goethe's Dle ersteWalpurgisnacht, is probably the most Romantic boah-in con-cep-tlon-and sty1e. The present study re-exanines the work inthe light of contemporary musical and prose docurnents.

Fortunately, numerous letters survive which deal with thecomposition of ryq]lqrgrlnglnt, Sorne of these deal very spe-cif ically with Che cornaroos-eir artistic and technical problerns,a rare occurrence in Mendelssohnts correspondence. In addition,though one najor autograph source is rnissing, enough of, thesketch and draft naterial has been preserved to permit athorough overview of the compositional growth of the piece.

The present paper first outlines the compositional chro-nology of Op. 60, from its conception in 1830 to its conpletionin 1843. It also conments on the irnplications of the artisticconception, the growth of the piece, and its sty1e, for areconsideration of the irnage of Mendelssohn as a "classicistic"nineteenth- century colnposer.

STUDY SESSION: THE FUTURE OF DEBUSSY RESEARCH,

Novenber 6, 3:00 p.rn.

DEBUSSY

Franqo i sB ib 1 io th€que

[No abstract

IN 1980

Lesurenat i onale

availablel

THE SOURCES OF DOUZE ETUDES

Willian J. PetersonPornona College

The study of available manuscripts pertaining to DouzeEtudes gives only a partial view of Debussy's conpositf6nEfprocess because nany sources still renain in private col-lections, often beyond reach of the scholar. The number ofaccessible folios, though not 1arge, includes short sketchesfor 6tudes I, IV, VII, X, and XII, one conplete draft (apresentation copy of "pour les Sixtes"), one collection offolios for an 6tude "pour les Arpdges cornpos6s" which wasnever published, and the fair copy used by Durand for the1916 print.

A cornparison of the rnanuscript of the unpublished "pourles ArpFges composds" with 6tude XI (also titled "pour 1esArpEgei Eonpos6s"; sheds some light on Debussy's.compositionalptbcStt. I^wi11 argue first that DebussY, in-writing,6trrdeXI, had occasion to profit fron his work on the unpublishedpiece, and secondly that 6tude XI brings_ into focus_atlassicj,zing aspect of the composer which the unpublishedpiece in its present forn does not reveal.

TOWARD A DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF DEBUSSY'S MUSIC

Arthur B. WenkUniversity of Pittsburgh

In recent years stylistic analysis in music has novedfron the isolation of individual elements of a composer'slanguage to a nore systematic forrnal description of.thattanlua!e, nodelled on current developrnents in linguistics.n a6sciiptive granmar of Debussy's music goes beyond theidentification of special scales, para11e1 chords pro-gressions, pedal points, and the 1ike, to "parser the entirernus i cal s tructure .

The test of such a grammar is that it be not only de-scriptive but also generltive' If Debussy's language can bewell described--if one can identify not only the elernents ofDebussy's vocabulary but also the grannatical rules governingtheir interaction--it should be possible to prograrn a cornputerto sirnulate Debussy's style, in rnuch the way that coun-terpointstudents are taught to sinulate Palestrina's sty1e. flt:validity of the descriptive granlnar is tested by its abilityto produce examples of Debussy-1ike nusical statenents' to a

to1'erable level of acceptance' Several such examples 9!-conputer-generated sinuiations will be presented, in additionto an outline of Debussy's grarnmar.

REPORT ON THE ACT]VIT]ES OF THEGROUPE DE RECHERCHES EN SEMIOLOGlE MUSICALE

"ii3:;{?;9";: il3;:l:;'

Why musical semiotics? The problen of style.and itsvarious'nethods of description. Debussy's style in musi-cological writings.

The seniotical project in 1974. FroTn taxonornic analysisand Ruwetian nethods-to seriation and Molino's theory ofsemiotics. Specificity of the work done by Marcelle-,Guertin'Sinilar reseaiches on the virginalists by Elisabeth Morin'

Positive and negative aspects of our research in itspresent state. Unresolved problens. An outlook on the future'

THE ROMANTIC MTNDELSSOHN:THE COMPOSITION OF DIE ERSTE WALPURGISNACHT

Douglass SeatonFlorida State University

Anong the works of Felix Mendelssohn, Op, 60, the settingfor chorus, soloists, and orchestra of Goethe's Dle ersteWalpurgisnacht, is probably the most Romantic boah-in con-cep-tlon-and sty1e. The present study re-exanines the work inthe light of contemporary musical and prose docurnents.

Fortunately, numerous letters survive which deal with thecomposition of ryq]lqrgrlnglnt, Sorne of these deal very spe-cif ically with Che cornaroos-eir artistic and technical problerns,a rare occurrence in Mendelssohnts correspondence. In addition,though one najor autograph source is rnissing, enough of, thesketch and draft naterial has been preserved to permit athorough overview of the compositional growth of the piece.

The present paper first outlines the compositional chro-nology of Op. 60, from its conception in 1830 to its conpletionin 1843. It also conments on the irnplications of the artisticconception, the growth of the piece, and its sty1e, for areconsideration of the irnage of Mendelssohn as a "classicistic"nineteenth- century colnposer.

STUDY SESSION: THE FUTURE OF DEBUSSY RESEARCH,

Novenber 6, 3:00 p.rn.

DEBUSSY

Franqo i sB ib 1 io th€que

[No abstract

IN 1980

Lesurenat i onale

availablel

THE SOURCES OF DOUZE ETUDES

Willian J. PetersonPornona College

The study of available manuscripts pertaining to DouzeEtudes gives only a partial view of Debussy's conpositf6nEfprocess because nany sources still renain in private col-lections, often beyond reach of the scholar. The number ofaccessible folios, though not 1arge, includes short sketchesfor 6tudes I, IV, VII, X, and XII, one conplete draft (apresentation copy of "pour les Sixtes"), one collection offolios for an 6tude "pour les Arpdges cornpos6s" which wasnever published, and the fair copy used by Durand for the1916 print.

A cornparison of the rnanuscript of the unpublished "pourles ArpFges composds" with 6tude XI (also titled "pour 1esArpEgei Eonpos6s"; sheds some light on Debussy's.compositionalptbcStt. I^wi11 argue first that DebussY, in-writing,6trrdeXI, had occasion to profit fron his work on the unpublishedpiece, and secondly that 6tude XI brings_ into focus_atlassicj,zing aspect of the composer which the unpublishedpiece in its present forn does not reveal.

TOWARD A DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF DEBUSSY'S MUSIC

Arthur B. WenkUniversity of Pittsburgh

In recent years stylistic analysis in music has novedfron the isolation of individual elements of a composer'slanguage to a nore systematic forrnal description of.thattanlua!e, nodelled on current developrnents in linguistics.n a6sciiptive granmar of Debussy's music goes beyond theidentification of special scales, para11e1 chords pro-gressions, pedal points, and the 1ike, to "parser the entirernus i cal s tructure .

The test of such a grammar is that it be not only de-scriptive but also generltive' If Debussy's language can bewell described--if one can identify not only the elernents ofDebussy's vocabulary but also the grannatical rules governingtheir interaction--it should be possible to prograrn a cornputerto sirnulate Debussy's style, in rnuch the way that coun-terpointstudents are taught to sinulate Palestrina's sty1e. flt:validity of the descriptive granlnar is tested by its abilityto produce examples of Debussy-1ike nusical statenents' to a

to1'erable level of acceptance' Several such examples 9!-conputer-generated sinuiations will be presented, in additionto an outline of Debussy's grarnmar.

REPORT ON THE ACT]VIT]ES OF THEGROUPE DE RECHERCHES EN SEMIOLOGlE MUSICALE

"ii3:;{?;9";: il3;:l:;'

Why musical semiotics? The problen of style.and itsvarious'nethods of description. Debussy's style in musi-cological writings.

The seniotical project in 1974. FroTn taxonornic analysisand Ruwetian nethods-to seriation and Molino's theory ofsemiotics. Specificity of the work done by Marcelle-,Guertin'Sinilar reseaiches on the virginalists by Elisabeth Morin'

Positive and negative aspects of our research in itspresent state. Unresolved problens. An outlook on the future'

DEBUSSYIS PRELUDES FOR PIANO: A QUESTION OF STYLE

Marcelle GuertinUniversitd de Montr6al

The structural logic underlying the najority of Debussianthemes emerges clearly from a general fornal nodel that we canpropose on the basis of an analysis of all the thenes of bothbooks of Debussyrs Piano Preludes. This rnodel is essentiallybased on the concepts of distribution and function, appliedto paradiginatically segnented units, After segnenting eachthene into melodico-rhythnic units, we have studied the re-lationships between these units, exarnining the processes whichensure a continuity fTorn one unit to the next, and guaranteehomogeneity throughout the therne.

Paradigmatization was already infornative: becauseparadigms are inevitably reduced to a single equivalenceaxis, it becornes obvious that each unit derives frorn the pre-ceding one(s). It seens that Debussy indeed elaborates histhenes with astonishing econorny of rneans and he uses theprinciple of repetition as a basis of construction. Severalquestions arise: l) where in a theme do these different typesof repetitions occur? 2) to which kinds of units are theyapplied? 3) in which order are they used?

Serialization of all the thernes shows that nost of thenfol1ow the same patterns of organization. Thus, it becomespossible to elicit rules and a general formal mode1, repre-sentative of the more typical Debussy thernes. Our nodelreflects two levels of analysis:. at a first 1eve1, there isa specific nodel for the exposition of the thenes, as firstheard in each prelude. The second 1eve1 illustrates theevolution of the structure of a thene throughout the piece.

DEBUSSY AND THE PRE-RAPHAELITES

Richard L, SnithLondon Universlty

INo abstract available]

ITALIANATE CHANT, November 7 , 9:00 a.rn.

A NEW SOURCE FOR OLD BENEVENTAN CTIANT

John BoeUniversity of Arizona

More than forty years ago Dom Hesbert catalogued thechief remnants from the Old Beneventan liturgy--nane1y, melo-dies for the propers of eighteen masses preserved as

alternatives to Gregorian rnelodies, and parts of two othernasses frorn an older source. A new source for six piecesfrorn the Old Beneventan liturgy has recently come to light:an early eleventh-century manuscript now in the BlbliotecaApostolica Vaticana. In addition to five Old Beneventanmelodies previously known cornplete fron only one other soutce,this collection of rnonastic liturgical itens contains one newmelody. The chants appear near the end of a section of thernanuscript devoted to the naundy or foot-washing ceremony,where they are suggested as alternatives "secundum arnbrosiano"to a Gregorian series of antiphons. The importance of asecond and superior reading for the five rnelodies previouslyknown only fron MS. Benevento VI. 40 hardly needs stressing.Different successions of neumes are sometimes used in the twornanuscripts to record the same notes, suggesting that neitherrnanuscript could have been copied directly frorn the other; butboth versions record the same melodic tradition fron themonastery of Santa Sophia in Benevento. The agreernent of thetwo manuscripts with regard to the five pieces comnon to bothmakes it likely that the sixth piece, Gloriosus confessorDornini Benedictus, found only in the new source, was aTsoemployeZt as an oEfertory or conlnunion in a lost O1d Beneventanrnass for St. Benedict.

A PERSPECTIVE OF THE SOUTHERN ITALIAN SEQUENCE:THE SECOND TONARY OF THE MS MONTECASSINO 318

Lance W. BrunnerUniversity of KentuckY

The rnanuscript Montecassino, Archivio 318 provides awealth of inforrnation for the study of the sequence. Inaddition to theoretical treatises, it contains two largetonaries. The sequences contained therein offer a uniqueperspective of the genre in Southern ItaTy, both withrespect to repertory and tonal organization.

The 119 pieces comprise the largest collection of se-quences found in any single Italian rnanuscript. FTom thiscollection one can analyze the regional rnake-up of therepertory based on the origins of the texts. Several piecesannear to be unica. A nunber of others are found here thatweie previousfy-Tnown only in manuscripts north of the A1ps.The presence of these pieces in Southern Italy raisesquestions about their origin and the cross-pollination betweencultural centers of different regions. The variety of piecesdesi.gnated sequences in the collection--several prosulas andtropes as well as sequences--suggests how broadly the genrewas defined by the compiler of the tonary.

The arrangement of the pieces according to mode raisesseveral questions concerning tonal organization. Which nelo-dies are included? On what bases are they assigned tospecific modes? How are the rnelodies arranged within eachnodet Are sequence melodies with a number of texts enteredonly once? Or are there entries for each text? Why arecertain pieces conmonly found in nost Southern Italian rnanu-scripts ornitted frorn the tonary?

DEBUSSYIS PRELUDES FOR PIANO: A QUESTION OF STYLE

Marcelle GuertinUniversitd de Montr6al

The structural logic underlying the najority of Debussianthemes emerges clearly from a general fornal nodel that we canpropose on the basis of an analysis of all the thenes of bothbooks of Debussyrs Piano Preludes. This rnodel is essentiallybased on the concepts of distribution and function, appliedto paradiginatically segnented units, After segnenting eachthene into melodico-rhythnic units, we have studied the re-lationships between these units, exarnining the processes whichensure a continuity fTorn one unit to the next, and guaranteehomogeneity throughout the therne.

Paradigmatization was already infornative: becauseparadigms are inevitably reduced to a single equivalenceaxis, it becornes obvious that each unit derives frorn the pre-ceding one(s). It seens that Debussy indeed elaborates histhenes with astonishing econorny of rneans and he uses theprinciple of repetition as a basis of construction. Severalquestions arise: l) where in a theme do these different typesof repetitions occur? 2) to which kinds of units are theyapplied? 3) in which order are they used?

Serialization of all the thernes shows that nost of thenfol1ow the same patterns of organization. Thus, it becomespossible to elicit rules and a general formal mode1, repre-sentative of the more typical Debussy thernes. Our nodelreflects two levels of analysis:. at a first 1eve1, there isa specific nodel for the exposition of the thenes, as firstheard in each prelude. The second 1eve1 illustrates theevolution of the structure of a thene throughout the piece.

DEBUSSY AND THE PRE-RAPHAELITES

Richard L, SnithLondon Universlty

INo abstract available]

ITALIANATE CHANT, November 7 , 9:00 a.rn.

A NEW SOURCE FOR OLD BENEVENTAN CTIANT

John BoeUniversity of Arizona

More than forty years ago Dom Hesbert catalogued thechief remnants from the Old Beneventan liturgy--nane1y, melo-dies for the propers of eighteen masses preserved as

alternatives to Gregorian rnelodies, and parts of two othernasses frorn an older source. A new source for six piecesfrorn the Old Beneventan liturgy has recently come to light:an early eleventh-century manuscript now in the BlbliotecaApostolica Vaticana. In addition to five Old Beneventanmelodies previously known cornplete fron only one other soutce,this collection of rnonastic liturgical itens contains one newmelody. The chants appear near the end of a section of thernanuscript devoted to the naundy or foot-washing ceremony,where they are suggested as alternatives "secundum arnbrosiano"to a Gregorian series of antiphons. The importance of asecond and superior reading for the five rnelodies previouslyknown only fron MS. Benevento VI. 40 hardly needs stressing.Different successions of neumes are sometimes used in the twornanuscripts to record the same notes, suggesting that neitherrnanuscript could have been copied directly frorn the other; butboth versions record the same melodic tradition fron themonastery of Santa Sophia in Benevento. The agreernent of thetwo manuscripts with regard to the five pieces comnon to bothmakes it likely that the sixth piece, Gloriosus confessorDornini Benedictus, found only in the new source, was aTsoemployeZt as an oEfertory or conlnunion in a lost O1d Beneventanrnass for St. Benedict.

A PERSPECTIVE OF THE SOUTHERN ITALIAN SEQUENCE:THE SECOND TONARY OF THE MS MONTECASSINO 318

Lance W. BrunnerUniversity of KentuckY

The rnanuscript Montecassino, Archivio 318 provides awealth of inforrnation for the study of the sequence. Inaddition to theoretical treatises, it contains two largetonaries. The sequences contained therein offer a uniqueperspective of the genre in Southern ItaTy, both withrespect to repertory and tonal organization.

The 119 pieces comprise the largest collection of se-quences found in any single Italian rnanuscript. FTom thiscollection one can analyze the regional rnake-up of therepertory based on the origins of the texts. Several piecesannear to be unica. A nunber of others are found here thatweie previousfy-Tnown only in manuscripts north of the A1ps.The presence of these pieces in Southern Italy raisesquestions about their origin and the cross-pollination betweencultural centers of different regions. The variety of piecesdesi.gnated sequences in the collection--several prosulas andtropes as well as sequences--suggests how broadly the genrewas defined by the compiler of the tonary.

The arrangement of the pieces according to mode raisesseveral questions concerning tonal organization. Which nelo-dies are included? On what bases are they assigned tospecific modes? How are the rnelodies arranged within eachnodet Are sequence melodies with a number of texts enteredonly once? Or are there entries for each text? Why arecertain pieces conmonly found in nost Southern Italian rnanu-scripts ornitted frorn the tonary?

ITALIAN TROPE REPERTORIES

Alejandro E. planchartUniversity of California, Santa Barbara

The traditional view of the Italian contribution to thedevelopnent of the trope repertories, expressed by ClenensBlume in Vols. 47 and 49 of the Analecta hvrnnica and reflectedin most of the l iterature unt i1 iecEnT-ll,*iFthat tropes wereessentially foreign to Italy and that those works found inItalian rnanuscripts are probably imports frorn the north andrelatively late,

This view was colored by two factors: first, the actualabsence of lndependent Tropers frorn most Italian centers; andsecond, Blunets own despair over the texts of the repertoryof the south Italian and Beneventan sources, which could havepointed hin toward an understanding of the Italian repertoriesas part of an independent tTadition. The rnixture of extrernerefinenent of expression and a curiously corrupt latinity sodefeated Bluners efforts to come to terms with the Beneventantropes that he sinply ignored all Beneventan sources for hisedition of the Proper tropes in Vo1. 49 of the Analecta.

Recent work on trope repertories has revealed not onlyin Benevento, but also in several north Italian centers, acore of works that seem to be native to Ita1y. These pieces,even if they evolved in irnitation of northern nodels, showseveral distinct stylistic trai-ts usually absent fron thetropes of the north. These traits pernit a differentiationbetween a general north Italian sty1e, closer in many respectsto the inported repertories, and a south Italian style showingcharacteristics sirnply not found in any of the other Europeanrepertories.

I hope to show how the Italian styles may have evolved,since we have manuscripts that reflect virtually every possiblestage. In addition, I will descrlbe in some detail whatappears to be nost characteristic of the central and southItalian tropes, which are the rnost individual of the localItalian repertories.

A COMPAMTIVE STUDY OF PLAIN_CHANT

Hendril< Van der WerfEastman School of Music

Iletailed comparison of a good number of melodies inRornan, Ambrosian, and various "dialects" of Gregorian chantreveals several inportant similarities, which clearly pointto a relationship between the repertories in general, a1-though certain rnelodies rnay belong to only one of them. Atthe same ti.rne, the differences anong the repertories rnakeit seen very unlikely that any of the extant repertories wasthe parent of the other extant ones. Instead, it seerns nost1ikely that they had a cornnon ancestor and that each reper-tory acquired its own characteristics in the course of adevelopment which nay well have taken several centurles,

RENAISSANCE STYLES AND SOURCES, Novenber 7, 9:00 a.n.

THE FRANCO-FLEMISH CHANSON:A STYLISTIC OR GEOGRAPHICAL DESIGNATION?

Kristine K. ForneyUniversity of California, Long Beach

The Franco-Flernish chanson has received widely-varyingscholarly interpretations. It has been described, on the onehand, as "a Flemish interlude" between the two French schoolsof the century, and on the other, as I'a brief intermezzo" inthe developnent of the chanson fron Josquin to Lassus.Lawrence Bernstein has questioned the validity of this rigldgeographic dichotony in chanson history, established nearlyfifty years ago by Denes Bartha. Bernstein convincinglyappraises the chanson published in Paris by Pierre Attaingnantas an international repertory representing a "confluence ofcurrents.t' While works of Franco-Flenish conposers werecertainly published in Paris prior to the establishrnent ofrnusic printing firms in the Low Countries, the interrelation-ship of chanson publications between the t\.{o gcographiclocations afte'r 1542, when Antwerp assumed a competitiveposition as a nusic publishing center, renains to be explored.

Between 1543 and 1560 Tielnan Susato was responsible forthe publication of twenty-two books of chansons which havereceived little attention fron rnodern scholars. Indeed, incharacterizing Northern chanson sty1e, one speaks principallyof the works of Thomas Crecquillon, Jacobus Clenens andNicolas Gornbert. This paper investigates the elernents whichdefine the Franco-Flernish chanson style of numerous lesser-known nasters, as well as that of those composers rnentionedabove. As a reciprocal view of the genre fron Antwerp toParis, this study will atternpt to isolate geographic centersof conposition and cross-currents of influence between thetwo publishing centers.

THE MIJSTC I{ANUSCRIPTS OF THE F{ERWART LIBRARY:THE USE OF PALEOGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE

TO DEFINE AND REUNITE A RENAISSANCE COLLECTION

JoAnn TaricaniUniversity of Pennsylvania

The library of the Herwart fanily in Renaissance Augsburgcontained approximately twenty nanuscripts of Franco-Netherlandish music, compiled for the nost part in the 1540's and 1550's.A study of the paLeographical features of these rnanuscriptsyields a set of comnon physical characteristics, useful notonly in defining the nature of these sources, but also inidentifying other rnanuscripts of obscure origin that nust haveoriginated in the Herwart library. That the library served asthe point of origin rather than nerely as a collection pointfor the manuscripts nay be ascertained by codicological and

ITALIAN TROPE REPERTORIES

Alejandro E. planchartUniversity of California, Santa Barbara

The traditional view of the Italian contribution to thedevelopnent of the trope repertories, expressed by ClenensBlume in Vols. 47 and 49 of the Analecta hvrnnica and reflectedin most of the l iterature unt i1 iecEnT-ll,*iFthat tropes wereessentially foreign to Italy and that those works found inItalian rnanuscripts are probably imports frorn the north andrelatively late,

This view was colored by two factors: first, the actualabsence of lndependent Tropers frorn most Italian centers; andsecond, Blunets own despair over the texts of the repertoryof the south Italian and Beneventan sources, which could havepointed hin toward an understanding of the Italian repertoriesas part of an independent tTadition. The rnixture of extrernerefinenent of expression and a curiously corrupt latinity sodefeated Bluners efforts to come to terms with the Beneventantropes that he sinply ignored all Beneventan sources for hisedition of the Proper tropes in Vo1. 49 of the Analecta.

Recent work on trope repertories has revealed not onlyin Benevento, but also in several north Italian centers, acore of works that seem to be native to Ita1y. These pieces,even if they evolved in irnitation of northern nodels, showseveral distinct stylistic trai-ts usually absent fron thetropes of the north. These traits pernit a differentiationbetween a general north Italian sty1e, closer in many respectsto the inported repertories, and a south Italian style showingcharacteristics sirnply not found in any of the other Europeanrepertories.

I hope to show how the Italian styles may have evolved,since we have manuscripts that reflect virtually every possiblestage. In addition, I will descrlbe in some detail whatappears to be nost characteristic of the central and southItalian tropes, which are the rnost individual of the localItalian repertories.

A COMPAMTIVE STUDY OF PLAIN_CHANT

Hendril< Van der WerfEastman School of Music

Iletailed comparison of a good number of melodies inRornan, Ambrosian, and various "dialects" of Gregorian chantreveals several inportant similarities, which clearly pointto a relationship between the repertories in general, a1-though certain rnelodies rnay belong to only one of them. Atthe same ti.rne, the differences anong the repertories rnakeit seen very unlikely that any of the extant repertories wasthe parent of the other extant ones. Instead, it seerns nost1ikely that they had a cornnon ancestor and that each reper-tory acquired its own characteristics in the course of adevelopment which nay well have taken several centurles,

RENAISSANCE STYLES AND SOURCES, Novenber 7, 9:00 a.n.

THE FRANCO-FLEMISH CHANSON:A STYLISTIC OR GEOGRAPHICAL DESIGNATION?

Kristine K. ForneyUniversity of California, Long Beach

The Franco-Flernish chanson has received widely-varyingscholarly interpretations. It has been described, on the onehand, as "a Flemish interlude" between the two French schoolsof the century, and on the other, as I'a brief intermezzo" inthe developnent of the chanson fron Josquin to Lassus.Lawrence Bernstein has questioned the validity of this rigldgeographic dichotony in chanson history, established nearlyfifty years ago by Denes Bartha. Bernstein convincinglyappraises the chanson published in Paris by Pierre Attaingnantas an international repertory representing a "confluence ofcurrents.t' While works of Franco-Flenish conposers werecertainly published in Paris prior to the establishrnent ofrnusic printing firms in the Low Countries, the interrelation-ship of chanson publications between the t\.{o gcographiclocations afte'r 1542, when Antwerp assumed a competitiveposition as a nusic publishing center, renains to be explored.

Between 1543 and 1560 Tielnan Susato was responsible forthe publication of twenty-two books of chansons which havereceived little attention fron rnodern scholars. Indeed, incharacterizing Northern chanson sty1e, one speaks principallyof the works of Thomas Crecquillon, Jacobus Clenens andNicolas Gornbert. This paper investigates the elernents whichdefine the Franco-Flernish chanson style of numerous lesser-known nasters, as well as that of those composers rnentionedabove. As a reciprocal view of the genre fron Antwerp toParis, this study will atternpt to isolate geographic centersof conposition and cross-currents of influence between thetwo publishing centers.

THE MIJSTC I{ANUSCRIPTS OF THE F{ERWART LIBRARY:THE USE OF PALEOGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE

TO DEFINE AND REUNITE A RENAISSANCE COLLECTION

JoAnn TaricaniUniversity of Pennsylvania

The library of the Herwart fanily in Renaissance Augsburgcontained approximately twenty nanuscripts of Franco-Netherlandish music, compiled for the nost part in the 1540's and 1550's.A study of the paLeographical features of these rnanuscriptsyields a set of comnon physical characteristics, useful notonly in defining the nature of these sources, but also inidentifying other rnanuscripts of obscure origin that nust haveoriginated in the Herwart library. That the library served asthe point of origin rather than nerely as a collection pointfor the manuscripts nay be ascertained by codicological and

paleographical evidence, which clearly shows that the sourceswere actually written at or near the Herwart library.

In addition to the evidence of waterrnark and scribal con-cordances, the nethod of cornpilation of several of themanuscripts also displays a direct connection to the printedsources in the Herwart library, one of the great repositoriesof sixteenth-century rnusic. Sorne of the printed anthologiesfrom the library can be shown to have served as exemplars forthe various manuscripts, inasmuch as distinct clusters ofworks in the codices were drawn directly frorn analogous groupsin the printed sources, These Tnanuscripts include Munich,Bayerische Staatsbibl. Mus. Mss. 1501 and 1508, among others,Five other rnanuscripts at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek canalso be associated with the Herwart collection on the basisof concordant handwriting, waterrnarks, and other sinilaritiessuch as the method of compilation.

Thus, a study of the paleographical characteristics ofthe rnanuscripts shows that the Het:uiart collection is essentiallya hornogeneous one, and that its comrnon characteristics serveas inportant aids in identifying other nanuscripts which rnayhave originated at the Herwart library.

NOTES ON THE ORIG]N OF THE ''PARISIAN'' CHANSON

Lar^rrence F. BernsteinUniversity of Pennsylvania

A study of all the sources of four-voice chansons frorn1480 to 1520 suggests that Italian influence played a rathernore decisive role in the energence of the so-ca11ed "Parisian"chanson than has heretofore been suspected.

0f the various types of chanson normally associated withthe "Parisian" school, the style of one--often ca11ed thefour-part arrangernent--can be traced back to the srna11 genreof descriptive rnusic that was cultivated in Florence and Naplesin the last decades of the fifteenth century.

Another type, the rnore hornogeneous chanson favored byClaudin de Sernisy, consists of a conbj.nation of French rnelodicdesign and homorhythnic texture. French rnelodies of this sortcan be found in Italian sources of the 1480's, and it seens tohave been in Naples that such rnelodic procedures were firstconbined with the homorhythrnic texture we associate with the"Parisian" chanson.

Bibliographical evidence suggests that nany chansonsthought to have been composed in France at the turn of thecentury are actually part of the very active production ofchansons that was going on in Florence. Indeed, one of theprincipal chansonniers of the period--a manuscript that is,for the most part, the work of a Northern scribe--can nowbe shown to have been written in Florence.

A NEW FRENCH CHANSONNTEROF THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Howard M. BrolvnUniversity of Chicago

Manuscripts of secular rnusic prepared in France duringthe late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries have not sur-vived in large numbers. A newly discovered chansonnier is,therefore, an irnportant addition to our knowledge of the FrenchRenaissance. Manuscript 76a of the University Library inUppsala has never been cited in the rnusicological literature,although its conpanions, MSS. 76b and 76d, have fairlyrecently come to the attention of scholars working in sixteenth-century rnusic. Evidently assenbled in some provincial city ofFrance by an individual over a number of years--the anthologyhas the character of a comtnonplace book rather than a pre-sentation copy--MS. 76a is remarkable because it is one ofthe very rare sources (along with the second Copenhagenchansonnier) to include rnusic from an unusually long span oftime; it contains fifteenth-century chansons by Dufay andMorton as well as chansons written in the sixteenth centuryby F6vin, Mouton and Ninot le Petit. MS. 76a includes a 'newrchanson by Agricola that quite surprisingly s,ets a ron4eaYwith new nusic for each li.ne of text except for the retraln,which is repeated in truncated form. It includes a hithertounknown setting of a chanson by Charles d'Or16ans and settingsof poetry by sone of his close associates, as well as a ntlmberof i'topicali'chansons celebrating the French king and a hand-fu1 of pieces on Latin texts evidently intended for para-liturgi-a1 use. Perhaps nost interesting of all, it containsthe diaft of a coinposition--with a number of revisions andcorrections enterea into the manuscript--node1led on anothersong in the source. This is the only such conpositionaldrait known to me fron such an early date, and it demonstratesthat students were still being taught to compose one line ata tine as late as the sixteenth century' at least in provincialFrance.

ITALIAN AND SPANISH KEYBOARD MUSIC, Novernber 7, 9:00 a'm.

MICHELANGELO ROSSI AND HIS TOCCATE E CORRENTI

Alexander SilbigerUniversity of Wisconsin

The circurnstances surrounding the conposition and publi-cation of Michelangelo Rossi's remarkable Toccate e correntihav e r ena in ed s oneihat en i gnat i c . Of s evei?f-survlvlna-a -e dFtions only one bears a date: L657. It is difficult, however,to accept this violent nannerist music as a product of the1650's. Careful exarninatj-on of the engraved title page ofthe 1657 edition shows that it was altered and that the publi-cation date was changed. A review of the composer's life and

paleographical evidence, which clearly shows that the sourceswere actually written at or near the Herwart library.

In addition to the evidence of waterrnark and scribal con-cordances, the nethod of cornpilation of several of themanuscripts also displays a direct connection to the printedsources in the Herwart library, one of the great repositoriesof sixteenth-century rnusic. Sorne of the printed anthologiesfrom the library can be shown to have served as exemplars forthe various manuscripts, inasmuch as distinct clusters ofworks in the codices were drawn directly frorn analogous groupsin the printed sources, These Tnanuscripts include Munich,Bayerische Staatsbibl. Mus. Mss. 1501 and 1508, among others,Five other rnanuscripts at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek canalso be associated with the Herwart collection on the basisof concordant handwriting, waterrnarks, and other sinilaritiessuch as the method of compilation.

Thus, a study of the paleographical characteristics ofthe rnanuscripts shows that the Het:uiart collection is essentiallya hornogeneous one, and that its comrnon characteristics serveas inportant aids in identifying other nanuscripts which rnayhave originated at the Herwart library.

NOTES ON THE ORIG]N OF THE ''PARISIAN'' CHANSON

Lar^rrence F. BernsteinUniversity of Pennsylvania

A study of all the sources of four-voice chansons frorn1480 to 1520 suggests that Italian influence played a rathernore decisive role in the energence of the so-ca11ed "Parisian"chanson than has heretofore been suspected.

0f the various types of chanson normally associated withthe "Parisian" school, the style of one--often ca11ed thefour-part arrangernent--can be traced back to the srna11 genreof descriptive rnusic that was cultivated in Florence and Naplesin the last decades of the fifteenth century.

Another type, the rnore hornogeneous chanson favored byClaudin de Sernisy, consists of a conbj.nation of French rnelodicdesign and homorhythnic texture. French rnelodies of this sortcan be found in Italian sources of the 1480's, and it seens tohave been in Naples that such rnelodic procedures were firstconbined with the homorhythrnic texture we associate with the"Parisian" chanson.

Bibliographical evidence suggests that nany chansonsthought to have been composed in France at the turn of thecentury are actually part of the very active production ofchansons that was going on in Florence. Indeed, one of theprincipal chansonniers of the period--a manuscript that is,for the most part, the work of a Northern scribe--can nowbe shown to have been written in Florence.

A NEW FRENCH CHANSONNTEROF THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Howard M. BrolvnUniversity of Chicago

Manuscripts of secular rnusic prepared in France duringthe late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries have not sur-vived in large numbers. A newly discovered chansonnier is,therefore, an irnportant addition to our knowledge of the FrenchRenaissance. Manuscript 76a of the University Library inUppsala has never been cited in the rnusicological literature,although its conpanions, MSS. 76b and 76d, have fairlyrecently come to the attention of scholars working in sixteenth-century rnusic. Evidently assenbled in some provincial city ofFrance by an individual over a number of years--the anthologyhas the character of a comtnonplace book rather than a pre-sentation copy--MS. 76a is remarkable because it is one ofthe very rare sources (along with the second Copenhagenchansonnier) to include rnusic from an unusually long span oftime; it contains fifteenth-century chansons by Dufay andMorton as well as chansons written in the sixteenth centuryby F6vin, Mouton and Ninot le Petit. MS. 76a includes a 'newrchanson by Agricola that quite surprisingly s,ets a ron4eaYwith new nusic for each li.ne of text except for the retraln,which is repeated in truncated form. It includes a hithertounknown setting of a chanson by Charles d'Or16ans and settingsof poetry by sone of his close associates, as well as a ntlmberof i'topicali'chansons celebrating the French king and a hand-fu1 of pieces on Latin texts evidently intended for para-liturgi-a1 use. Perhaps nost interesting of all, it containsthe diaft of a coinposition--with a number of revisions andcorrections enterea into the manuscript--node1led on anothersong in the source. This is the only such conpositionaldrait known to me fron such an early date, and it demonstratesthat students were still being taught to compose one line ata tine as late as the sixteenth century' at least in provincialFrance.

ITALIAN AND SPANISH KEYBOARD MUSIC, Novernber 7, 9:00 a'm.

MICHELANGELO ROSSI AND HIS TOCCATE E CORRENTI

Alexander SilbigerUniversity of Wisconsin

The circurnstances surrounding the conposition and publi-cation of Michelangelo Rossi's remarkable Toccate e correntihav e r ena in ed s oneihat en i gnat i c . Of s evei?f-survlvlna-a -e dFtions only one bears a date: L657. It is difficult, however,to accept this violent nannerist music as a product of the1650's. Careful exarninatj-on of the engraved title page ofthe 1657 edition shows that it was altered and that the publi-cation date was changed. A review of the composer's life and

works--includlng sone new inforrnation regarding the patronshe served--and a study of the surviving editions leads rne topropose a revised publishing histor.y for this collection,suggesting that its contents were composed appreciably earlierthan hitherto believed--probably no later than the early1630rs. The revised dating requires a reconsideration of theposition of Rossi's works with respect to the keyboard musicof contenporaries such as Frescobaldi and Froberger. The paperwill also present archival fi-ndings regarding Rossi's personal1ife, particularly with respect to his residences and farnily.

NEW LIGHT UPON THE CHIG] MANUSCRIPTS THROUGHAN INVESTIGATION OF THE AGGIUNTA (1637)

TO THE FIRST BOOK OF TOCCATE_TY-T. _FRESCOBALDI

Etienne DarbellayUniversit6 Laval

The Aggiunta of 1637 --an appendix to the First Book ofFrescobaldf-TiccEte--shows very faint traces oF66t[ificationin the original engraved pagination. We have been able partlyto reconstTuct the pre-engraved pagination, which denonstTatestwo facts of utmost interest: 1) In a former rnusical arrange-ment, the Aggiunta was prirnarily intended to replace, in a newedition of the 2nd Book of Toccate, the two series of Partitewhich concluded*Ttr-e original 1627 edition of this book. 2) TheAggiunta as known today is in fact the end product of a longseries of arnendrnents in both the general and the speclfic con-tent. Our investigation enabled us to demonstrate a processof definite nodifying steps particularly in the elaboration ofthe Cento Partite over a period of about ten years. Thispiece, ori[inaIIy rooted in two distinct series of Partite(sopra Passacagli in d and Ciaccone in F), in a later stagecontained exactly 100 partite beginning and closing in d,before being furthei-enlarged to the present and final stage(ending on e).

In light of these flndings, we considered anew the manu-script fragrnents contained in the Chigi Codex of Rorne. Byconparing them r,vith the printed stepl it can be proved thatthe fragments, far from representing later anonymous irnitationsbased on Frescobaldi's prints, are indeed sketches or copiesof the cornposj-tional stages. This throws new light both onthe dating and the Frescobaldian nusical paternity of quitea nunber of these manuscripts.

STRUCTURE, TEXTURE, TONALITYIN THE KEYBOARD PIECES OF SANCTA MARIA

Alnonte Howe11University oF Georgia

It is a common misconception that the short keyboardpieces in Sancta Maria's Arte de tafler fantasia (Va11adolid,1565), were designated as-arfEntasLas" bi-Th'e author-conposer.They were sirnply 1abe1led "Exemplo" (often with further ex-

planations as to what they exernplified) ' The tern "Fantasia,in Sancta Maria's title irnplied not the cornposed musical formbut the practice of improvising in a quasi-fugal sty1e, a

practice toward which the entire treatise is directed. SanctaMaria's pleces may be analyzed in detail with reference to hisown discussions of structure, counterpoint' harrnonic cornbi-nations, nodality, and transposition, all of which theyillustrate precisely. Sources of his musical sty1e, as hehirnself indicated, 1ie in the rnusic of the niddle Franco-Flemish cornposers, particularly Josquin, and in that of SanctaMaria's respected associate Antonio de Cabez6n. A nunber ofspecific comparisons with these composers may be drawn.

THE EARLIEST MUSiC FOR THE PIANOFORTE IN SPAIN

Linton E. Powe11University of Texas, Arlington

The sonatas of Dornenico Scarlatti and Antonio Soler havebeen widely enjoyed for a number of years, whether perfornedon harpsichord'or piano. Neither Scarlatti, the Italiancembalist and nusic instructor to Queen Maria Barbara, norSoler, one of Spain's most talented native composers, was thefirst to specify the pianoforte in the titles of his works.This irnportant detail- first appeared in the works of Sebastiande Albeio, followed by Joaquin Montero and Manuel Blasco deNebra.

Sebastian de Albero (1722-J'756), first organist of theRoyal Chapel under Fernando VI, contributed to Spanis! pianoliteraturb Obras para clavicordio o piano forte (c,7746),one of the earTfeit fSTT-century coriectTons to specify "piano-forte. " Joaquin Montero (c. 1764 -f815), an organist inSevi11e, composed Diez Minuetes para Clave y Piano Fuerte in17 64. Manuel Blasco-de-TeETEll75O - 178-4f, tlso an organTstin Seville, is credited with the first set of sonatas to bepublished in Spain--Seis Sonatas para Clave y Fuerte Piano,izso. Later, jn 1790, Iaontero-TssuFd- a set witl--tfiF sarretitle, thus affording an excellent cornparison of the two com-posers' styles.

This paper will present a style-critical studl' of theaforementioned works, with special reference to the influenceof Haydn and Scarlatti on the sonatas of Blasco de Nebra andMontero, and wilI describe Albero's striking technlque ofnodulat ion,

works--includlng sone new inforrnation regarding the patronshe served--and a study of the surviving editions leads rne topropose a revised publishing histor.y for this collection,suggesting that its contents were composed appreciably earlierthan hitherto believed--probably no later than the early1630rs. The revised dating requires a reconsideration of theposition of Rossi's works with respect to the keyboard musicof contenporaries such as Frescobaldi and Froberger. The paperwill also present archival fi-ndings regarding Rossi's personal1ife, particularly with respect to his residences and farnily.

NEW LIGHT UPON THE CHIG] MANUSCRIPTS THROUGHAN INVESTIGATION OF THE AGGIUNTA (1637)

TO THE FIRST BOOK OF TOCCATE_TY-T. _FRESCOBALDI

Etienne DarbellayUniversit6 Laval

The Aggiunta of 1637 --an appendix to the First Book ofFrescobaldf-TiccEte--shows very faint traces oF66t[ificationin the original engraved pagination. We have been able partlyto reconstTuct the pre-engraved pagination, which denonstTatestwo facts of utmost interest: 1) In a former rnusical arrange-ment, the Aggiunta was prirnarily intended to replace, in a newedition of the 2nd Book of Toccate, the two series of Partitewhich concluded*Ttr-e original 1627 edition of this book. 2) TheAggiunta as known today is in fact the end product of a longseries of arnendrnents in both the general and the speclfic con-tent. Our investigation enabled us to demonstrate a processof definite nodifying steps particularly in the elaboration ofthe Cento Partite over a period of about ten years. Thispiece, ori[inaIIy rooted in two distinct series of Partite(sopra Passacagli in d and Ciaccone in F), in a later stagecontained exactly 100 partite beginning and closing in d,before being furthei-enlarged to the present and final stage(ending on e).

In light of these flndings, we considered anew the manu-script fragrnents contained in the Chigi Codex of Rorne. Byconparing them r,vith the printed stepl it can be proved thatthe fragments, far from representing later anonymous irnitationsbased on Frescobaldi's prints, are indeed sketches or copiesof the cornposj-tional stages. This throws new light both onthe dating and the Frescobaldian nusical paternity of quitea nunber of these manuscripts.

STRUCTURE, TEXTURE, TONALITYIN THE KEYBOARD PIECES OF SANCTA MARIA

Alnonte Howe11University oF Georgia

It is a common misconception that the short keyboardpieces in Sancta Maria's Arte de tafler fantasia (Va11adolid,1565), were designated as-arfEntasLas" bi-Th'e author-conposer.They were sirnply 1abe1led "Exemplo" (often with further ex-

planations as to what they exernplified) ' The tern "Fantasia,in Sancta Maria's title irnplied not the cornposed musical formbut the practice of improvising in a quasi-fugal sty1e, a

practice toward which the entire treatise is directed. SanctaMaria's pleces may be analyzed in detail with reference to hisown discussions of structure, counterpoint' harrnonic cornbi-nations, nodality, and transposition, all of which theyillustrate precisely. Sources of his musical sty1e, as hehirnself indicated, 1ie in the rnusic of the niddle Franco-Flemish cornposers, particularly Josquin, and in that of SanctaMaria's respected associate Antonio de Cabez6n. A nunber ofspecific comparisons with these composers may be drawn.

THE EARLIEST MUSiC FOR THE PIANOFORTE IN SPAIN

Linton E. Powe11University of Texas, Arlington

The sonatas of Dornenico Scarlatti and Antonio Soler havebeen widely enjoyed for a number of years, whether perfornedon harpsichord'or piano. Neither Scarlatti, the Italiancembalist and nusic instructor to Queen Maria Barbara, norSoler, one of Spain's most talented native composers, was thefirst to specify the pianoforte in the titles of his works.This irnportant detail- first appeared in the works of Sebastiande Albeio, followed by Joaquin Montero and Manuel Blasco deNebra.

Sebastian de Albero (1722-J'756), first organist of theRoyal Chapel under Fernando VI, contributed to Spanis! pianoliteraturb Obras para clavicordio o piano forte (c,7746),one of the earTfeit fSTT-century coriectTons to specify "piano-forte. " Joaquin Montero (c. 1764 -f815), an organist inSevi11e, composed Diez Minuetes para Clave y Piano Fuerte in17 64. Manuel Blasco-de-TeETEll75O - 178-4f, tlso an organTstin Seville, is credited with the first set of sonatas to bepublished in Spain--Seis Sonatas para Clave y Fuerte Piano,izso. Later, jn 1790, Iaontero-TssuFd- a set witl--tfiF sarretitle, thus affording an excellent cornparison of the two com-posers' styles.

This paper will present a style-critical studl' of theaforementioned works, with special reference to the influenceof Haydn and Scarlatti on the sonatas of Blasco de Nebra andMontero, and wilI describe Albero's striking technlque ofnodulat ion,

ROMANTIC TOPICS, November 7, 9:00 a.m.

THE GENES]S OF CHERUBINIIS MEDEE

M. Elizabeth C. BartletUniversity of Chicago

Cherubini's M6d6e (to a libretto by Franqois BenoitHoffrnan) had its pTErnTdre 13 March 1797 in paiis. It is theonly French Revolutionary work sti11 perforned occasionallytoday and is generally considered the cornposer's operaticmasterpiece.

Recently discovered archival evidence sheds new light onthe conplex nature of Parisian theatrical life and its effecton Cherubinits early career, and permits a rnajor reassessmentof the opera. M6dea was composed, not in 179i-1796 as hasbeen previously assurned, but over a longer period characterizedby considerable stylistic change, 0n1y after establishing asound chronological basis can we turn to the questions ofCherubini's indebtedness to his predecessors and contemporari-es,and of his own artistic development during the 1790rs. Under-standably, in the earliest pieces he adapted models takenfrom Italian opera seria, nodified by experirnentation withthe heritage of-TE-e-GIuEkian trag6die lyrique. The newer,more intense nurnbers owe someCfiTilg to t-hE-GTyle of his friend,Etienne M6hu1, to whom he dedicated the score.

Cherubini was no rnere irnitator. In the best pieces, hisoriginality in conbining expressive vocal writing of greatpower with an orchestral part that provides a psychologicalinterpretation of the drarna set an influential precedent forFrench and Gerrnan cornposers of the nineteenth century,

SCHUBERT'S VADE MECIJM

Vivian S. RanalingarnDecatur, Georgia

This paper sets forth the evidence for Schubertrs adoptionof C. F. D. Schubart's theories on the relationship between keyand Affekt, and the composer's ernployment of these precepts inhis tieder. Die Schdne Miillerin is exarnined in detail, andadditfoJraT suffir--G adducEf-Tion other songs as wel1. Ingeneral, wherever the poetic text seens to echo one of Schubart'sspecific descriptions of an Affekt, Schubert chooses thereconmended key, often resultTng Tn otherwise inexplicablyrenote tonalities.

Exceptions to this procedure were dictated by practicalconsideratlons, which can be traced in settings preserved inmore than one key. In sorne cases, Schubert acceded to pub-lishers' or perforrnerst wishes for simpler keys or lower vocalranges. In Die Schdne Miillerin, the exposition of a complex

large-scale tonal plan 1ed hirn to depart frorn Schubartrstheory of Affekt in two of the songs.

The influence of Schubart's Charakteristik der Tdne onSchubert is also felt in the inteinEf rnbih-i-fa-tf-ons of-nanysongs, and the conpositional techniques Schubert developed inorder to effect these modulations colored hi-s work in othergenres. It was truly a vade mecum: "(1) A useful thing thata person constantly carr-es wi-fh--Fim; (Z) A guidebook or readyreference book. "

THE RELATION OF SYNTAX TO DECLAMATiON]N GERMAN LIEDER

Rufus Hallmark, College of the Holy CrossAnn C. Fehn, Harvard University

The rhythnic declarnation in settings of short lines oflyric poetry follows obvious conventions, which are taken forgranted. Pentarneter 1ines, however, provoke critical dis-cussion because their incorporation into traditional phrasestructure is not obvious. Yet we have discovered that composerssetti-ng pentameter poetry use patterns of declamation just asconventlonal as those employed for the nore common, shorter1ines. The two nost common patterns, based respectively oneven and compressed declanation, occur widely in English andGerman songs and hyrnns over the last 400 years.

Going beyond the identification of the conventions, wehave tried, in a study of the pentaneter lines in Schubert'sLieder, to ascertain what may have governed the cornposer'schofce of declanatory patterns. Syntax appears to have playeda verifiable ro1e. The granmatical structure, though notalways allowlng one to predict how Schubert will declaim agiven 1ine, emerges statistically as a determining factor.Moreover, when Schubert's declamation violates the inplicationsthe syntax, a dernonstrable nusical reason often overridesthe syntactlcally appropriate choice.

In addition to being an exploratory statistical analysisof the text-setting in Lieder, the study nay also contributeto our understanding of-Ttre song composerrs creative process.The patterns of pentaneter declarnation and their relation toverbal syntax may be among the conventions that autornaticallydispose a Lied composerts thoughts as he reads a poeln, anacquired haEE of rnind that does some of the initial work forthe writer of songs.

HECTOR BERL]OZ AND THE 1830 PR]X DE ROME

Peter BlooTnSmith College

Berlioz' victory in the annual conpetition for conposerssponsored by the Acad6mie des Beaux-Arts of the Institute deFrance, coupled with the performances in the fal1 of 1830 of

ROMANTIC TOPICS, November 7, 9:00 a.m.

THE GENES]S OF CHERUBINIIS MEDEE

M. Elizabeth C. BartletUniversity of Chicago

Cherubini's M6d6e (to a libretto by Franqois BenoitHoffrnan) had its pTErnTdre 13 March 1797 in paiis. It is theonly French Revolutionary work sti11 perforned occasionallytoday and is generally considered the cornposer's operaticmasterpiece.

Recently discovered archival evidence sheds new light onthe conplex nature of Parisian theatrical life and its effecton Cherubinits early career, and permits a rnajor reassessmentof the opera. M6dea was composed, not in 179i-1796 as hasbeen previously assurned, but over a longer period characterizedby considerable stylistic change, 0n1y after establishing asound chronological basis can we turn to the questions ofCherubini's indebtedness to his predecessors and contemporari-es,and of his own artistic development during the 1790rs. Under-standably, in the earliest pieces he adapted models takenfrom Italian opera seria, nodified by experirnentation withthe heritage of-TE-e-GIuEkian trag6die lyrique. The newer,more intense nurnbers owe someCfiTilg to t-hE-GTyle of his friend,Etienne M6hu1, to whom he dedicated the score.

Cherubini was no rnere irnitator. In the best pieces, hisoriginality in conbining expressive vocal writing of greatpower with an orchestral part that provides a psychologicalinterpretation of the drarna set an influential precedent forFrench and Gerrnan cornposers of the nineteenth century,

SCHUBERT'S VADE MECIJM

Vivian S. RanalingarnDecatur, Georgia

This paper sets forth the evidence for Schubertrs adoptionof C. F. D. Schubart's theories on the relationship between keyand Affekt, and the composer's ernployment of these precepts inhis tieder. Die Schdne Miillerin is exarnined in detail, andadditfoJraT suffir--G adducEf-Tion other songs as wel1. Ingeneral, wherever the poetic text seens to echo one of Schubart'sspecific descriptions of an Affekt, Schubert chooses thereconmended key, often resultTng Tn otherwise inexplicablyrenote tonalities.

Exceptions to this procedure were dictated by practicalconsideratlons, which can be traced in settings preserved inmore than one key. In sorne cases, Schubert acceded to pub-lishers' or perforrnerst wishes for simpler keys or lower vocalranges. In Die Schdne Miillerin, the exposition of a complex

large-scale tonal plan 1ed hirn to depart frorn Schubartrstheory of Affekt in two of the songs.

The influence of Schubart's Charakteristik der Tdne onSchubert is also felt in the inteinEf rnbih-i-fa-tf-ons of-nanysongs, and the conpositional techniques Schubert developed inorder to effect these modulations colored hi-s work in othergenres. It was truly a vade mecum: "(1) A useful thing thata person constantly carr-es wi-fh--Fim; (Z) A guidebook or readyreference book. "

THE RELATION OF SYNTAX TO DECLAMATiON]N GERMAN LIEDER

Rufus Hallmark, College of the Holy CrossAnn C. Fehn, Harvard University

The rhythnic declarnation in settings of short lines oflyric poetry follows obvious conventions, which are taken forgranted. Pentarneter 1ines, however, provoke critical dis-cussion because their incorporation into traditional phrasestructure is not obvious. Yet we have discovered that composerssetti-ng pentameter poetry use patterns of declamation just asconventlonal as those employed for the nore common, shorter1ines. The two nost common patterns, based respectively oneven and compressed declanation, occur widely in English andGerman songs and hyrnns over the last 400 years.

Going beyond the identification of the conventions, wehave tried, in a study of the pentaneter lines in Schubert'sLieder, to ascertain what may have governed the cornposer'schofce of declanatory patterns. Syntax appears to have playeda verifiable ro1e. The granmatical structure, though notalways allowlng one to predict how Schubert will declaim agiven 1ine, emerges statistically as a determining factor.Moreover, when Schubert's declamation violates the inplicationsthe syntax, a dernonstrable nusical reason often overridesthe syntactlcally appropriate choice.

In addition to being an exploratory statistical analysisof the text-setting in Lieder, the study nay also contributeto our understanding of-Ttre song composerrs creative process.The patterns of pentaneter declarnation and their relation toverbal syntax may be among the conventions that autornaticallydispose a Lied composerts thoughts as he reads a poeln, anacquired haEE of rnind that does some of the initial work forthe writer of songs.

HECTOR BERL]OZ AND THE 1830 PR]X DE ROME

Peter BlooTnSmith College

Berlioz' victory in the annual conpetition for conposerssponsored by the Acad6mie des Beaux-Arts of the Institute deFrance, coupled with the performances in the fal1 of 1830 of

the Ouverture de la Temp6te and the Syrnphonie fantastique,closedtEeperilodof *triE-apprenticesF-ijlElnd-TaFkE?1-TF-edar^m

of his public, professional career. The overture, and par-ticularly the synphony, have been studied critically rn anunber of recent books and articles. The prize-winningcantata, however--on1y the concluding pages of which havebeen preserved--has received less detailed attention, thoughin his writings Berlioz talks repeatedly about the Rorne Prizeand his experiences as contestant and winner.

On the basis of newly discovered archival materials, aswell as newspaper accounts and reviews, this paper will broadenthe picture Berlioz has given us of the 1830 prize cornpetition;on the basis of the several scores of his competitors (one wasknown previously; two more have recently corne to light), itwill reconstruct more fu1ly than has heretofore been possiblethe cantata, Sardanapale, which was Berlioz' winning entry inthe competition.

THE CHURCH: THE TROPE, November 7, 2:00 p.m.

THE ARCHITECTURAL SETTING OF EARLY CHRISTIAN CHANT

James W, McKinnonS.U.N.Y., Buffalo

The accumulation of sufficient archeological data onChristian churches of the first six centuries makes possj-b1ea reconstruction of architectural arrangernents for the liturgy.In turn, a fresh readlng of the literary references to liturgi-ca1 song at least pernits a number of sound generalizationson its placement within the architectural setting.

During the first three centuries no church architectureexisted as such, only variations on prevailing donestic plans.There were, accordingly, no special furnishings devoted tosingers, and contrary to general belief, neither an office ofcantor nor a formal practice of psalrnody in the Eucharist.This changed abruptly with the Peace of the Church after 313;the renarkable proliferation of the Christian basilicafol1owed, and along with it the flourishing of Christianpsalmody and the establishment of the office of cantor. Fromthe beginning the basilica demonstrated a standard sanctuaryarrangenent to provide for altar and clergy. Within a centuryit developed regional variations to provide for singers. We

wl11 exarnine three distinct types: 1) the Palestinian-Constantinopolitan solea and anbon, perhaps the nost widespreadZ) the rather eccentifE-east SyrEn exedra or berna; and 3)the Ronan dromos or solea. The first two of these were usedfor the psaTrnody of The synaxis, and the third, very possibly,for the early Ronan introit procession.

EARLY INTROIT TROPES

El1en ReierUniversity of California, Berkeley

The traditional understanding of Proper tropes, aselaborated by Stiiblein, Welss, and Evans, places the tropein a dependent relationship to its antiphon. Ignoring thehistorical gap of nearly 300 years between the developmentof Gregorian Proper and trope, scholars have insisted thatthe inelodic style of the trope is "hardly distlnguishablefron that of the chant it ernbellishes" (Evans). Accordingto these scholars, the goal of the tTope composer is toirnitate the antiphon, and there is a necessary modal con-nection between trope and antiphon. Where modal anornaliesoccur, as in the Puer natus tTopes, Stdblein provides theexplanation that th-e trope was designed to go with the 01d-Ronan version of the antiphon; thus, all nodal anomaliescould be attributed to the hypothetical precedence of 01d-Rornan chant at St. Gal1, and its subsequent replacenent byGregor ian.

By sorting out the layers of trope composition' my re-search shows many more examples of rnodal anomalies than canbe explained by St?iblein's 01d-Ronan hypothesis. Theseexamples tend to appear in the earlier layers, where tropesin general show rnany structural and melodic dlfferences withrespect to Gregorian sty1e. Reworkings in later layers(especially in the Aquitanian versions used by Weiss) tendto increase the similarities between trope and antiphon.

One exarnple, the tTope set Ad aeterne salutis, has itsoriginal tonal center on A, with the antiphon-ending on G.Antecedent-consequent phrase stTucture, nelodic repetitionfrom qne line to the next, and lack of stylistic connectionwith the antiphon are all features of this early trope. Thelater Aquitanian version of the trope has been reworked toconforrn rnore sati.sfactorily to the Gregorian antiphon. Thernodal and stylistic contrasts in the earlier version pointto an intent of the trope composer more autonomous and inno-vative than has previously been recognized.

INTRODUCING THE GLORIA IN EXCELSIS

Thonas F. KellySmith College

Among the various chants included in the nedieval con-pendia ca11ed troparia is a group of pieces desigled to serveas introductlonsl--to TJie singing of Gloria in excelsis at Mass.Preserved in a great many such manuEcil$Ts, nosTTy--E west-Frankish origin, these pieces have sornetimes been confusedwith portions of specific tropes for the Gloria.

Introductions are of three kinds: one group of pieces in-vites the celebrant to intone the Gloria; another (Civessuperni) introduces the choir's et in terra; and a TFiid

the Ouverture de la Temp6te and the Syrnphonie fantastique,closedtEeperilodof *triE-apprenticesF-ijlElnd-TaFkE?1-TF-edar^m

of his public, professional career. The overture, and par-ticularly the synphony, have been studied critically rn anunber of recent books and articles. The prize-winningcantata, however--on1y the concluding pages of which havebeen preserved--has received less detailed attention, thoughin his writings Berlioz talks repeatedly about the Rorne Prizeand his experiences as contestant and winner.

On the basis of newly discovered archival materials, aswell as newspaper accounts and reviews, this paper will broadenthe picture Berlioz has given us of the 1830 prize cornpetition;on the basis of the several scores of his competitors (one wasknown previously; two more have recently corne to light), itwill reconstruct more fu1ly than has heretofore been possiblethe cantata, Sardanapale, which was Berlioz' winning entry inthe competition.

THE CHURCH: THE TROPE, November 7, 2:00 p.m.

THE ARCHITECTURAL SETTING OF EARLY CHRISTIAN CHANT

James W, McKinnonS.U.N.Y., Buffalo

The accumulation of sufficient archeological data onChristian churches of the first six centuries makes possj-b1ea reconstruction of architectural arrangernents for the liturgy.In turn, a fresh readlng of the literary references to liturgi-ca1 song at least pernits a number of sound generalizationson its placement within the architectural setting.

During the first three centuries no church architectureexisted as such, only variations on prevailing donestic plans.There were, accordingly, no special furnishings devoted tosingers, and contrary to general belief, neither an office ofcantor nor a formal practice of psalrnody in the Eucharist.This changed abruptly with the Peace of the Church after 313;the renarkable proliferation of the Christian basilicafol1owed, and along with it the flourishing of Christianpsalmody and the establishment of the office of cantor. Fromthe beginning the basilica demonstrated a standard sanctuaryarrangenent to provide for altar and clergy. Within a centuryit developed regional variations to provide for singers. We

wl11 exarnine three distinct types: 1) the Palestinian-Constantinopolitan solea and anbon, perhaps the nost widespreadZ) the rather eccentifE-east SyrEn exedra or berna; and 3)the Ronan dromos or solea. The first two of these were usedfor the psaTrnody of The synaxis, and the third, very possibly,for the early Ronan introit procession.

EARLY INTROIT TROPES

El1en ReierUniversity of California, Berkeley

The traditional understanding of Proper tropes, aselaborated by Stiiblein, Welss, and Evans, places the tropein a dependent relationship to its antiphon. Ignoring thehistorical gap of nearly 300 years between the developmentof Gregorian Proper and trope, scholars have insisted thatthe inelodic style of the trope is "hardly distlnguishablefron that of the chant it ernbellishes" (Evans). Accordingto these scholars, the goal of the tTope composer is toirnitate the antiphon, and there is a necessary modal con-nection between trope and antiphon. Where modal anornaliesoccur, as in the Puer natus tTopes, Stdblein provides theexplanation that th-e trope was designed to go with the 01d-Ronan version of the antiphon; thus, all nodal anomaliescould be attributed to the hypothetical precedence of 01d-Rornan chant at St. Gal1, and its subsequent replacenent byGregor ian.

By sorting out the layers of trope composition' my re-search shows many more examples of rnodal anomalies than canbe explained by St?iblein's 01d-Ronan hypothesis. Theseexamples tend to appear in the earlier layers, where tropesin general show rnany structural and melodic dlfferences withrespect to Gregorian sty1e. Reworkings in later layers(especially in the Aquitanian versions used by Weiss) tendto increase the similarities between trope and antiphon.

One exarnple, the tTope set Ad aeterne salutis, has itsoriginal tonal center on A, with the antiphon-ending on G.Antecedent-consequent phrase stTucture, nelodic repetitionfrom qne line to the next, and lack of stylistic connectionwith the antiphon are all features of this early trope. Thelater Aquitanian version of the trope has been reworked toconforrn rnore sati.sfactorily to the Gregorian antiphon. Thernodal and stylistic contrasts in the earlier version pointto an intent of the trope composer more autonomous and inno-vative than has previously been recognized.

INTRODUCING THE GLORIA IN EXCELSIS

Thonas F. KellySmith College

Among the various chants included in the nedieval con-pendia ca11ed troparia is a group of pieces desigled to serveas introductlonsl--to TJie singing of Gloria in excelsis at Mass.Preserved in a great many such manuEcil$Ts, nosTTy--E west-Frankish origin, these pieces have sornetimes been confusedwith portions of specific tropes for the Gloria.

Introductions are of three kinds: one group of pieces in-vites the celebrant to intone the Gloria; another (Civessuperni) introduces the choir's et in terra; and a TFiid

group consists of individually-nade piecesearlier nodel or borrowed from elsewhere,single feast only.

, based on anwhich serve for a

A fu11 understanding of these pieces requires an under-standing of the liturgical history of Gloria in excelsis.Always intoned by the celebrant, the angeTTE E-yrnn-was-originally permitted only to bishops; an exception was rnadefor Easter, where the celebrant rnight be only a priest. Thegradual extension of the use of Gloria in excelsis throughihe twelfth century gives rise to the-variefy-oF-Gloriaintroductions studied in this paper.

The musical study of these pieces groups thern intofamilies. The study of nanuscript placenent, repertory, andrubrics establishes their liturgical function. And additionalliturgical information (from ordines ronani, cerenonials, or-dinali, and the like) shows tEei to be a part of late-nedievalmusical ceremonies to introduce Gloria: cerernonies derivedfron an earlier, and not always d.k-eeily understood, practice'

QUEM QUAERITIS IN SEPULCHRO AND THE MELODIESOT THE EASTER PLAY AND THE EASTER PROCESSION

David BjorkUniversity of Chicago

For many years it was assumed that the rnedieval resur-rection cerenony, Visitatio sepulchri, had its origin in atrope, Quem quaeritgin seputZnr;Ifne three-1ine exchangebetween-the TFr-ee Marys and^Tfie-hge1 standing at the tornb.But since O. B. Hardison, Jr, called this belief into questiona live1y debate has sprung up on the origins of the Easterplay and its relationship to the dialogue that is at its core.

In order to understand the genesis of the Visitatio onenust fal1 back on stylistic considerations and ToElc.---Tconparison of Quem quaeritis with the tropes to the EasterIntroit, the ai-f1p-h6iF-Ei?f-Tesponsories of the Easter pro-cession, and the chants used for the Visitatio shows how nuchit differs fron all of then. It is noT-TTuel-as Srnoldon clainsthat Quem quaeritis betrays signs of having been designed tomatch-TFE meT-oily--of the Introit Resurrexi. It is possible toshow that Quen quaeritis does not-TESElnbTe tropes- native tothe St. GaIT repertory, where, for a long tine, the piece wasthought to have been written. If one can find conparablepleces, it is in a few of the longest pieces associated withthe trope repertory, chants which in England and NorthernFrance were ca11ed versus ante officiurn. These comparablepieces look as if tfiey were nodeTleA=Tter the Easter dialogue.

STUDIES IN ITALIAN MUSIC, Novernber 7, Z:00 p.m,

LUZZASCHI'S G]FT TO CARDINAL FEDERICO BORROMEOOF AN AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT OF CIPRIANO DE RORE

Jessie Ann OwensVi11a I Tatti

MS. A.l0.sup. of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan con-tains three cornpositions--two motets and one textless fragnent--a11 unique to this source, and a letter by LuzzascoLuzzaschi to his patron, Cardinal Federico Borrorneo, authenti-cating the nusic as an autograph of Cipriano de Rore. Nowbound as a single volume, the rnusic originally existed as fiveseparate partbooks, two bifolios each.

MS. A.10.sup. makes two major contributions to our under-standing of conpositional process. The first comes fronLuzzaschi's letter, in which he describes Rorers normal pto-cedure: to compose first a mente--in his nind--and then towrite on a carte11a. tn Fis Tetter Luzzaschi rnakes it clearthat he gave--Borrorneo both Rore's cartella and the partbooks;only the partbooks have survived. -TnElysTs of the nearlyforty autograph changes in the partbooks, ranging from sinplecorrection of copying Tnistakes to najor emendations, revealsthat Rore rnade revisions in cornplex polyphonic compositionswhile he was in the process of writing out the individualvoices in separate partbooks; furthermore, he rnade some ofthe changes without recourse to a score. The rnanuscript, inproviding both a verbal description of the early stages andthe rnusical polishings of the final stage, offers us an in-triguing glinpse of Renaissance conpositional process.

THE LAMENT OF ARIADNE AND MONTEVERDI'SVlA NATURALE ALLA IMMITATIONE

Gary TonlinsonUniversity of Pennsylvania

The early seventeenth-century clergynan and poetCherubino Ferrari rernarked of Claudio Monteverdi's Orfeo(1607) that "the rnusic serves the poetry so fittingTy-T5atit cannot be replaced by any better composition." ButMonteverdi himself seens not to have shared such unqualifiedenthusiasm for hls first opera; rather he viewed his secondopera, L'Arianna--and in particular Ariadnets famous larnent,the only pasrage of the work which has come down to us--as a

nore perfect union of rnusic and dramatic poetry. I willargue that stylistic weaknesses are evident in the recitativeof Orfeo, weaknesses which rnirror the poeti.c inadequacies ofthe*auT[or of the work, Alessandro Striggio; and thatMonteverdi's advances in Ariadne's larnent spring fron hisexperience of a vastly different poetic style, the concisedramatic idiom of Ottavio Rinuccini.

group consists of individually-nade piecesearlier nodel or borrowed from elsewhere,single feast only.

, based on anwhich serve for a

A fu11 understanding of these pieces requires an under-standing of the liturgical history of Gloria in excelsis.Always intoned by the celebrant, the angeTTE E-yrnn-was-originally permitted only to bishops; an exception was rnadefor Easter, where the celebrant rnight be only a priest. Thegradual extension of the use of Gloria in excelsis throughihe twelfth century gives rise to the-variefy-oF-Gloriaintroductions studied in this paper.

The musical study of these pieces groups thern intofamilies. The study of nanuscript placenent, repertory, andrubrics establishes their liturgical function. And additionalliturgical information (from ordines ronani, cerenonials, or-dinali, and the like) shows tEei to be a part of late-nedievalmusical ceremonies to introduce Gloria: cerernonies derivedfron an earlier, and not always d.k-eeily understood, practice'

QUEM QUAERITIS IN SEPULCHRO AND THE MELODIESOT THE EASTER PLAY AND THE EASTER PROCESSION

David BjorkUniversity of Chicago

For many years it was assumed that the rnedieval resur-rection cerenony, Visitatio sepulchri, had its origin in atrope, Quem quaeritgin seputZnr;Ifne three-1ine exchangebetween-the TFr-ee Marys and^Tfie-hge1 standing at the tornb.But since O. B. Hardison, Jr, called this belief into questiona live1y debate has sprung up on the origins of the Easterplay and its relationship to the dialogue that is at its core.

In order to understand the genesis of the Visitatio onenust fal1 back on stylistic considerations and ToElc.---Tconparison of Quem quaeritis with the tropes to the EasterIntroit, the ai-f1p-h6iF-Ei?f-Tesponsories of the Easter pro-cession, and the chants used for the Visitatio shows how nuchit differs fron all of then. It is noT-TTuel-as Srnoldon clainsthat Quem quaeritis betrays signs of having been designed tomatch-TFE meT-oily--of the Introit Resurrexi. It is possible toshow that Quen quaeritis does not-TESElnbTe tropes- native tothe St. GaIT repertory, where, for a long tine, the piece wasthought to have been written. If one can find conparablepleces, it is in a few of the longest pieces associated withthe trope repertory, chants which in England and NorthernFrance were ca11ed versus ante officiurn. These comparablepieces look as if tfiey were nodeTleA=Tter the Easter dialogue.

STUDIES IN ITALIAN MUSIC, Novernber 7, Z:00 p.m,

LUZZASCHI'S G]FT TO CARDINAL FEDERICO BORROMEOOF AN AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT OF CIPRIANO DE RORE

Jessie Ann OwensVi11a I Tatti

MS. A.l0.sup. of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan con-tains three cornpositions--two motets and one textless fragnent--a11 unique to this source, and a letter by LuzzascoLuzzaschi to his patron, Cardinal Federico Borrorneo, authenti-cating the nusic as an autograph of Cipriano de Rore. Nowbound as a single volume, the rnusic originally existed as fiveseparate partbooks, two bifolios each.

MS. A.10.sup. makes two major contributions to our under-standing of conpositional process. The first comes fronLuzzaschi's letter, in which he describes Rorers normal pto-cedure: to compose first a mente--in his nind--and then towrite on a carte11a. tn Fis Tetter Luzzaschi rnakes it clearthat he gave--Borrorneo both Rore's cartella and the partbooks;only the partbooks have survived. -TnElysTs of the nearlyforty autograph changes in the partbooks, ranging from sinplecorrection of copying Tnistakes to najor emendations, revealsthat Rore rnade revisions in cornplex polyphonic compositionswhile he was in the process of writing out the individualvoices in separate partbooks; furthermore, he rnade some ofthe changes without recourse to a score. The rnanuscript, inproviding both a verbal description of the early stages andthe rnusical polishings of the final stage, offers us an in-triguing glinpse of Renaissance conpositional process.

THE LAMENT OF ARIADNE AND MONTEVERDI'SVlA NATURALE ALLA IMMITATIONE

Gary TonlinsonUniversity of Pennsylvania

The early seventeenth-century clergynan and poetCherubino Ferrari rernarked of Claudio Monteverdi's Orfeo(1607) that "the rnusic serves the poetry so fittingTy-T5atit cannot be replaced by any better composition." ButMonteverdi himself seens not to have shared such unqualifiedenthusiasm for hls first opera; rather he viewed his secondopera, L'Arianna--and in particular Ariadnets famous larnent,the only pasrage of the work which has come down to us--as a

nore perfect union of rnusic and dramatic poetry. I willargue that stylistic weaknesses are evident in the recitativeof Orfeo, weaknesses which rnirror the poeti.c inadequacies ofthe*auT[or of the work, Alessandro Striggio; and thatMonteverdi's advances in Ariadne's larnent spring fron hisexperience of a vastly different poetic style, the concisedramatic idiom of Ottavio Rinuccini.

Monteverdi rarely achieved again the intirnate bonding oftext and music evident in Ariadne's lament, though it is clearthat he continued to view the work--in purely artistic terns,at least--as one of his most successful. The explanation forhis turn away from the style of L'Arianna is a cornplicatedone, combining the inability of hTiTater librettists toduplicate Rinuccini's style, his lingering arnbivalences to theopera which arose from the adverse circurnstances surroundingits creation, and his gradually changing conception of nusicalexpres s ion ,

NEW POLYPHONY FROM SIXTEENTH-AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY

Ednund StraincharnpsS.U.N.Y., Buffalo

This paper reports on a newly-discovered, and hithertoundescribed, repository of inportant sacred polyphonic compo-sitions prinarily from the late sixteenth and early seventeenthcenturies. Twelve 1arge, bound volumes (and two additionalfascicles) at the church of San Lorenzo in Florence containworks by Carpentras, Layolle, Verdelot, Vittoria, Palestrina,Pisano, Aso1a, Glovanelli, and Marco da Gagliano, as well asothers by lesser nasters such as Baccusi, Serra, Foggia,Cilandri, Del Turco, Cifra, and Bati. There are, in addition,a large number of works which stil1 lack attributions. Theapparently unique works include the rnissing first eight of theResponses for Holy Week by Bernardo Pisano (lacking in the CMM

edition), motets by Marco da Gagliano, his teacher, Luca Bati,and Francesco Corteccia--works which, by themselves, greatlyenrich our knowledge of Florentine nusic through four genera-tions. The manuscripts also offer variant versions of knownworks which are of particular interest.

NEWLY DISCOVERED TEXTS FORMUSICAL REPRESENTATIONS IN ROME BEFORE 1632

Margaret MurataUniversity of California, Irvine

Several new verbal texts for works performed in Romebefore 1632 have recently come to light, which give a clearerpicture of the size, subjects, and especially of the prevailingconcertato style of early Ronan musical representations' TheearTiEsE-discovery is a three-act opera in Latin, presented in1613 in the Collegio Gerrnanico with music by Ottavio Catalani.Another three-part Tepresentation, based on a contenporaryPolish rnili.tary victory, was perforned in 1625 in a literaryacadeny. Its author, Giovanni Ciarnpoli, also wrote the thirdwork to be discussed, Le Vendemnie di Castel Gandolfo, anautumn idy1l in four scenesl-wrltten between TCZT-anA 1632.

In considering the rnusical interludes which Leon Santiwrote for the Serninario Rornano and further nusical works byCianpoli, I contrast the Roman solo-choral mode of repre-

sentation allrantico with thestaged in Rome-ln--L614 (Anor

inore Florentinepudico) and 1620

favole in musicaTfretusaf.

-THE CLASSICAL PERIOD: NEW DIRECTIONS FOR RESEARCH,

Novenber 7, 2:00 p.m.

THE ''RIPIENO CONCERTO'' (CONCERTO A 4)AS THE PRINCIPAL EARLY FORM OF THE CONCERT SYMPHONY

Eugene K. WolfUniversity of Pennsylvania

The "ripieno concertot' (concerto d 4) , a type of "concerto"scored for string orchestra andrc-contTnfo-but generally lackingsolo parts, was anong the nost cornnon orchestral genres of theearly eighteenth century. This genre has been treated prinarilyas a forerunner of the solo concerto (e.g., Schering, Bukofzer,Boyden), or of the string quartet (e.g., Finscher). There isconsiderable evidence that the ripieno concerto must also beconsidered the principal early forrn of the concert symphony'Not only was it intended for the same perforrners, audiences,and occasions as early concert "synphonies," such as those ofG. B. Samrnartini frorn the 1730's, but it shares such charac-teristics as generally non-imitative texture and regular useof a three-novenent cycle ending with a binary, dance-typefinale.

Historians' failure to notice such an obvious relation-ship provides an object lesson in the dangers of uncrlticalacceptance of earlier ideas about periodization. C1ear1y, astratified approach, one distinguishing among repertories,genres, and styles, would have produced a far more historicallyaccurate picture than the traditional "Baroque" vs. "C1assica1"p er iodi z at ion .

MANUFACTURING A CHRONOLOGY:THE MUSIC OF CARLO D'ORDONEZ

A. Peter BrownIndiana University

Anong the most pressing problens for the student of late-and mid-eighteenth-century music is the establishnent ofchronologies, a ta.sk that first must be undertaken for eachindividual conposer in each geographic area before the collect-ive stylistic development of the era can even be discussedoutside the realm of a hypothetical/theoretical construct.The prevailing public approach to chronology (as well asauthenticity) has been to view external evidence as the onlyreliable data. This paper will dernonstrate how externalevidence is not significantly more reliable than the internalevidence for a composer such as Carlo d'Ordonez (L734-7786),for whose music dated copies are essentially non-existent.

Monteverdi rarely achieved again the intirnate bonding oftext and music evident in Ariadne's lament, though it is clearthat he continued to view the work--in purely artistic terns,at least--as one of his most successful. The explanation forhis turn away from the style of L'Arianna is a cornplicatedone, combining the inability of hTiTater librettists toduplicate Rinuccini's style, his lingering arnbivalences to theopera which arose from the adverse circurnstances surroundingits creation, and his gradually changing conception of nusicalexpres s ion ,

NEW POLYPHONY FROM SIXTEENTH-AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY

Ednund StraincharnpsS.U.N.Y., Buffalo

This paper reports on a newly-discovered, and hithertoundescribed, repository of inportant sacred polyphonic compo-sitions prinarily from the late sixteenth and early seventeenthcenturies. Twelve 1arge, bound volumes (and two additionalfascicles) at the church of San Lorenzo in Florence containworks by Carpentras, Layolle, Verdelot, Vittoria, Palestrina,Pisano, Aso1a, Glovanelli, and Marco da Gagliano, as well asothers by lesser nasters such as Baccusi, Serra, Foggia,Cilandri, Del Turco, Cifra, and Bati. There are, in addition,a large number of works which stil1 lack attributions. Theapparently unique works include the rnissing first eight of theResponses for Holy Week by Bernardo Pisano (lacking in the CMM

edition), motets by Marco da Gagliano, his teacher, Luca Bati,and Francesco Corteccia--works which, by themselves, greatlyenrich our knowledge of Florentine nusic through four genera-tions. The manuscripts also offer variant versions of knownworks which are of particular interest.

NEWLY DISCOVERED TEXTS FORMUSICAL REPRESENTATIONS IN ROME BEFORE 1632

Margaret MurataUniversity of California, Irvine

Several new verbal texts for works performed in Romebefore 1632 have recently come to light, which give a clearerpicture of the size, subjects, and especially of the prevailingconcertato style of early Ronan musical representations' TheearTiEsE-discovery is a three-act opera in Latin, presented in1613 in the Collegio Gerrnanico with music by Ottavio Catalani.Another three-part Tepresentation, based on a contenporaryPolish rnili.tary victory, was perforned in 1625 in a literaryacadeny. Its author, Giovanni Ciarnpoli, also wrote the thirdwork to be discussed, Le Vendemnie di Castel Gandolfo, anautumn idy1l in four scenesl-wrltten between TCZT-anA 1632.

In considering the rnusical interludes which Leon Santiwrote for the Serninario Rornano and further nusical works byCianpoli, I contrast the Roman solo-choral mode of repre-

sentation allrantico with thestaged in Rome-ln--L614 (Anor

inore Florentinepudico) and 1620

favole in musicaTfretusaf.

-THE CLASSICAL PERIOD: NEW DIRECTIONS FOR RESEARCH,

Novenber 7, 2:00 p.m.

THE ''RIPIENO CONCERTO'' (CONCERTO A 4)AS THE PRINCIPAL EARLY FORM OF THE CONCERT SYMPHONY

Eugene K. WolfUniversity of Pennsylvania

The "ripieno concertot' (concerto d 4) , a type of "concerto"scored for string orchestra andrc-contTnfo-but generally lackingsolo parts, was anong the nost cornnon orchestral genres of theearly eighteenth century. This genre has been treated prinarilyas a forerunner of the solo concerto (e.g., Schering, Bukofzer,Boyden), or of the string quartet (e.g., Finscher). There isconsiderable evidence that the ripieno concerto must also beconsidered the principal early forrn of the concert symphony'Not only was it intended for the same perforrners, audiences,and occasions as early concert "synphonies," such as those ofG. B. Samrnartini frorn the 1730's, but it shares such charac-teristics as generally non-imitative texture and regular useof a three-novenent cycle ending with a binary, dance-typefinale.

Historians' failure to notice such an obvious relation-ship provides an object lesson in the dangers of uncrlticalacceptance of earlier ideas about periodization. C1ear1y, astratified approach, one distinguishing among repertories,genres, and styles, would have produced a far more historicallyaccurate picture than the traditional "Baroque" vs. "C1assica1"p er iodi z at ion .

MANUFACTURING A CHRONOLOGY:THE MUSIC OF CARLO D'ORDONEZ

A. Peter BrownIndiana University

Anong the most pressing problens for the student of late-and mid-eighteenth-century music is the establishnent ofchronologies, a ta.sk that first must be undertaken for eachindividual conposer in each geographic area before the collect-ive stylistic development of the era can even be discussedoutside the realm of a hypothetical/theoretical construct.The prevailing public approach to chronology (as well asauthenticity) has been to view external evidence as the onlyreliable data. This paper will dernonstrate how externalevidence is not significantly more reliable than the internalevidence for a composer such as Carlo d'Ordonez (L734-7786),for whose music dated copies are essentially non-existent.

THE BURGTHEATER AS A CENTEROF VIENNESE OPERATIC AND CONCERT LIFE

Daniel HeartzUniversity of California, Berkeley

It has been clairned that the opening of the Burgtheaterto the bourgeoisie early in the reign of Maria Theresa (1740'1780) allowed for the gradual overcoming of the artisticstagnation represented by the dynastic-glorification operascultivated under her father. This change in patronage, ithas been further clairned, opened the way for Gluck and forsubsequent Viennese achievernents in nusic. To the extentthat such clains can be substantiated they suggest a paral1e1with social, econornic and artistic factors that can be docu-nented at Paris, ca. 1755-1765, at which tlne and place asirnilar breakthrough to the universal musical style of thelast third of the century occurred. At the Burgtheater thestage served not only dranatic productions but also theAcademies (concerts) of Gluck, Mozart and nany others. Thedeployrnent of concert forces at such Acadenies, as well asthe interior of the ha11 and its size can be deduced by con-bining various kinds of evidence. A11 these factors have abearing on perforrnance practice, and especially on the pianoconcertos and other concert nusic of Moza'rtts last decade.

THE 'INEW'' CONCEPT OF MODULATION IN THE 1770'S AND 1780IS:C. P. E. BACH IN THEORY, CRITICISM AND PMCTICE

Ri chard KramerS.U.N.Y., Stony Brook

The revised edition of Bach's Versuch riber die wahre Artdas Clavier zu splelen, Tl (Leipzigl_-rT9D transmlts-anlnter-poTaCe-tr paragraflh-l-Tn-The chapter concerning free fantasy. Theparagraph talks about nodulation, and it takes as its nodelsieveral passages from Bach's own music. Those passages elicitedconsiderable critical conment well before 1797. The new para-graph is itself problenatic in a number of ways: it disturbsthe tight argunent of the original chapter; it asks to be dated,and to be understood in light of what Bach hirnself seerns tohave taken to be the special new aspects of those works whichhe cites here; and it gives a definition of nodulation--byinplication, through its exernplars--that is suggestive of akind of hierarchic discrimination quite beyond what nost laterstudents of Bach's music have cared to discern in it.

Historians have traditionally understood Bach's rnusic asantipathetic to the nain tendencies of the classical sty1e. Inso doing they fail to acknowledge qualities of his rnusic fromthe 1770's and 1780's which touch the deep aspects ofclassicism.

AMS/ SMT

LATE 1gTH- AND EARLY 2OTH-CENTURY MANUSCRIPT STUDIES,

Novernber 7,2:00 p.n,

DEBUSSY! S COMPOSITIONAL PROCEDURE :

EVIDENCE FROM ORCHESTML MANUSCRIPTS

Marie RolfEastman School of Music

This study highlights and illustrates Debussy's cornpo-sitional nethods as observed in his orchestral drafts for threernajor orchestral works fron near the turn of the century:Pr6lude d 1'AprEs-midi d'un faune, the Noctrlrnes, and La Mer.De6us st' s noTttlonaT-T'abits are cons i s teiT-fi-ETl three diaTts,which appear to be refined working copies and nay possibly havebeen the versions frorn which Debussy created his final or-chestral scores. The degree to which each draft is conpletevaries sonewhat from one novenent to another. Nevertheless,certain compositional decisions and procedures are clearly andconsistently evident in all three manuscripts. For exarnple,Debussy's contrapuntal thinking is revealed in his use ofvarious-colored inks for various 1ines, and his concern forproportion and symmetry is apparent in his idiosyncraticmeasure-nunbering systern. Changes in the rnanuscripts thern-selves and between the manuscripts and the final publishededitions reveal Debussy's insistence on motivic and tonalunity. It appears that orchestration was often an integralaspect of a melodic idea fron lts outset, since detailed con-nents regarding instrumentation often exist next to theearliest appearance of a melodic gern. Certain instrurnentaldoublings and subtle rhythmic variants that are characteristicof Debussyrs orchestral style rarely appear explicitly in thedrafts, yet they are consistently realized in the ful1 scores.Finally, at least in the case of La Mer, it is possible toresolve a conflicting date between tE-e draft and the faircopy, and to establish an order of composition arnong itsthree movements.

RICHARD STRAUSSIS PRE-SKETCH PLANFOR DEUTSCHE MOTETTE, OP. 62

Charlotte E. ErwinUniversity of Southern California

Richard Strauss made a practice of jotting short nusicalideas directly into a text as a prelirninary to sketching.Evidence of this practice appears in the composer's sketchbookswhich contain drafts of texts with marginal glosses, in anno-tated volunes of poetry in his library, and in the manuscriptand typescript drafts of Hofnannsthalrs opera librettos nowin the Strauss archive in Garnisch. Although a conplete surveyof all of Strauss's cornpositional rnanuscripts has not yet beenundertaken, enough evidence exists to suggest strongly thatthese pre-sketch fornulations should be considered the normalfirst stage in his conpositional process.

THE BURGTHEATER AS A CENTEROF VIENNESE OPERATIC AND CONCERT LIFE

Daniel HeartzUniversity of California, Berkeley

It has been clairned that the opening of the Burgtheaterto the bourgeoisie early in the reign of Maria Theresa (1740'1780) allowed for the gradual overcoming of the artisticstagnation represented by the dynastic-glorification operascultivated under her father. This change in patronage, ithas been further clairned, opened the way for Gluck and forsubsequent Viennese achievernents in nusic. To the extentthat such clains can be substantiated they suggest a paral1e1with social, econornic and artistic factors that can be docu-nented at Paris, ca. 1755-1765, at which tlne and place asirnilar breakthrough to the universal musical style of thelast third of the century occurred. At the Burgtheater thestage served not only dranatic productions but also theAcademies (concerts) of Gluck, Mozart and nany others. Thedeployrnent of concert forces at such Acadenies, as well asthe interior of the ha11 and its size can be deduced by con-bining various kinds of evidence. A11 these factors have abearing on perforrnance practice, and especially on the pianoconcertos and other concert nusic of Moza'rtts last decade.

THE 'INEW'' CONCEPT OF MODULATION IN THE 1770'S AND 1780IS:C. P. E. BACH IN THEORY, CRITICISM AND PMCTICE

Ri chard KramerS.U.N.Y., Stony Brook

The revised edition of Bach's Versuch riber die wahre Artdas Clavier zu splelen, Tl (Leipzigl_-rT9D transmlts-anlnter-poTaCe-tr paragraflh-l-Tn-The chapter concerning free fantasy. Theparagraph talks about nodulation, and it takes as its nodelsieveral passages from Bach's own music. Those passages elicitedconsiderable critical conment well before 1797. The new para-graph is itself problenatic in a number of ways: it disturbsthe tight argunent of the original chapter; it asks to be dated,and to be understood in light of what Bach hirnself seerns tohave taken to be the special new aspects of those works whichhe cites here; and it gives a definition of nodulation--byinplication, through its exernplars--that is suggestive of akind of hierarchic discrimination quite beyond what nost laterstudents of Bach's music have cared to discern in it.

Historians have traditionally understood Bach's rnusic asantipathetic to the nain tendencies of the classical sty1e. Inso doing they fail to acknowledge qualities of his rnusic fromthe 1770's and 1780's which touch the deep aspects ofclassicism.

AMS/ SMT

LATE 1gTH- AND EARLY 2OTH-CENTURY MANUSCRIPT STUDIES,

Novernber 7,2:00 p.n,

DEBUSSY! S COMPOSITIONAL PROCEDURE :

EVIDENCE FROM ORCHESTML MANUSCRIPTS

Marie RolfEastman School of Music

This study highlights and illustrates Debussy's cornpo-sitional nethods as observed in his orchestral drafts for threernajor orchestral works fron near the turn of the century:Pr6lude d 1'AprEs-midi d'un faune, the Noctrlrnes, and La Mer.De6us st' s noTttlonaT-T'abits are cons i s teiT-fi-ETl three diaTts,which appear to be refined working copies and nay possibly havebeen the versions frorn which Debussy created his final or-chestral scores. The degree to which each draft is conpletevaries sonewhat from one novenent to another. Nevertheless,certain compositional decisions and procedures are clearly andconsistently evident in all three manuscripts. For exarnple,Debussy's contrapuntal thinking is revealed in his use ofvarious-colored inks for various 1ines, and his concern forproportion and symmetry is apparent in his idiosyncraticmeasure-nunbering systern. Changes in the rnanuscripts thern-selves and between the manuscripts and the final publishededitions reveal Debussy's insistence on motivic and tonalunity. It appears that orchestration was often an integralaspect of a melodic idea fron lts outset, since detailed con-nents regarding instrumentation often exist next to theearliest appearance of a melodic gern. Certain instrurnentaldoublings and subtle rhythmic variants that are characteristicof Debussyrs orchestral style rarely appear explicitly in thedrafts, yet they are consistently realized in the ful1 scores.Finally, at least in the case of La Mer, it is possible toresolve a conflicting date between tE-e draft and the faircopy, and to establish an order of composition arnong itsthree movements.

RICHARD STRAUSSIS PRE-SKETCH PLANFOR DEUTSCHE MOTETTE, OP. 62

Charlotte E. ErwinUniversity of Southern California

Richard Strauss made a practice of jotting short nusicalideas directly into a text as a prelirninary to sketching.Evidence of this practice appears in the composer's sketchbookswhich contain drafts of texts with marginal glosses, in anno-tated volunes of poetry in his library, and in the manuscriptand typescript drafts of Hofnannsthalrs opera librettos nowin the Strauss archive in Garnisch. Although a conplete surveyof all of Strauss's cornpositional rnanuscripts has not yet beenundertaken, enough evidence exists to suggest strongly thatthese pre-sketch fornulations should be considered the normalfirst stage in his conpositional process.

Strauss frequently adrnitted that he required a text tostinulate the flow of nusical ideas. In order to see pre-cisely what sort of initj-al Tesponse a text could evoke, wewill examine in detail an annotated copy of a poern byRiickert, "Die Schdpfung ist zur Ruh' gegangen," whi-ch cane toforrn the basis of Deutsche Motette, op. 62, composed in 1913.Straussts annotations;--in-tFe case of Deutsche Motette prin-cipal ly indications of key, represent conceffioni-Tfiat arerealized with surprising consistency in his finished work.Therefore 1t is possible to hypothesize that the text-generatedfornulations represent a species of planning, particularly inthe area of tonal relations, which is fundamental to his con-positional rnethod. Furtherrnore, they show how closely and inwhat way Strauss's musical language and sense of structure arebound to extra-musical stirnuli.

EARLY INFLUENCES ON SCHOENBERG'S I{USIC:SEVEN SONGS FROM THE SCHOENBERG-NACHOD COLLECTION

Philip RussomYale University

The Arnold Schoenberg-Hans Nachod collection of corre-spondence and sources which surfaced in 1964 presents anexcellent source for deterrnining early influences on the youngSchoenberg. Many of the compositions in this collection arenere fragments, but arnong the conpleted works are seven songsfor solo voice and piano cornposed around 1895, but neverpublished.

Schoenbergts nusic experienced an extraordinary evolution,but rnotivic relationships and seni-contrapuntal harrnonic nove-ments are conmon to all stages of his developrnent. Schoenbergtsearliest cornpositional efforts were rnodeled on the variousprototypes with which he was faniliar. The seven early songsare strongly reminiscent of Schubert, Schumann and Brahrns.They also exhibit Schoenberg's careful voice-leading and hisinterest in notivic combinations.

SCHOENBERGIS SKETCHES AND HIS COMPOS]TIONAL METHODS

Martha M. MacleanYale University

The recent opening of the extraordinarily cornplete archivesand library of the Arnold Schoenberg Institute in Los Angelesmakes possible a better understanding both of the composerrs12-tone rnethod and also of his process of conposition. TheInstitute has attempted to catalogue the sketches in chrono-logical order, but because Schoenberg dated only a few of thern,rnany questions renain. Sone of these questions concern sketchesthat Schoenberg prepared for private lessons or classes toillustrate cornpleted conpositlons, but which nay be difficultto distinguish from sketches rnade in the process of conposition.The sketches not only shed significant new light on Schoenberg'stheoretical writings, which were incornplete and cryptic by

design, but they also representlong-standing rnisapprehension oftation of his music.

our best evidence to correcthis method and rnisinterpre-

The paper will focus prirnarily upon Schoenberg's cornposi-tional process as it is revealed in the problematical relation-ship between first drafts and sketches. Contrary to what onernight expect, Schoenberg does not appear to have refined andelaborated his ideas in sketches and tables before proceedingto nake a first draft. Many first drafts show the conpositionat various stages of conpletion, as though Schoenberg useddrafts and sketches sirnultaneously. The evidence for hiscomposltional process rests prinarily upon the original nota-tion and lay-out of the sketches and drafts, features easilylost in transcription.

WEBERN'S OP. 10: AN EARLY VERSION

Edward MurrayCornell UniversitY

Webern's Five Pieces for Orchestra, op. 10, exist in aprelirninary version to which the cornposer originally assignedihe opus number 6. The nanuscript is now at the Morgan Libraryin New York City. This work includes the pieces eventuallynurnbered as II, III and V in op. 10, as well as a song, "0Sanftes Gliih'n der Berge," using the same instrumental forces,which Webern never published. Comparing early and finalversions, we find that pitches are substantially the sarne,but that considerable differences exi-st with respect toarticulation, orchestration and dynanics. Thus "Opus 6" seensto lie somewhere between a sketch and a finished work. Thepaper will consider the nature of Webern's revisions, and willdiscuss the relationship between "O Sanftes Ghih'n der Berge"and its instrumental companion pieces in "op. 6."

STUDIES IN THE ENGLISH RENAISSANCE, Novenber 8, 9:00 a'n.

ROYAL 8 . G. Vi T : STRAIVBERRY LEAVES ,SINGLE ARCH, AND WRONG-WAY.LIONS

Frank TirroYale University

London, British Library, MS' Royal 8.G.VII is a well-known parchrnent choirbook of continental polyphony once ownedby Heniy VIII and Catherine of Aragon. Modern reseatchershave rnade al1 the nusic available in transcription and havedelved into the questions of donors, recipients, scribes,illuninators, repertoire, nanuscript farnilies, and physicalcharacteristics of the rnanuscript itself. Although much isagreed upon, I shall show that cluestions of date, provenance'and original ownership have not been satisfactorily answered,

Strauss frequently adrnitted that he required a text tostinulate the flow of nusical ideas. In order to see pre-cisely what sort of initj-al Tesponse a text could evoke, wewill examine in detail an annotated copy of a poern byRiickert, "Die Schdpfung ist zur Ruh' gegangen," whi-ch cane toforrn the basis of Deutsche Motette, op. 62, composed in 1913.Straussts annotations;--in-tFe case of Deutsche Motette prin-cipal ly indications of key, represent conceffioni-Tfiat arerealized with surprising consistency in his finished work.Therefore 1t is possible to hypothesize that the text-generatedfornulations represent a species of planning, particularly inthe area of tonal relations, which is fundamental to his con-positional rnethod. Furtherrnore, they show how closely and inwhat way Strauss's musical language and sense of structure arebound to extra-musical stirnuli.

EARLY INFLUENCES ON SCHOENBERG'S I{USIC:SEVEN SONGS FROM THE SCHOENBERG-NACHOD COLLECTION

Philip RussomYale University

The Arnold Schoenberg-Hans Nachod collection of corre-spondence and sources which surfaced in 1964 presents anexcellent source for deterrnining early influences on the youngSchoenberg. Many of the compositions in this collection arenere fragments, but arnong the conpleted works are seven songsfor solo voice and piano cornposed around 1895, but neverpublished.

Schoenbergts nusic experienced an extraordinary evolution,but rnotivic relationships and seni-contrapuntal harrnonic nove-ments are conmon to all stages of his developrnent. Schoenbergtsearliest cornpositional efforts were rnodeled on the variousprototypes with which he was faniliar. The seven early songsare strongly reminiscent of Schubert, Schumann and Brahrns.They also exhibit Schoenberg's careful voice-leading and hisinterest in notivic combinations.

SCHOENBERGIS SKETCHES AND HIS COMPOS]TIONAL METHODS

Martha M. MacleanYale University

The recent opening of the extraordinarily cornplete archivesand library of the Arnold Schoenberg Institute in Los Angelesmakes possible a better understanding both of the composerrs12-tone rnethod and also of his process of conposition. TheInstitute has attempted to catalogue the sketches in chrono-logical order, but because Schoenberg dated only a few of thern,rnany questions renain. Sone of these questions concern sketchesthat Schoenberg prepared for private lessons or classes toillustrate cornpleted conpositlons, but which nay be difficultto distinguish from sketches rnade in the process of conposition.The sketches not only shed significant new light on Schoenberg'stheoretical writings, which were incornplete and cryptic by

design, but they also representlong-standing rnisapprehension oftation of his music.

our best evidence to correcthis method and rnisinterpre-

The paper will focus prirnarily upon Schoenberg's cornposi-tional process as it is revealed in the problematical relation-ship between first drafts and sketches. Contrary to what onernight expect, Schoenberg does not appear to have refined andelaborated his ideas in sketches and tables before proceedingto nake a first draft. Many first drafts show the conpositionat various stages of conpletion, as though Schoenberg useddrafts and sketches sirnultaneously. The evidence for hiscomposltional process rests prinarily upon the original nota-tion and lay-out of the sketches and drafts, features easilylost in transcription.

WEBERN'S OP. 10: AN EARLY VERSION

Edward MurrayCornell UniversitY

Webern's Five Pieces for Orchestra, op. 10, exist in aprelirninary version to which the cornposer originally assignedihe opus number 6. The nanuscript is now at the Morgan Libraryin New York City. This work includes the pieces eventuallynurnbered as II, III and V in op. 10, as well as a song, "0Sanftes Gliih'n der Berge," using the same instrumental forces,which Webern never published. Comparing early and finalversions, we find that pitches are substantially the sarne,but that considerable differences exi-st with respect toarticulation, orchestration and dynanics. Thus "Opus 6" seensto lie somewhere between a sketch and a finished work. Thepaper will consider the nature of Webern's revisions, and willdiscuss the relationship between "O Sanftes Ghih'n der Berge"and its instrumental companion pieces in "op. 6."

STUDIES IN THE ENGLISH RENAISSANCE, Novenber 8, 9:00 a'n.

ROYAL 8 . G. Vi T : STRAIVBERRY LEAVES ,SINGLE ARCH, AND WRONG-WAY.LIONS

Frank TirroYale University

London, British Library, MS' Royal 8.G.VII is a well-known parchrnent choirbook of continental polyphony once ownedby Heniy VIII and Catherine of Aragon. Modern reseatchershave rnade al1 the nusic available in transcription and havedelved into the questions of donors, recipients, scribes,illuninators, repertoire, nanuscript farnilies, and physicalcharacteristics of the rnanuscript itself. Although much isagreed upon, I shall show that cluestions of date, provenance'and original ownership have not been satisfactorily answered,

that obvlous but rnisleading clues have trapped rnany intoassurning that this choirbook was prepared in the Ghent-Brugesatelier, possibly at the request of Charles V, for Henry VIIIand Catherine sornetirne before 1533, a date rnost Tecentlynarrowed to the years 1516-1522. I shal1 dernonstrate, how-ever, that the manuscript is of a slightly earlier origin,that Henry and Catherine were not the intended recipients,that it nay have been illuminated in England, and that itprobably cane not frorn the Enpire but frorn France.

SQUARES

Margaret BentBrandeis University

Three rnasses in the nid-sixteenth century Gyffard part-books are described there as "upon the square." Some of theircantus firmi occur elsewhere as monophonic tenors. TheseIenors can 6e shown to derive frorn different polyphonic corn-positions, dating fron the late fourteenth century onwards,and are assumed to be the "squares" on which the later com-positions are based. Other coTnpositions on these or onsinilarly-derived cantus prius facti, hence, are also presumedto be compositions-6i-squares. -The term also has a career inarchival documents denoting material or techniques for singing,teaching, composition and copying. The pioneering study ofthis phenonenon was Hugh Bai11ie, "Squates," Acta MusicologicaXXXII' (1960). This paier will show how a growlng neTtotffif-concordances and references perrnits the term to be extendedbeyond Bailliers findings in tine, place and repertory, whileattenpting to show that it should perhaps not be applied toclosely analogous procedures originating outside England.

A NEW DISCOVERY ABOUT BYRD'S MASSES

PhiUniversity of Berkel ey

lip BrettCalifornia,

Recent scholarship has only begun to uncover the extentof Byrd's use of other conposerstwotks to shape his own inone way or another. To narne a few instances, Ta11is appearsto have been an inportant influence on sone of the Anglicanworks, the elder Ferrabosco on some of the earlier motets,and Redford on the development of Byrd's keyboard sty1e. Ithas always been supposed that the three settings of the Masswere entirely independent and free of any kind of externalreference. This paper describes the author's discovery of anodel for the Four-Part Mass, the first of the three to bepublished and probably the first to be cornposed. It thengoes on to discuss the nature and implications of Byrdrsmusical references to the work of his greatest English pre-decessor, John Taverner.

CONFLICTING TEXTS FOR BYRD'S VERSE SERVICE

Craig MonsonYale University

Williarn Byrd's Verse Service represents the earliest sur-viving attenpt to set the Anglican service in the verse idiom,cornbining soloists and chorus, a forrn which grew increasinglyinportant during the seventeenth century. Our understandingand appreciation of the work are severely harnpered by the factthat the sources are 1ate, inconplete, and unreliable. Theorgan part, which is an essential part of the piece, survivesin two different versions, copied sone fifty years apart andoffering drastically different accompanirnents to the solosections. The later source also incorporates different vocalparts for sone verses.

An examination of the earlier acconpaninent, which previouseditors rejected as too simple for Byrd, reveals that it is lessimplausible than one might fi-rst suppose, and has rnuch in conmonwith Byrd's earliest, little known psaln settings for solo voiceand consort. It rnay represent Byrdrs original conception ofthe Service. An analysis of the later, nore cornplicated versioni-ndj-cates that it represents Byrdts own rethinking of theearlier text, sirnilar to his revisions of various consort songs,antherns, and notets from the 1580rs.

Both versions are like1y to reflect Byrd's intentions, butin a form that offers only an approximation of the work as Byrdperforrned it. Although it is clearly inpossible to read back-wards frorn the scanty renains to Byrdrs own originals, a fillingout of the short-hand MS verslons, following the exarnple ofByrd's fu11er viol acconpanirnents, rnay take us several stepscloser to what the composer first had in mind.

SPECIAL STUDIES, Novenber 8, 9:00 a.n.

THE DICKINSON COLLECTIONOF CLAM AND ROBERT SCHUMANN MATERIALS: A REPORT

Jurgen ThYrn and RalPh P. LockeEastman School of Music

The Dickinson Collection, forrned over a span of sornetwenty-five years by Mrs. June M. Dickinson and her latehusband Edwaid, contains original nanuscripts, early printededitions, autograph letters, and personal iterns of severalinportant musicians of the past, nost notably Clara andRobert Schumann.

This collection, inaccessible to the public and toscholars for many years, consists primarily of letters andscores which two Schumann grandsons were forced to se1l dur-ing the difficult years following World War II. The

that obvlous but rnisleading clues have trapped rnany intoassurning that this choirbook was prepared in the Ghent-Brugesatelier, possibly at the request of Charles V, for Henry VIIIand Catherine sornetirne before 1533, a date rnost Tecentlynarrowed to the years 1516-1522. I shal1 dernonstrate, how-ever, that the manuscript is of a slightly earlier origin,that Henry and Catherine were not the intended recipients,that it nay have been illuminated in England, and that itprobably cane not frorn the Enpire but frorn France.

SQUARES

Margaret BentBrandeis University

Three rnasses in the nid-sixteenth century Gyffard part-books are described there as "upon the square." Some of theircantus firmi occur elsewhere as monophonic tenors. TheseIenors can 6e shown to derive frorn different polyphonic corn-positions, dating fron the late fourteenth century onwards,and are assumed to be the "squares" on which the later com-positions are based. Other coTnpositions on these or onsinilarly-derived cantus prius facti, hence, are also presumedto be compositions-6i-squares. -The term also has a career inarchival documents denoting material or techniques for singing,teaching, composition and copying. The pioneering study ofthis phenonenon was Hugh Bai11ie, "Squates," Acta MusicologicaXXXII' (1960). This paier will show how a growlng neTtotffif-concordances and references perrnits the term to be extendedbeyond Bailliers findings in tine, place and repertory, whileattenpting to show that it should perhaps not be applied toclosely analogous procedures originating outside England.

A NEW DISCOVERY ABOUT BYRD'S MASSES

PhiUniversity of Berkel ey

lip BrettCalifornia,

Recent scholarship has only begun to uncover the extentof Byrd's use of other conposerstwotks to shape his own inone way or another. To narne a few instances, Ta11is appearsto have been an inportant influence on sone of the Anglicanworks, the elder Ferrabosco on some of the earlier motets,and Redford on the development of Byrd's keyboard sty1e. Ithas always been supposed that the three settings of the Masswere entirely independent and free of any kind of externalreference. This paper describes the author's discovery of anodel for the Four-Part Mass, the first of the three to bepublished and probably the first to be cornposed. It thengoes on to discuss the nature and implications of Byrdrsmusical references to the work of his greatest English pre-decessor, John Taverner.

CONFLICTING TEXTS FOR BYRD'S VERSE SERVICE

Craig MonsonYale University

Williarn Byrd's Verse Service represents the earliest sur-viving attenpt to set the Anglican service in the verse idiom,cornbining soloists and chorus, a forrn which grew increasinglyinportant during the seventeenth century. Our understandingand appreciation of the work are severely harnpered by the factthat the sources are 1ate, inconplete, and unreliable. Theorgan part, which is an essential part of the piece, survivesin two different versions, copied sone fifty years apart andoffering drastically different accompanirnents to the solosections. The later source also incorporates different vocalparts for sone verses.

An examination of the earlier acconpaninent, which previouseditors rejected as too simple for Byrd, reveals that it is lessimplausible than one might fi-rst suppose, and has rnuch in conmonwith Byrd's earliest, little known psaln settings for solo voiceand consort. It rnay represent Byrdrs original conception ofthe Service. An analysis of the later, nore cornplicated versioni-ndj-cates that it represents Byrdts own rethinking of theearlier text, sirnilar to his revisions of various consort songs,antherns, and notets from the 1580rs.

Both versions are like1y to reflect Byrd's intentions, butin a form that offers only an approximation of the work as Byrdperforrned it. Although it is clearly inpossible to read back-wards frorn the scanty renains to Byrdrs own originals, a fillingout of the short-hand MS verslons, following the exarnple ofByrd's fu11er viol acconpanirnents, rnay take us several stepscloser to what the composer first had in mind.

SPECIAL STUDIES, Novenber 8, 9:00 a.n.

THE DICKINSON COLLECTIONOF CLAM AND ROBERT SCHUMANN MATERIALS: A REPORT

Jurgen ThYrn and RalPh P. LockeEastman School of Music

The Dickinson Collection, forrned over a span of sornetwenty-five years by Mrs. June M. Dickinson and her latehusband Edwaid, contains original nanuscripts, early printededitions, autograph letters, and personal iterns of severalinportant musicians of the past, nost notably Clara andRobert Schumann.

This collection, inaccessible to the public and toscholars for many years, consists primarily of letters andscores which two Schumann grandsons were forced to se1l dur-ing the difficult years following World War II. The

Dickinsons, through tireless correspondence with scholars andSchurnann relatives, were able to acquire bundles of manuscriptsand scores in exchange for gifts of noney and nuch-needed food,To these priceless documents they added others (purchased frondealers) and a veritable library of supporting naterialsnecessary for study and analysis of the original sources.

Chief anong the Collection's treasures are the autographmanuscripts of thTee Robert Schumann works, some of which pre-serve sketches and early versions of passages which the composerlater refined for publication. In particular, we now know thata vocal trio, Ldndllches Lied, Op. 27, no. 2, began life as abeautiful and substantially different duet. Of najor irnportancealso are the 286 Clara Schumann letters, mostly unpubll-shed,which chart her activities as pianist, teacher, and pronoterof her husband's rnusic, The earliest letters allow us to traceRobertrs prernature decline into madness and death; the latestfill out the story of Clara's unflagging activity until her owndeath in 1896. Other irnportant items which have appeared inthe course of the recent cataloguing include 15 letters ofRobert Schurnann (rnostly unpublished), a fascinating set ofletters by Clara's father Friedrich Wieck, and unpublishedpieces by Mendelssohn's devoted friend Ignaz Moscheles and byClara Schumann herself.

A MAJOR ADDITION TO THE SCHOENBERG COLLECTIONAT THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

Bryan SimrnsUniversity of Southern California

At his death in 1951 Arnold Schoenberg left his collectedcorrespondence to the Library of Congress. This bequest ofover 10,000 pages of letters to Schoenberg and extensive draftsand carbon copies of his own correspondence represents an un-paralleled source of biographical infornation about this corn-poser and his circle. The size of the collection reflectsSchoenberg's broad range of interests and connections with thernusicians of his tine and also his fastidious preservation ofwritten documents and records. Its scope nakes it a majorsource of infornation on all aspects of music and nusiciansin the first half of the twentieth century.

The transferral of the correspondence fron Schoenberg'sheirs to the Library of Congress has been carried out overseveral decades. The copiei and drafts of Schoenberg's ownletters together with the voluninous correspondence addressedto Schoenberg frorn Berg and Webern and a snattering of otherletters were conveyed in the 1960's to the Library to forrnwhat is now calfed the "Arnold Schoenberg Co11ection."

This collection was conpleted in 1980 by the donation ofthe rernalning letters from other correspondents, includinglarge nunbers frorn Erwin Stein, Rudolf Kolisch, Carl Engel,Alexander von Zernlinsky, and Enil Hertzka. This addition morethan doubles the size of the collection and, for the firsttine, rnakes widely aval1ab1e the rnajority of letters writtento the composer by correspondents other than Berg and Webern.

The letters clarify Schoenbergts relati-on to musicians insideand outside of his circle, and docunent his dealings withpublishers, perforrners, and the rnusical public. Especiallyinfornative is the group of letters frorn representatives ofSchoenberg's Viennese publisher, Universal Edition.

BRE]TKOPF'S CATALOGS AND MANUSCRIPT COPIES

George R. HillBaruch Co1lege, C.U.N.Y.

Beginning in 1761, Johann Gottlob lnmanuel Breitkopfissued a nurnber of thenatic and non-thematic sale catalogswhich offered copies (1arge1y in rnanuscri.pt) of a considerablebody of contenporaneous nusic. The significance of thesecatalogs in terns of the breadth and depth of their coveragehas long been known, but there has been no systenatic effortto docunent Breitkopf's influence by tTacing manuscripts listedas available in the catalogs, The dispersal of the rernnants ofthe manuscript collection by nail auction in 1836 and thedestruction of the Breitkopf G Hdrtel buildings in Leipzigduring World War II have increased the complexity of thisundertaking.

This paper reports the results of several lines of re-search. Partly through the use of Jan LaRue's union thernaticcatalogs, it has been possible to locate two types of Breit-kopf manuscripts: source rnanuscripts and copies made by thefirn. A nurnber of source manuscripts (fron which copieswould have been made) have been traced to the Archive of theGesellschaft der Musikfreunde j-n Wien. Manuscripts in otherlibraries share physical characteristics, including typicalfornats. distinctive narkings on covers, and watermarks.From these types of evidence, correlations have been nadeand a group of Breitkopf copies has been identified.

DATA MANAGEMENT AND RECORDINGS OF EARLY MUSIC

David CrawfordUniversity of Michigan

Musicologists who look to the conputer for assistancehave usually expected to face the di fficult choice of learningprogramrning languages or hiring a programmer. For rnany rnusi-cological chores, however, this dilemrna no longer exists.General purpose systems for inforrnation storage and retrievalhave gained widespread use in industry, business, and someacademic disciplines. If such systems are well designed, usersrnay need little or no knowledge of cornputing. These convenientsystems are significant because rnuch musicological work,whether cornputerized or not, has been contingent upon dataprocessing.

The healthy growth of early rnusic performance has createdan unwieldy problem for those who try to be well-informedabout recordings. A practical discography for early music

Dickinsons, through tireless correspondence with scholars andSchurnann relatives, were able to acquire bundles of manuscriptsand scores in exchange for gifts of noney and nuch-needed food,To these priceless documents they added others (purchased frondealers) and a veritable library of supporting naterialsnecessary for study and analysis of the original sources.

Chief anong the Collection's treasures are the autographmanuscripts of thTee Robert Schumann works, some of which pre-serve sketches and early versions of passages which the composerlater refined for publication. In particular, we now know thata vocal trio, Ldndllches Lied, Op. 27, no. 2, began life as abeautiful and substantially different duet. Of najor irnportancealso are the 286 Clara Schumann letters, mostly unpubll-shed,which chart her activities as pianist, teacher, and pronoterof her husband's rnusic, The earliest letters allow us to traceRobertrs prernature decline into madness and death; the latestfill out the story of Clara's unflagging activity until her owndeath in 1896. Other irnportant items which have appeared inthe course of the recent cataloguing include 15 letters ofRobert Schurnann (rnostly unpublished), a fascinating set ofletters by Clara's father Friedrich Wieck, and unpublishedpieces by Mendelssohn's devoted friend Ignaz Moscheles and byClara Schumann herself.

A MAJOR ADDITION TO THE SCHOENBERG COLLECTIONAT THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

Bryan SimrnsUniversity of Southern California

At his death in 1951 Arnold Schoenberg left his collectedcorrespondence to the Library of Congress. This bequest ofover 10,000 pages of letters to Schoenberg and extensive draftsand carbon copies of his own correspondence represents an un-paralleled source of biographical infornation about this corn-poser and his circle. The size of the collection reflectsSchoenberg's broad range of interests and connections with thernusicians of his tine and also his fastidious preservation ofwritten documents and records. Its scope nakes it a majorsource of infornation on all aspects of music and nusiciansin the first half of the twentieth century.

The transferral of the correspondence fron Schoenberg'sheirs to the Library of Congress has been carried out overseveral decades. The copiei and drafts of Schoenberg's ownletters together with the voluninous correspondence addressedto Schoenberg frorn Berg and Webern and a snattering of otherletters were conveyed in the 1960's to the Library to forrnwhat is now calfed the "Arnold Schoenberg Co11ection."

This collection was conpleted in 1980 by the donation ofthe rernalning letters from other correspondents, includinglarge nunbers frorn Erwin Stein, Rudolf Kolisch, Carl Engel,Alexander von Zernlinsky, and Enil Hertzka. This addition morethan doubles the size of the collection and, for the firsttine, rnakes widely aval1ab1e the rnajority of letters writtento the composer by correspondents other than Berg and Webern.

The letters clarify Schoenbergts relati-on to musicians insideand outside of his circle, and docunent his dealings withpublishers, perforrners, and the rnusical public. Especiallyinfornative is the group of letters frorn representatives ofSchoenberg's Viennese publisher, Universal Edition.

BRE]TKOPF'S CATALOGS AND MANUSCRIPT COPIES

George R. HillBaruch Co1lege, C.U.N.Y.

Beginning in 1761, Johann Gottlob lnmanuel Breitkopfissued a nurnber of thenatic and non-thematic sale catalogswhich offered copies (1arge1y in rnanuscri.pt) of a considerablebody of contenporaneous nusic. The significance of thesecatalogs in terns of the breadth and depth of their coveragehas long been known, but there has been no systenatic effortto docunent Breitkopf's influence by tTacing manuscripts listedas available in the catalogs, The dispersal of the rernnants ofthe manuscript collection by nail auction in 1836 and thedestruction of the Breitkopf G Hdrtel buildings in Leipzigduring World War II have increased the complexity of thisundertaking.

This paper reports the results of several lines of re-search. Partly through the use of Jan LaRue's union thernaticcatalogs, it has been possible to locate two types of Breit-kopf manuscripts: source rnanuscripts and copies made by thefirn. A nurnber of source manuscripts (fron which copieswould have been made) have been traced to the Archive of theGesellschaft der Musikfreunde j-n Wien. Manuscripts in otherlibraries share physical characteristics, including typicalfornats. distinctive narkings on covers, and watermarks.From these types of evidence, correlations have been nadeand a group of Breitkopf copies has been identified.

DATA MANAGEMENT AND RECORDINGS OF EARLY MUSIC

David CrawfordUniversity of Michigan

Musicologists who look to the conputer for assistancehave usually expected to face the di fficult choice of learningprogramrning languages or hiring a programmer. For rnany rnusi-cological chores, however, this dilemrna no longer exists.General purpose systems for inforrnation storage and retrievalhave gained widespread use in industry, business, and someacademic disciplines. If such systems are well designed, usersrnay need little or no knowledge of cornputing. These convenientsystems are significant because rnuch musicological work,whether cornputerized or not, has been contingent upon dataprocessing.

The healthy growth of early rnusic performance has createdan unwieldy problem for those who try to be well-informedabout recordings. A practical discography for early music

poses some difficulti-es which require help from. a conputer:i; reports need to be revised expediently and cheaply toaccount for new releases; 2) usefulness is directly propor-tional to flexible capabilities for cross-indexing; and 3) analbun of early nusic is a potential menagerie of up to 40 orso different pieces, juxtaposing different titles, conposers'eras, genres ,- perforrners, performance qualities , and rnedia.Practiial descriptions nay need to include a large alrount ofinformat ion.

An experimental systern for early nusic discography hasbeen creat-ed. The file presently contains inforrnation on about4000 recorded perfornances of rnusic composed between about 1390and 1555. An analysis of that inforrnation identifies trends,sorne of then felicitous and others regrettable, in recordingsissued since 1960,

l'{USiCA SPECULATIVA, Novernber 8, 9:00 a.m.

THE REVIVAL OF SPECULATIVE MUSIC

Joscelyn GodwinColgate UniversitY

Speculative rnusic has taken two directions in the pasthundred years. The first is historicaT, and began with- thework of Rlbert Freiherr von Thinus (Das harmonikale Sy{rbPfikdes Altertuns, 1859) who showed the'great-GxTEnt to wFiEh-fFefi-armonTE-seTTes and its mathematics were known and valued inancient civilizations. Marius Schneider, using an utterlydifferent approach (El origen musical de los lnimales--sinbolesen la rn i torbsi a y la esEufturalnTl zuai l9f6F, reconstructeda hypoaFetidT-bbsi5 To r Tile wholE-;imegal ithic cul t ure onmusical lines and traced its successors in folklore andmedieval architecture. Ernest McClain (The Myth of Invariance,1976) also posits a musico-mathenatical model at the verycenter of archaic thought.

The second direction is not historical but inrnediate andernpirical, concerning itself with the actual connections ofnusic and'the phenomenal world, using each to explain theother. Hans Kiyser, an adrnirer of von Thinus and an avowedneo-Pythagorean', applied a universal theory of harnonics^tonaturil aiil artistii phenomena (Lehrbuch der Harmonj-k, 1950).In this he was c1ose, though not aTTiedl to Annt-von Lange(Mensch, Musik und Kosmos, 1956) and other followers ofliudolt6telner wtro contl-nue to explore the relat ions of sound ,

natter, nathenatics and the psyche.

The ideas of all these writers are complex and forbiddingto those unfaniliar with conparative religion and occultphilosophy. This paper explains sorne of then and attempts a

synthesis'of the sbpirate ipproaches with a view to furtheravenues of research.

SONG-PATHS IN PTNDAR

Charles W. WarrenEisenhower College

Poetic ascent on "paths of song" is a prominent inage inPindar, who clinbed the celestial nountains in a chariot tosing the stories of the gods and the deeds of heroes ernblazonedthere, The rnuses guided the poet-singer along these cosmicsong-paths; in various guises they sang and danced the nusicof the heavens over Helicon, Olynpus, and Parnassus, command-ing "the steep paths of wisdom"l as siren-planets they mademantic nusic at Delphi, providing a tonal frarnework for sacredsong and a celestial tone-road for the "wise singer." It isclear frorn a study of Pindar's rnusical imagery that these song-paths were hymns which served as a divine foundation for lyricelaboration.

Poetic passage between earth and heaven on paths of songis found in literary and iconographic sources as early asHorner, and has para1le1s in shananistic techniques, In ternsof this pristine metaphor, we can account for the transferfrorn earth to heaven of various images that forrned the mytho-poeic basis of Greek cosrnology, in particular the rnusic ofthe heavens. We can affirrn that the legendary Olynpus wasindeed the "inventor" of Greek musical theory, and that aslate as Pindar, at 1east, there was no irnpenetrable boundarybetween physical and metaphysical rnusic.

EARLY ALTERNATIVES TO THE PYTHAGOREAN TUNING SYSTEM

Jan W. HerlingerDuke Universl-ty

The so-called "Pythagorean" tunlng systern survived ln theLatin West nore tenaciously than any other rennant of Greekmusic theory. It was the foundation of nusic in the MiddleAges and, despite its sharp major thirds and inpure triads,its lack of enharmonic equivalence for sharps and f1ats, andthe complexity of its arithrnetic relationships, it persi,stedas the standard throughout the Renaissance.

As early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, how-ever, suggestions for rnore or less serious nodifications ofPythagorean tuning or alter:natives to it rnake their appearancein music theory; they nultiply in the course of the next threehundred years. In 1317-18, Marchetto divides the whole toneinto fifths; Gostaltus Francigena (1375) and Johannes Ciconia(c.1410) divide it into thirds; Gaffurio (1480), Wollick(1501), Aaron (1516), and Lusitano (1553) divide it intoninths; and an anonynous writer of the late fifteenth centuryeven proposes division into thirty-four parts. The use ofhexachords built on notes other than C, F, and G burgeonsduring the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In 1413Prosdocirnus expands the scale to seventeen notes--sevennaturals, five sharps, and five flats not enharmonically equiva-lent to them--though at about the sane tirne an organ tuner

poses some difficulti-es which require help from. a conputer:i; reports need to be revised expediently and cheaply toaccount for new releases; 2) usefulness is directly propor-tional to flexible capabilities for cross-indexing; and 3) analbun of early nusic is a potential menagerie of up to 40 orso different pieces, juxtaposing different titles, conposers'eras, genres ,- perforrners, performance qualities , and rnedia.Practiial descriptions nay need to include a large alrount ofinformat ion.

An experimental systern for early nusic discography hasbeen creat-ed. The file presently contains inforrnation on about4000 recorded perfornances of rnusic composed between about 1390and 1555. An analysis of that inforrnation identifies trends,sorne of then felicitous and others regrettable, in recordingsissued since 1960,

l'{USiCA SPECULATIVA, Novernber 8, 9:00 a.m.

THE REVIVAL OF SPECULATIVE MUSIC

Joscelyn GodwinColgate UniversitY

Speculative rnusic has taken two directions in the pasthundred years. The first is historicaT, and began with- thework of Rlbert Freiherr von Thinus (Das harmonikale Sy{rbPfikdes Altertuns, 1859) who showed the'great-GxTEnt to wFiEh-fFefi-armonTE-seTTes and its mathematics were known and valued inancient civilizations. Marius Schneider, using an utterlydifferent approach (El origen musical de los lnimales--sinbolesen la rn i torbsi a y la esEufturalnTl zuai l9f6F, reconstructeda hypoaFetidT-bbsi5 To r Tile wholE-;imegal ithic cul t ure onmusical lines and traced its successors in folklore andmedieval architecture. Ernest McClain (The Myth of Invariance,1976) also posits a musico-mathenatical model at the verycenter of archaic thought.

The second direction is not historical but inrnediate andernpirical, concerning itself with the actual connections ofnusic and'the phenomenal world, using each to explain theother. Hans Kiyser, an adrnirer of von Thinus and an avowedneo-Pythagorean', applied a universal theory of harnonics^tonaturil aiil artistii phenomena (Lehrbuch der Harmonj-k, 1950).In this he was c1ose, though not aTTiedl to Annt-von Lange(Mensch, Musik und Kosmos, 1956) and other followers ofliudolt6telner wtro contl-nue to explore the relat ions of sound ,

natter, nathenatics and the psyche.

The ideas of all these writers are complex and forbiddingto those unfaniliar with conparative religion and occultphilosophy. This paper explains sorne of then and attempts a

synthesis'of the sbpirate ipproaches with a view to furtheravenues of research.

SONG-PATHS IN PTNDAR

Charles W. WarrenEisenhower College

Poetic ascent on "paths of song" is a prominent inage inPindar, who clinbed the celestial nountains in a chariot tosing the stories of the gods and the deeds of heroes ernblazonedthere, The rnuses guided the poet-singer along these cosmicsong-paths; in various guises they sang and danced the nusicof the heavens over Helicon, Olynpus, and Parnassus, command-ing "the steep paths of wisdom"l as siren-planets they mademantic nusic at Delphi, providing a tonal frarnework for sacredsong and a celestial tone-road for the "wise singer." It isclear frorn a study of Pindar's rnusical imagery that these song-paths were hymns which served as a divine foundation for lyricelaboration.

Poetic passage between earth and heaven on paths of songis found in literary and iconographic sources as early asHorner, and has para1le1s in shananistic techniques, In ternsof this pristine metaphor, we can account for the transferfrorn earth to heaven of various images that forrned the mytho-poeic basis of Greek cosrnology, in particular the rnusic ofthe heavens. We can affirrn that the legendary Olynpus wasindeed the "inventor" of Greek musical theory, and that aslate as Pindar, at 1east, there was no irnpenetrable boundarybetween physical and metaphysical rnusic.

EARLY ALTERNATIVES TO THE PYTHAGOREAN TUNING SYSTEM

Jan W. HerlingerDuke Universl-ty

The so-called "Pythagorean" tunlng systern survived ln theLatin West nore tenaciously than any other rennant of Greekmusic theory. It was the foundation of nusic in the MiddleAges and, despite its sharp major thirds and inpure triads,its lack of enharmonic equivalence for sharps and f1ats, andthe complexity of its arithrnetic relationships, it persi,stedas the standard throughout the Renaissance.

As early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, how-ever, suggestions for rnore or less serious nodifications ofPythagorean tuning or alter:natives to it rnake their appearancein music theory; they nultiply in the course of the next threehundred years. In 1317-18, Marchetto divides the whole toneinto fifths; Gostaltus Francigena (1375) and Johannes Ciconia(c.1410) divide it into thirds; Gaffurio (1480), Wollick(1501), Aaron (1516), and Lusitano (1553) divide it intoninths; and an anonynous writer of the late fifteenth centuryeven proposes division into thirty-four parts. The use ofhexachords built on notes other than C, F, and G burgeonsduring the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In 1413Prosdocirnus expands the scale to seventeen notes--sevennaturals, five sharps, and five flats not enharmonically equiva-lent to them--though at about the sane tirne an organ tuner

FMNCHINO GAFFURIO AS A MUSICAL HUMANIST

Claude V. PaliscaYale University

It is well known that Gaffurio procured translations byFrancesco Burana and Niccolo Leoniceno of the nusical treatisesof Aristides Quintilianus, Bacchius, Ptoleny, Bryennius, andthe Anonynous of Bellerrnan. A number of footnote referencesin the translations of works of Gaffurio by Irwin Young andClernent Miller note certain debts of Gaffurio to these ancientauthors. However, no reasoned assessment of the importanceof his reading of the anclent sources in redirecting and trans-forning his rnusical thought has been undertaken.

In this paper I wish to sunrnarize ny conclusions fron a

study of the irtilization of the ancient treatises in Gaffurio'snost inportant speculative works, the Theorica rnusice (l'492)and De irarmonia instrumentorum musicorum--(TST8-). Tn additionI wailT to slow hov/ two manitscriptsr--of-TEe De harnonia notpreviously discussed in the literature throw sorne [[ht on itsgenesis and its relationship to the Greek theorists.

The areas in which the classical sources affected Gaffurio'thought were, for exarnple, the organization and scope of thefield of theory, definitions, modal theory, the question oftuning, and the ratiorraj.tzation of rnusical practice.

describes the placenent of fa on each of the twelve chronaticdegrees in a manner that presupposes enharrnonic equi-valenceand, perhaps, equal temperanent'

This paper will exanine the inplications of these varioussystens, illustrating their advantages and disadvantages whenapplied to appropriate repertories.

BRAHMS: WAGNER, Novernber 8, 9:00 a.n.

BETWEEN VIENNA AND WEI}',IAR:FORMAL AND THEMATIC PROCEDURES IN EARLY BRAHMS

Walter M- FrischUniversity of California, Berkeley

Commentators frorn Joachin to Geiringer have detectedLisztian qualities in Brahnsrs instrumental works of 1852-54.Tovey stressed a different aspect, Brahrns's early "masteryof ciassical technique." But what gives these cornpositions(the three Piano Sonatas and the original version of theIi-rnajor Trio, op. 8) a special fascination for the historianand critic is their unique mixture of Lisztian andBeethovenian procedures.

The first novenent of the Third Piano Sonata, op. 5 inF minor, represents just such a hybrid of aesthetics and corn-positional techniques. Brahrnsrs clearly articulated sonataforrn and his motivic econony suggest late classical principles.But a comparison with Beethoven's Appassionata Sonata, its mostfamous F-rninor predecessor and proba6-11'=y-a-rough rnodel forBrahms, shows how op. 5 deviates frorn Beethovenian methods.Beethoven projects his basic notive (D-flat - C) onto the large-scale formal and harnonic stTucture of his first rnovement,Brahrns eschews such motivic expansion, preferring instead topresent his basic idea in a succession of wondrous tTans-formations, a series of widely divergent rnoods.

Brahmsrs techniques reca1l those of another inportantpiano sonata he heard during the surnner of 1853, Liszt's B-minor (composed 1852-53). Although Brahns is reported tohave dozed off during Lisztrs perforrnance at Weimar, I suggestthat he listened attentively to the Sonata's dazzling and in-genious thenatic transformations, and that they rernained inhis ear when he composed op. 5 a few rnonths 1ater. Liszttends to change utterly the character, but retain the pitchcontent, of his themes. In the F-rninor Sonata Brahrns adoptedbut rationa1- ized, or classicized, these compositional techniques.

SKETCHES FOR DIE SCHWESTERN, OP. 61 NO. 1

George S. BozarthUniversity of Washington

The secrets of Johannes Brahms's process of nusical com-position are, for the Tnost part, well-kept. The discovery ofa new series of sketches, such as those for Die Schwestern,op. 61 no. 1, is therefore an event of note, especTElfy-wfienthese sketches reveal rnultiple stages of cornpositional planning,as Brahms refines nelodic and harrnonic ideas, adjusts phrasestructure, and seeks a more effective word-tone synthesiswithin strophic form. When studied together with entries inBrahrns's pocket calendar books, rernarks fron his correspondence,and a newly-discovered song inventory, these sketches also leadto a new chronology for the composition of this well-known duet.

WAGNER'S SKETCHES FOR THE MEISTERSINGER OVERTURE

Robert BaileyEastman School of Music

Wagner rnade two distinct drafts for each of his operas,beginning with Siegfried. These drafts are almost the onlysurviving materllalT-TfiET provide a basis for a study of Wagner'sconpositional procedure. It seems clear that Wagner must havebased his "Prelirninary Draft" to a large extent on naterialsconceived sti11 earlier. Yet only a scattered handful of work-sheets and diaries survive to show what some of these initialmusical conceptions were 1ike.

FMNCHINO GAFFURIO AS A MUSICAL HUMANIST

Claude V. PaliscaYale University

It is well known that Gaffurio procured translations byFrancesco Burana and Niccolo Leoniceno of the nusical treatisesof Aristides Quintilianus, Bacchius, Ptoleny, Bryennius, andthe Anonynous of Bellerrnan. A number of footnote referencesin the translations of works of Gaffurio by Irwin Young andClernent Miller note certain debts of Gaffurio to these ancientauthors. However, no reasoned assessment of the importanceof his reading of the anclent sources in redirecting and trans-forning his rnusical thought has been undertaken.

In this paper I wish to sunrnarize ny conclusions fron a

study of the irtilization of the ancient treatises in Gaffurio'snost inportant speculative works, the Theorica rnusice (l'492)and De irarmonia instrumentorum musicorum--(TST8-). Tn additionI wailT to slow hov/ two manitscriptsr--of-TEe De harnonia notpreviously discussed in the literature throw sorne [[ht on itsgenesis and its relationship to the Greek theorists.

The areas in which the classical sources affected Gaffurio'thought were, for exarnple, the organization and scope of thefield of theory, definitions, modal theory, the question oftuning, and the ratiorraj.tzation of rnusical practice.

describes the placenent of fa on each of the twelve chronaticdegrees in a manner that presupposes enharrnonic equi-valenceand, perhaps, equal temperanent'

This paper will exanine the inplications of these varioussystens, illustrating their advantages and disadvantages whenapplied to appropriate repertories.

BRAHMS: WAGNER, Novernber 8, 9:00 a.n.

BETWEEN VIENNA AND WEI}',IAR:FORMAL AND THEMATIC PROCEDURES IN EARLY BRAHMS

Walter M- FrischUniversity of California, Berkeley

Commentators frorn Joachin to Geiringer have detectedLisztian qualities in Brahnsrs instrumental works of 1852-54.Tovey stressed a different aspect, Brahrns's early "masteryof ciassical technique." But what gives these cornpositions(the three Piano Sonatas and the original version of theIi-rnajor Trio, op. 8) a special fascination for the historianand critic is their unique mixture of Lisztian andBeethovenian procedures.

The first novenent of the Third Piano Sonata, op. 5 inF minor, represents just such a hybrid of aesthetics and corn-positional techniques. Brahrnsrs clearly articulated sonataforrn and his motivic econony suggest late classical principles.But a comparison with Beethoven's Appassionata Sonata, its mostfamous F-rninor predecessor and proba6-11'=y-a-rough rnodel forBrahms, shows how op. 5 deviates frorn Beethovenian methods.Beethoven projects his basic notive (D-flat - C) onto the large-scale formal and harnonic stTucture of his first rnovement,Brahrns eschews such motivic expansion, preferring instead topresent his basic idea in a succession of wondrous tTans-formations, a series of widely divergent rnoods.

Brahmsrs techniques reca1l those of another inportantpiano sonata he heard during the surnner of 1853, Liszt's B-minor (composed 1852-53). Although Brahns is reported tohave dozed off during Lisztrs perforrnance at Weimar, I suggestthat he listened attentively to the Sonata's dazzling and in-genious thenatic transformations, and that they rernained inhis ear when he composed op. 5 a few rnonths 1ater. Liszttends to change utterly the character, but retain the pitchcontent, of his themes. In the F-rninor Sonata Brahrns adoptedbut rationa1- ized, or classicized, these compositional techniques.

SKETCHES FOR DIE SCHWESTERN, OP. 61 NO. 1

George S. BozarthUniversity of Washington

The secrets of Johannes Brahms's process of nusical com-position are, for the Tnost part, well-kept. The discovery ofa new series of sketches, such as those for Die Schwestern,op. 61 no. 1, is therefore an event of note, especTElfy-wfienthese sketches reveal rnultiple stages of cornpositional planning,as Brahms refines nelodic and harrnonic ideas, adjusts phrasestructure, and seeks a more effective word-tone synthesiswithin strophic form. When studied together with entries inBrahrns's pocket calendar books, rernarks fron his correspondence,and a newly-discovered song inventory, these sketches also leadto a new chronology for the composition of this well-known duet.

WAGNER'S SKETCHES FOR THE MEISTERSINGER OVERTURE

Robert BaileyEastman School of Music

Wagner rnade two distinct drafts for each of his operas,beginning with Siegfried. These drafts are almost the onlysurviving materllalT-TfiET provide a basis for a study of Wagner'sconpositional procedure. It seems clear that Wagner must havebased his "Prelirninary Draft" to a large extent on naterialsconceived sti11 earlier. Yet only a scattered handful of work-sheets and diaries survive to show what some of these initialmusical conceptions were 1ike.

0n1y one actual sketchbook is extant, and ful1y half ofit is devoted to the Meistersinger Overture, which thus con-stitutes the unique eiiep-tTon--to the general principle thatthe earliest stages of Wagneris work on an opera either werenot written down, or have been lost forever. It is well knownthat Wagner composed this overture before he began systernaticsetting of his poem to music in the Prelininary Draft. Thereis no Prelirninary Draft for the Overture, but rather a seriesof nore elaborate sketches on sheets of the same size andformat in which Wagner worked with the materials frorn thesketchbook.

The first appearance of the 0verture as a continuous pieceappears in the later second draft in ink, from which Wagnernade his fu11 score before proceeding to the composition ofAct I in the earlier Prelirninary Draft. This unusual pro-cedure provides further evidence that Wagner regarded theOverture as just that--an overture, and not the custornary laterVorspiel. It is sornething-qfifiE-Ilistinct frorn the opera thatfonows, even though its conclusion is dovetailed into thechorale that initiates the first act, It will be seen alsothat Wagner's rationale for the dovetailing in this case isthe fact that the Overture provides a careful and systematicpreparation for the opening phrase of the chorale rnelody.This unique set of sketches thus provides new insight intoWagner's instrunental, or "syrnphonic," rnanipulation of thenaticnaterials.

MUSICAL FORM AND PROCEDURE IN WAGNER'S RING:ON THE APPLICATION OF DMMA TO MUSIE-

Anthony NewcombUniversity of California, Berkeley

Though not yet in fu11 naturity, Wagnerian fornal analysishas come of age in the last fifteen years, particularly in thework of a few Gerrnan scholars. A surnrnary of these newapproaches to Wagner's nusical forrns will become a proposedrevision of them, incorporating irnportant natters which theyignore, and even speculating on why they carne to ignore then'

The brief opening scene of the third act of Siegfried willserve as text foi a sinple analysis, according to tE6-TevTsedapproaches proposed above. The question as to how cornplicatedtonal relationships function in late nineteenth-century nusic,recently raised in the pages of Nineteenth-Century Musig andCritical Inquiry, will be led across the stage once agaln.RecenTlt pu6TGtr-ed sketches and biographical naterial willf i gure in the discuss ion.

MOZART: HAYDN: BEETHOVEN, November 8, 2:00 p.rn,

THE SOLO ENTRANCE IN THE FIRST MOVEMENTSOF MOZART'S PIANO CONCERTOS

Paula L. SabinHonolulu. Hawaii

The entrance of the soloist, following the expositorystatenent by the orchestra, presents a problem unique to theconcerto. For the audience, the anticipated arrival of themain character is a drarnatic nornent. In terns of the structurehowever, the solo entTy occurs after a high-1eve1 accent and ona.n exhausted tonic harmony. How can Mozart motivate the en-trance of the soloist--another tonic statenent--after thelengthy tonic section with its fornal close by the orchestra?

Previous studies have discussed the solo entry only interms of its thematic rnaterial and have therefore failed torecognize that each of Mozartrs concertos, whether the soloistenters with the tutti head theme or with new rnaterial, offersan individual solution to the problem of the solo entry. Iwould like to view the solo entry ln terms of its rhythnicqualities and rnetric position in the movement as a whole.Metric analysis will show not only how Mozart dranatizes thesolo entry in the absence of large-scale harrnonic or thenaticcontrast, but also how Mozart provides continuity and forwardthrust in the movement as a whole through his treatrnent ofthe solo entry.

THE ''PIANO CL]MAX'' IN MOZARTIS PIANO CONCERTOS:AN OPERATIC GESTURE?

Jane R. StevensYale University

The solo concerto of the eighteenth century has long beenthought to find its rnodel, at least in part, in the lateBaroque da capo aria. The derivation of the early solo con-certo froln the aria has been questioned by John Solie in hisstudy of Albinoni's concertos (Musical Quarterly LXIII [1977],31-47); but the precise relationEhlp--Setween operatic aria andthe concerto of the second half of the century has never beencarefully investigated. Perhaps because Mozart wrote thegreatest operas as well as the rnodel concertos of the lateeighteenth century, however, discussions of his concertostypically attribute various characteristics of their style andstructure to a transfer from an operatic idiorn. One particulargesture, nanely the extended, virtuoso solo cadential passagethat typically precedes an orchestral return, has beenspecifically associ,ated with the sinilar gesture in a seriousaria. Denis Fornan, 1abel1ing this passage a "piano c1inax,"traces the device to an operatic origin and finds its firstconcerto appearance in the keyboard concertos of J. C. Bach.But nost of the essential structural elernents of this cadential

0n1y one actual sketchbook is extant, and ful1y half ofit is devoted to the Meistersinger Overture, which thus con-stitutes the unique eiiep-tTon--to the general principle thatthe earliest stages of Wagneris work on an opera either werenot written down, or have been lost forever. It is well knownthat Wagner composed this overture before he began systernaticsetting of his poem to music in the Prelininary Draft. Thereis no Prelirninary Draft for the Overture, but rather a seriesof nore elaborate sketches on sheets of the same size andformat in which Wagner worked with the materials frorn thesketchbook.

The first appearance of the 0verture as a continuous pieceappears in the later second draft in ink, from which Wagnernade his fu11 score before proceeding to the composition ofAct I in the earlier Prelirninary Draft. This unusual pro-cedure provides further evidence that Wagner regarded theOverture as just that--an overture, and not the custornary laterVorspiel. It is sornething-qfifiE-Ilistinct frorn the opera thatfonows, even though its conclusion is dovetailed into thechorale that initiates the first act, It will be seen alsothat Wagner's rationale for the dovetailing in this case isthe fact that the Overture provides a careful and systematicpreparation for the opening phrase of the chorale rnelody.This unique set of sketches thus provides new insight intoWagner's instrunental, or "syrnphonic," rnanipulation of thenaticnaterials.

MUSICAL FORM AND PROCEDURE IN WAGNER'S RING:ON THE APPLICATION OF DMMA TO MUSIE-

Anthony NewcombUniversity of California, Berkeley

Though not yet in fu11 naturity, Wagnerian fornal analysishas come of age in the last fifteen years, particularly in thework of a few Gerrnan scholars. A surnrnary of these newapproaches to Wagner's nusical forrns will become a proposedrevision of them, incorporating irnportant natters which theyignore, and even speculating on why they carne to ignore then'

The brief opening scene of the third act of Siegfried willserve as text foi a sinple analysis, according to tE6-TevTsedapproaches proposed above. The question as to how cornplicatedtonal relationships function in late nineteenth-century nusic,recently raised in the pages of Nineteenth-Century Musig andCritical Inquiry, will be led across the stage once agaln.RecenTlt pu6TGtr-ed sketches and biographical naterial willf i gure in the discuss ion.

MOZART: HAYDN: BEETHOVEN, November 8, 2:00 p.rn,

THE SOLO ENTRANCE IN THE FIRST MOVEMENTSOF MOZART'S PIANO CONCERTOS

Paula L. SabinHonolulu. Hawaii

The entrance of the soloist, following the expositorystatenent by the orchestra, presents a problem unique to theconcerto. For the audience, the anticipated arrival of themain character is a drarnatic nornent. In terns of the structurehowever, the solo entTy occurs after a high-1eve1 accent and ona.n exhausted tonic harmony. How can Mozart motivate the en-trance of the soloist--another tonic statenent--after thelengthy tonic section with its fornal close by the orchestra?

Previous studies have discussed the solo entry only interms of its thematic rnaterial and have therefore failed torecognize that each of Mozartrs concertos, whether the soloistenters with the tutti head theme or with new rnaterial, offersan individual solution to the problem of the solo entry. Iwould like to view the solo entry ln terms of its rhythnicqualities and rnetric position in the movement as a whole.Metric analysis will show not only how Mozart dranatizes thesolo entry in the absence of large-scale harrnonic or thenaticcontrast, but also how Mozart provides continuity and forwardthrust in the movement as a whole through his treatrnent ofthe solo entry.

THE ''PIANO CL]MAX'' IN MOZARTIS PIANO CONCERTOS:AN OPERATIC GESTURE?

Jane R. StevensYale University

The solo concerto of the eighteenth century has long beenthought to find its rnodel, at least in part, in the lateBaroque da capo aria. The derivation of the early solo con-certo froln the aria has been questioned by John Solie in hisstudy of Albinoni's concertos (Musical Quarterly LXIII [1977],31-47); but the precise relationEhlp--Setween operatic aria andthe concerto of the second half of the century has never beencarefully investigated. Perhaps because Mozart wrote thegreatest operas as well as the rnodel concertos of the lateeighteenth century, however, discussions of his concertostypically attribute various characteristics of their style andstructure to a transfer from an operatic idiorn. One particulargesture, nanely the extended, virtuoso solo cadential passagethat typically precedes an orchestral return, has beenspecifically associ,ated with the sinilar gesture in a seriousaria. Denis Fornan, 1abel1ing this passage a "piano c1inax,"traces the device to an operatic origin and finds its firstconcerto appearance in the keyboard concertos of J. C. Bach.But nost of the essential structural elernents of this cadential

section are already present in the keyboard concertos of the1740's and 1750's written by C. P. E. Bach, a conposer withno involvement in opera. Furthernore, late Baroque operaarias, fron whlch Forrnan believes these German concertos ofmid-century were derived, do not rnake consistent use of thiscadential gesture. This paper will explore the origins ofthe "piano clinax" in both vocal and instrunental rnusic as astep toward a clarification of the relationship between ariaand concerto in the eighteenth century.

TRADITION AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE VARIATIONSOF HAYDN AND BEETHOVEN

Elaine R. SisnanUniversity of Michigan

According to eighteenth-century theory and practice, aset of variations had to retain one or more elenents of thctheme unchanged, the particular fixed elenent developingchronologically fron bass to harmony to nelodic outline. Notuntil 1825 did any theorist abandon the reliance on constantelements: in his Trait6 de Haute Cornposition Musicale, AntonReicha listed permu:Eons oE vartfng--me neloily, accompaninentfiguration, and chords, including sirnultaneous change in allthree. He was the first to describe free, rnodulatory episodesin a variation set and alternating variations on two thenes.His pr6cis, based on the slow variation novernents of Haydn,applies as well to Beethoven, the only other conposer of thetiTne to ernploy all of these devices. It thus furnishes uswith a contemporary mechanism for isolating and cornparingHaydn's and Beethoven's variation procedures, especially intheir alternating variations. Haydn drew on C. P. E. Bach andearlier Viennese models to create structural designs whichBeethoven then adapted with further "perrnutations," nostnotably in the piano trio op. 70 no.2, the Ninth Syrnphony,and the string quartet op. T3Z. Moreover, the continuity be-tween Haydn's and Beethoven's strophic variations allows usto abandon the specious distinction between "ornarnental" and"character" variations, typically used to assert Beethovenrssuperiority over Haydn and Mozart, and to focus on theproblem of Beethoven's relationship to the classical sty1e.

NEW LIGHT ON THE ENGLISH TEXT OF THE CREATION

Nicholas TemperleyUniversity of Illinois

There has been much discussion of the status of the Englishtext for Haydn's Creation. One source has been neglected: theprinted English li.6rettos associated with the rival London per-formances of The Creation, given under the direction of JohnAshley and JoFann-PeTET-Salonon in the spring of 1800, Theselibrettos were independently cornpiled from the English text inHaydn's printed ful1 score, but they both differ frorn thatsource in details which cannot be explained as errors. Someof these variant readlngs correspond to passages in Gottfried

van Swieten's original German text which had been elirninatedby the time the fu11 score appeared. Others are found de-l,eted in an early MS copy of the score. It follows that both{shley and Salomon nust have had access to an earlier sourceof the text, and by a process of elinination we may concludethat this source was the original English libretto, now 1ost.

Detailed consideration of these textual variants revealsmuch that is new about the nature of van Swieten's contributionIt confirrns that van Swieten and Haydn intended fron the firstthat the music should fit both the German and the Englishtexts, which should have equal authority. Moreover there areplaces in the oratorio where the nusic seems, in one way oranother, to fit the English text better than the Gerrnan. Twoof these are so striking that it is hard to believe that theco.nlposer did not have the English text, as well as the Gerrnan,in mind.

This evidence leads to the conclusion that the Englishtext published by Haydn in 1800 is nore appropriate than anyother, either English or Getman, for performances of TheCreation to English-speaking audiences. Whatever its-Eterarystrortcomings, the colnposer's clear intentions confer anauthenticity that is beyond argument,

ON BEETHOVEN'S CREATIVE PROCESS:A TWO.PART INVENTION

Maynard SolornonNew York, N.Y.

We can no longer accept the only detailed contemporarydescription of Beethovents creative process. The passage fromLouis Schl6sserrs "Persdnliche Erinnerungen an Beethoven,"which he claimed to have taken down verbatim fron Beethovenin 1823, is actually a careful rewrite of a passage inMozart's "Letter to Baron von ," first published in 1815in AMZ and later shown to have been an invention of FriedrichRocEfiltz. Rochlitz's and Schl6sser's passages derive frontone of the central notions of Rornantic aesthetics, namely,that the artist creates his masterworks as a silkworn pro-duces silk--automatically, spontaneously and effortlessly.

Careful scrutiny of Schldsser's "Erinnerungen" shows itto be a patchwork assembled frorn the published literature onBeethoven, There is an extensive pattern of fabrication inRochlitz's many contributions to the Mozart literature,though it seens probable that there is a significant residueof authentic rnaterial as we11. Rochlitz's Beethoven remi-niscences appear to be wholly or alrnost who1ly fabricated,however. It is even possible that he and Beethoven never net.

section are already present in the keyboard concertos of the1740's and 1750's written by C. P. E. Bach, a conposer withno involvement in opera. Furthernore, late Baroque operaarias, fron whlch Forrnan believes these German concertos ofmid-century were derived, do not rnake consistent use of thiscadential gesture. This paper will explore the origins ofthe "piano clinax" in both vocal and instrunental rnusic as astep toward a clarification of the relationship between ariaand concerto in the eighteenth century.

TRADITION AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE VARIATIONSOF HAYDN AND BEETHOVEN

Elaine R. SisnanUniversity of Michigan

According to eighteenth-century theory and practice, aset of variations had to retain one or more elenents of thctheme unchanged, the particular fixed elenent developingchronologically fron bass to harmony to nelodic outline. Notuntil 1825 did any theorist abandon the reliance on constantelements: in his Trait6 de Haute Cornposition Musicale, AntonReicha listed permu:Eons oE vartfng--me neloily, accompaninentfiguration, and chords, including sirnultaneous change in allthree. He was the first to describe free, rnodulatory episodesin a variation set and alternating variations on two thenes.His pr6cis, based on the slow variation novernents of Haydn,applies as well to Beethoven, the only other conposer of thetiTne to ernploy all of these devices. It thus furnishes uswith a contemporary mechanism for isolating and cornparingHaydn's and Beethoven's variation procedures, especially intheir alternating variations. Haydn drew on C. P. E. Bach andearlier Viennese models to create structural designs whichBeethoven then adapted with further "perrnutations," nostnotably in the piano trio op. 70 no.2, the Ninth Syrnphony,and the string quartet op. T3Z. Moreover, the continuity be-tween Haydn's and Beethoven's strophic variations allows usto abandon the specious distinction between "ornarnental" and"character" variations, typically used to assert Beethovenrssuperiority over Haydn and Mozart, and to focus on theproblem of Beethoven's relationship to the classical sty1e.

NEW LIGHT ON THE ENGLISH TEXT OF THE CREATION

Nicholas TemperleyUniversity of Illinois

There has been much discussion of the status of the Englishtext for Haydn's Creation. One source has been neglected: theprinted English li.6rettos associated with the rival London per-formances of The Creation, given under the direction of JohnAshley and JoFann-PeTET-Salonon in the spring of 1800, Theselibrettos were independently cornpiled from the English text inHaydn's printed ful1 score, but they both differ frorn thatsource in details which cannot be explained as errors. Someof these variant readlngs correspond to passages in Gottfried

van Swieten's original German text which had been elirninatedby the time the fu11 score appeared. Others are found de-l,eted in an early MS copy of the score. It follows that both{shley and Salomon nust have had access to an earlier sourceof the text, and by a process of elinination we may concludethat this source was the original English libretto, now 1ost.

Detailed consideration of these textual variants revealsmuch that is new about the nature of van Swieten's contributionIt confirrns that van Swieten and Haydn intended fron the firstthat the music should fit both the German and the Englishtexts, which should have equal authority. Moreover there areplaces in the oratorio where the nusic seems, in one way oranother, to fit the English text better than the Gerrnan. Twoof these are so striking that it is hard to believe that theco.nlposer did not have the English text, as well as the Gerrnan,in mind.

This evidence leads to the conclusion that the Englishtext published by Haydn in 1800 is nore appropriate than anyother, either English or Getman, for performances of TheCreation to English-speaking audiences. Whatever its-Eterarystrortcomings, the colnposer's clear intentions confer anauthenticity that is beyond argument,

ON BEETHOVEN'S CREATIVE PROCESS:A TWO.PART INVENTION

Maynard SolornonNew York, N.Y.

We can no longer accept the only detailed contemporarydescription of Beethovents creative process. The passage fromLouis Schl6sserrs "Persdnliche Erinnerungen an Beethoven,"which he claimed to have taken down verbatim fron Beethovenin 1823, is actually a careful rewrite of a passage inMozart's "Letter to Baron von ," first published in 1815in AMZ and later shown to have been an invention of FriedrichRocEfiltz. Rochlitz's and Schl6sser's passages derive frontone of the central notions of Rornantic aesthetics, namely,that the artist creates his masterworks as a silkworn pro-duces silk--automatically, spontaneously and effortlessly.

Careful scrutiny of Schldsser's "Erinnerungen" shows itto be a patchwork assembled frorn the published literature onBeethoven, There is an extensive pattern of fabrication inRochlitz's many contributions to the Mozart literature,though it seens probable that there is a significant residueof authentic rnaterial as we11. Rochlitz's Beethoven remi-niscences appear to be wholly or alrnost who1ly fabricated,however. It is even possible that he and Beethoven never net.

BAROQUE PERFORMANCE PRACTICES, Novernber 8,2:00 p.m.

FOLK FIDDLING IN SWEDEN: ORNMENTATION ANDIRREGULAR RHYTHM AND THEIR RELATION

TO 17TH_CENTURY FRENCH KEYBOARD MUSIC

Sven HansellUniversity of Iowa

This paper will point out the conplete futility ofstudying transcriptions of polkas and other instrumental folkdances transcribed in the 1920's, '30's, and to a great extenteven in the rnost recent past. The evidence of bowing patternstaken in conjunction with "visual print-out recordings" (ofearly twentieth-century recordings) rnade by electronic equip-rnent provide clues suggesting that fiddlers of certain dis-tricts of Sweden continue to cultivate a performance practicethat para11e1s styles of playing probably known about threehundred years ago. The up-beat character of ornanents, theslurring of weak-to-strong beats, the differing lengths ofbeats as well as measures and other rhythrnic details posernusical questions answered by observations of folk dancers'steps and other physical movements. Sirnilarities between theplaying techniques required by Swedish Litar and those to whichlate seventeenth-century clavecin nusic-re5-di1y subrnits, andabout which seventeenth-century treatises speak, recomrnend afairly free handling of much music in dance rneters for theseventeenth-century French harpsichord. The playing of orna-nents before the beat, the slurring of notes weak to strong(both with and without ornametrts), the pairing of notes thatrnight be likened to notes in6ga1es, will be analyzed andconpared.

THE IMPROVISED WOODW]ND PRELUDE TN FRANCE, 1,670-T740

Janes M. Kel1erYale University

An exarnination of literary, musical, theoretical, anddidactic sources from the period 1670-1740 sheds light on thepervasive practice of French prelude improvisation on "rnelodyinstrurnents." Because most of the preserved preludes arespecifically for f1ute, recorder, or oboe, I call the genre"inprovised woodwind pre1ude." Sources suggest, however, thatthe practice was conmon to string instTunents as we11, and atleast one refers to preludes being sung. The central sourcefor a study of the genre is Hotteterre-le-Rornain's curiouslyneglected treatise L'Art de PrEluder (1719), which not onlyprovides the most extensive 6id--aiTTculate commentary on thetheory of preluding, but also presents nore than a hundrednotated examples of rnodel preludes, many of estimable rnusicalquality. Other inportant treatises include those ofFreillon-Ponchein (1700), Corrette (ca. 1735), Mont6clair(I736), and Hotteterre's Musette tutor (1737) . The prelude,though irnprovised, was not without nethod. At first 1itt1e

more than a I'warm-up" exercise for the perforrner, the preludeeventually becane linked to the piece it preceded in both keyand character. French musicians stressed the inportance ofmodulation as a neans of achieving tonal variety and lengthen-ing the inprovisation. A prelude was normally extenporizedbefore the playing of a sonata or suite; evidence suggeststhat in sone instances inprovised preludes replaced preludeswritten and published by a composer. Duo-improvisations werenot unknown; in fact, Hotteterre and Corrette provide exanplesof two-voiced preludes. After rnid-century, the genre declined,giving way to the conparatively inelegant virtuosic stylecomnon in England, and serving a chiefly didactic role.

BASSES AND BASSE CONTINUEIN rHE FRENefopEM-nRetrESTRf;-TZ00 - 1760

Mary CyrMcGi11 University

During the first quarter of the eighteenth century, severaltypes of bass instrument, all known as basses de violons,s'eived together in the French opera orcE6STTE.-,o,ITh-ougF theterm basse de violon became synonynous with violoncelle by themiddle oiltEe elg-[teenth century, it had orig1nil1y representedseveral instruments of different sizes and tunings belongingto the violin fanily. Musical as well as iconographical evi-dence suggests that two basses de violons i.n particular, alarge foui-string instrurnenT-Tuned-TrorTl*-B f 1at, and a f ive-string instrurnent, were rnore frequently used in the operaorchestra than has been thought previously.

The double bass, another mernber of the continuo section,was introduced in France about 1700, and probably becane aregular rnember of the orchestra some twenty years 1ater.Throughout Rameaurs career, the favored pair of string instru-nents for the continuo tenains the violoncello and double bass;both instruments belong to the petit choeur of the opera or-chestra. Although 1itt1e nentioli-6-F T[E-Toubte bass can befound in the manuscript and printed scores of Raneau's wotks,we do possess a valuable record of its use in the orchestralparts, nany of which served for performances during theconposer' s lifetime. These parts , together with Corrette'sadvice to the player in his M6thodes pour apprendre + j9"9tde la contrebasse, a11ow us to-ToTfril1aIe-sonte ne.w prinCiples6t wEiEli- tTE rrloaern player can begin to reconstruct his owndouble bass parts. The unique harnonic and rhythrnic supportlent by the double bass in the French opera orchestra bears1ittle resenblance to its usual position as a mere doublinginstrurnent in rnost Baroque orchestras today.

BAROQUE PERFORMANCE PRACTICES, Novernber 8,2:00 p.m.

FOLK FIDDLING IN SWEDEN: ORNMENTATION ANDIRREGULAR RHYTHM AND THEIR RELATION

TO 17TH_CENTURY FRENCH KEYBOARD MUSIC

Sven HansellUniversity of Iowa

This paper will point out the conplete futility ofstudying transcriptions of polkas and other instrumental folkdances transcribed in the 1920's, '30's, and to a great extenteven in the rnost recent past. The evidence of bowing patternstaken in conjunction with "visual print-out recordings" (ofearly twentieth-century recordings) rnade by electronic equip-rnent provide clues suggesting that fiddlers of certain dis-tricts of Sweden continue to cultivate a performance practicethat para11e1s styles of playing probably known about threehundred years ago. The up-beat character of ornanents, theslurring of weak-to-strong beats, the differing lengths ofbeats as well as measures and other rhythrnic details posernusical questions answered by observations of folk dancers'steps and other physical movements. Sirnilarities between theplaying techniques required by Swedish Litar and those to whichlate seventeenth-century clavecin nusic-re5-di1y subrnits, andabout which seventeenth-century treatises speak, recomrnend afairly free handling of much music in dance rneters for theseventeenth-century French harpsichord. The playing of orna-nents before the beat, the slurring of notes weak to strong(both with and without ornametrts), the pairing of notes thatrnight be likened to notes in6ga1es, will be analyzed andconpared.

THE IMPROVISED WOODW]ND PRELUDE TN FRANCE, 1,670-T740

Janes M. Kel1erYale University

An exarnination of literary, musical, theoretical, anddidactic sources from the period 1670-1740 sheds light on thepervasive practice of French prelude improvisation on "rnelodyinstrurnents." Because most of the preserved preludes arespecifically for f1ute, recorder, or oboe, I call the genre"inprovised woodwind pre1ude." Sources suggest, however, thatthe practice was conmon to string instTunents as we11, and atleast one refers to preludes being sung. The central sourcefor a study of the genre is Hotteterre-le-Rornain's curiouslyneglected treatise L'Art de PrEluder (1719), which not onlyprovides the most extensive 6id--aiTTculate commentary on thetheory of preluding, but also presents nore than a hundrednotated examples of rnodel preludes, many of estimable rnusicalquality. Other inportant treatises include those ofFreillon-Ponchein (1700), Corrette (ca. 1735), Mont6clair(I736), and Hotteterre's Musette tutor (1737) . The prelude,though irnprovised, was not without nethod. At first 1itt1e

more than a I'warm-up" exercise for the perforrner, the preludeeventually becane linked to the piece it preceded in both keyand character. French musicians stressed the inportance ofmodulation as a neans of achieving tonal variety and lengthen-ing the inprovisation. A prelude was normally extenporizedbefore the playing of a sonata or suite; evidence suggeststhat in sone instances inprovised preludes replaced preludeswritten and published by a composer. Duo-improvisations werenot unknown; in fact, Hotteterre and Corrette provide exanplesof two-voiced preludes. After rnid-century, the genre declined,giving way to the conparatively inelegant virtuosic stylecomnon in England, and serving a chiefly didactic role.

BASSES AND BASSE CONTINUEIN rHE FRENefopEM-nRetrESTRf;-TZ00 - 1760

Mary CyrMcGi11 University

During the first quarter of the eighteenth century, severaltypes of bass instrument, all known as basses de violons,s'eived together in the French opera orcE6STTE.-,o,ITh-ougF theterm basse de violon became synonynous with violoncelle by themiddle oiltEe elg-[teenth century, it had orig1nil1y representedseveral instruments of different sizes and tunings belongingto the violin fanily. Musical as well as iconographical evi-dence suggests that two basses de violons i.n particular, alarge foui-string instrurnenT-Tuned-TrorTl*-B f 1at, and a f ive-string instrurnent, were rnore frequently used in the operaorchestra than has been thought previously.

The double bass, another mernber of the continuo section,was introduced in France about 1700, and probably becane aregular rnember of the orchestra some twenty years 1ater.Throughout Rameaurs career, the favored pair of string instru-nents for the continuo tenains the violoncello and double bass;both instruments belong to the petit choeur of the opera or-chestra. Although 1itt1e nentioli-6-F T[E-Toubte bass can befound in the manuscript and printed scores of Raneau's wotks,we do possess a valuable record of its use in the orchestralparts, nany of which served for performances during theconposer' s lifetime. These parts , together with Corrette'sadvice to the player in his M6thodes pour apprendre + j9"9tde la contrebasse, a11ow us to-ToTfril1aIe-sonte ne.w prinCiples6t wEiEli- tTE rrloaern player can begin to reconstruct his owndouble bass parts. The unique harnonic and rhythrnic supportlent by the double bass in the French opera orchestra bears1ittle resenblance to its usual position as a mere doublinginstrurnent in rnost Baroque orchestras today.

THE PARDESSUS DE VIOLE AND ITS LITERATURE

Robert A. GreenNorthern Illinois Universltv

The pardessus de viole is the srnallest rnernber of the violfanily, tuneFilourth-tr-ig-Fer than the treble viol. Thisinstrument became popular in France about 17Z0 and rernainedin use until about 1780. About fifteen solo or duo publi-cations consisting of sets of sonatas or piBces for thepardessus are extant, and approxirnately forty other publi-catTonFllst the instrunent as an alternate possibility. Muchof this rnusic is of high quality and substantial technicald i ff icul ty.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the distinctivestylistic features of the solo and duo music as well as thenature of the influences fron the literature of the basse deviole and the viol in. During the sixty years ol jts popularityan" pggg::gr was adapted to changes in musical taste byalterations in tuning and construction. These alterationswill be discussed in relation to the nusic.

The pardessus has received a "bad press" fron historiansof musical instrurnents. The most prevalent of these viewsconsider the instrument as (1) an atternpt to develop a rnernberof the viol family which could compete rvith the violin, and(2) an amateur instrunent holding the sane position as thehurdy-gurdy and rnusette. For the most part, these generali-zations can be traced to a superficial reading of MichelCorrette's M6thode for the instrurnent. A nore careful consider-ation of MicEE[-eorrette's writings, other written testlnony,and the nusic reveals the inaccuracies as well as the elementof truth which these statements contain.

THE LENGTH OF BASS NOTES IN J. S. BACH'SSECCO RECITAT]VES

Laurence DreyfusColurnbia University

An outstanding issue of Baroque performance practice con-cerns the execution of bass notes in secco recitativeacconpaniments. Ts the usual notation of sustained whole andhalf notes to be played as written or should it be renderedaccording to a convention substituting quarter notes and Testsfor the long values? Various writers assert that J. S. Bachsubscribed to one or the other practice or conclude that helacked a conslstent method. A survey of eighteenth-centurytheoretical literature reveals that contenporary writers neverposed the question in the forrn of long versus short perfornance,a contToversy which did not surface until around 1810. Rather,the convention of "shortened acconpanirnent" energes as theprevailing practice in Northern Europe throughout the eighteenthcentury. A systenatic survey of the original performance partsto J. S. Bach's vocal works uncovered evidence in the forrn ofcues and consistent short notation which confirrns that Bach

not only adhered to mainstrean practice in j.tsbut was also particularly concerned that seccothe clarification needed to distinguj-sh it frornaccompagnato sty1e.

orthodox forrnpractice securethe

ARS NOVA TOPICS, Novernber 8, 2:00 p.rn.

MUSICAL INTERPOLATTONS TN THIRTEENTH_ AND FOURTEENTH_CENTURY FRENCH NARRATIVES

Maria V. FowlerUniversity of Chicago

Le Ronan de Fauvel is a long satirical poem into whichmore t-[an-T50 pTeces oE rnusic are interpolated in one nanu-script. A search for predecessors of Fauvel has yielded alarge list of related narrative/1yric rornans, previously un-known to nost musicologists. Several oFThe textual rornanmanuscripts preserve rnusical notation, and while otheis-?onot, it is clear fron portions of the narrative verse thatthe chansons inserted are to be perforned with rnusic, Themusical pj.eces are largely monophonic trouv6re chansons anddance songs o r re frains .

A catalogue of the ronances is presented and the reper-tory of pieces contained within then is surveyed. Themusical interpolations contained in one romance, Guillaurnede Dole, are examined in detail to provide sorne insfg-hT--IntoT[e-GiTtorial and analytical problens encountered in thlsrepertory, Archival and internal evidence for the oralrecitation (and perhaps dramatization) of the ronances islikewise discussed.

TEXT SETTING AND IMITATION IN THE ARS NOVAAND ARS SUBTILIOR

Virginia NewesBrandeis University

Although several rvriters have made passing reference tothe sporadic and apparently arbitTary appearance of irnitationin the period fron ca. T320 to 1420, no investigation has yetexplained the underlying reasons for its inclusion in agenerally non-imitative texture. This paper reviews thesacred and secular repertories from France, Italy, England,and Germany to deternine the degree to which free irnitation,as opposed to strict canon, may be linked to the forrnal orexpressive delineation of the text.

Evidence of an awareness by both composers and scribesof the structural and expressive functlons of imitation isdocumented in 1) the assignment of single words or phrases oftext to otherwise textless parts at points of initation;

THE PARDESSUS DE VIOLE AND ITS LITERATURE

Robert A. GreenNorthern Illinois Universltv

The pardessus de viole is the srnallest rnernber of the violfanily, tuneFilourth-tr-ig-Fer than the treble viol. Thisinstrument became popular in France about 17Z0 and rernainedin use until about 1780. About fifteen solo or duo publi-cations consisting of sets of sonatas or piBces for thepardessus are extant, and approxirnately forty other publi-catTonFllst the instrunent as an alternate possibility. Muchof this rnusic is of high quality and substantial technicald i ff icul ty.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the distinctivestylistic features of the solo and duo music as well as thenature of the influences fron the literature of the basse deviole and the viol in. During the sixty years ol jts popularityan" pggg::gr was adapted to changes in musical taste byalterations in tuning and construction. These alterationswill be discussed in relation to the nusic.

The pardessus has received a "bad press" fron historiansof musical instrurnents. The most prevalent of these viewsconsider the instrument as (1) an atternpt to develop a rnernberof the viol family which could compete rvith the violin, and(2) an amateur instrunent holding the sane position as thehurdy-gurdy and rnusette. For the most part, these generali-zations can be traced to a superficial reading of MichelCorrette's M6thode for the instrurnent. A nore careful consider-ation of MicEE[-eorrette's writings, other written testlnony,and the nusic reveals the inaccuracies as well as the elementof truth which these statements contain.

THE LENGTH OF BASS NOTES IN J. S. BACH'SSECCO RECITAT]VES

Laurence DreyfusColurnbia University

An outstanding issue of Baroque performance practice con-cerns the execution of bass notes in secco recitativeacconpaniments. Ts the usual notation of sustained whole andhalf notes to be played as written or should it be renderedaccording to a convention substituting quarter notes and Testsfor the long values? Various writers assert that J. S. Bachsubscribed to one or the other practice or conclude that helacked a conslstent method. A survey of eighteenth-centurytheoretical literature reveals that contenporary writers neverposed the question in the forrn of long versus short perfornance,a contToversy which did not surface until around 1810. Rather,the convention of "shortened acconpanirnent" energes as theprevailing practice in Northern Europe throughout the eighteenthcentury. A systenatic survey of the original performance partsto J. S. Bach's vocal works uncovered evidence in the forrn ofcues and consistent short notation which confirrns that Bach

not only adhered to mainstrean practice in j.tsbut was also particularly concerned that seccothe clarification needed to distinguj-sh it frornaccompagnato sty1e.

orthodox forrnpractice securethe

ARS NOVA TOPICS, Novernber 8, 2:00 p.rn.

MUSICAL INTERPOLATTONS TN THIRTEENTH_ AND FOURTEENTH_CENTURY FRENCH NARRATIVES

Maria V. FowlerUniversity of Chicago

Le Ronan de Fauvel is a long satirical poem into whichmore t-[an-T50 pTeces oE rnusic are interpolated in one nanu-script. A search for predecessors of Fauvel has yielded alarge list of related narrative/1yric rornans, previously un-known to nost musicologists. Several oFThe textual rornanmanuscripts preserve rnusical notation, and while otheis-?onot, it is clear fron portions of the narrative verse thatthe chansons inserted are to be perforned with rnusic, Themusical pj.eces are largely monophonic trouv6re chansons anddance songs o r re frains .

A catalogue of the ronances is presented and the reper-tory of pieces contained within then is surveyed. Themusical interpolations contained in one romance, Guillaurnede Dole, are examined in detail to provide sorne insfg-hT--IntoT[e-GiTtorial and analytical problens encountered in thlsrepertory, Archival and internal evidence for the oralrecitation (and perhaps dramatization) of the ronances islikewise discussed.

TEXT SETTING AND IMITATION IN THE ARS NOVAAND ARS SUBTILIOR

Virginia NewesBrandeis University

Although several rvriters have made passing reference tothe sporadic and apparently arbitTary appearance of irnitationin the period fron ca. T320 to 1420, no investigation has yetexplained the underlying reasons for its inclusion in agenerally non-imitative texture. This paper reviews thesacred and secular repertories from France, Italy, England,and Germany to deternine the degree to which free irnitation,as opposed to strict canon, may be linked to the forrnal orexpressive delineation of the text.

Evidence of an awareness by both composers and scribesof the structural and expressive functlons of imitation isdocumented in 1) the assignment of single words or phrases oftext to otherwise textless parts at points of initation;

2) initations which mark the beginnings or ends of text 1ines,oi emphasize internal rhymes; 3) initations in added triplunor cotttrrt"nor parts; 4) sy11abica1ly declained dialoguingirnitations as precedents for nore developed text-generatedmotives.

While strict canon frequently resulted in a diffusion oftextual clarity, free initation could provide a rhythnic andmelodic profile for words or phrases. Arnple docunentationexists fbr the general lack of concern with questions of textunderlay in thii period. Nevertheless, exanples of text-related'initation, though not numerous, demonstrate that a

tendency towards clarification of the texture was present inFrench is well as in Italian and English music throughout thefourteenth century, representing an inportant counter-currentto the rhythrnic cornpleiity and textural obscurity of the Arssubtilior.

MANUSCRIPT PANCIATICHI 26: A PALEOGMPHICAL STUDYWITH OBSERVATIONS ON THE TRANSMISSION

OF TRECENTO SECULAR POLYPHONY

DATING CICONIA'S SECULAR WORKS

Anne HallrnarkNew England Conservatory

While nany of the motets of Johannes Ciconia can beplaced within the Paduan period after 1400 largely becauseof specific textual references, the dating of his secularworks has no such certainty. Suzanne Clercx, presurningthat Ciconia lived c. 1335-1411, spread the conposition ofthe secular works from the 1360's up to his death. Newarchival evidence argues against Clercx's proposed lifespan for the conposer, and suggests that he died relativelyyoung. Against the backdrop of this evidence, a revisedchronology for Ciconia's secular works will be explored.0n the basis of stylistic cornparisons, manuscript datingand sorne revised interpretations of text references andallusions to heraldry, this paper will atternpt to establishcloser datings for Ci-conia's secular works, specificallyarguing for their conposition within the years c. 1390-1412.

SOME COMPOSIT]ONAL ASPECTS OF DUFAY'S ISORHYTHMTC MOTETS

John GrazianoCity Co11ege, C.U.N.Y.

Although it is well known that Dufayts isorhythrnic motet,Nuper rosarum flores, utilizes the conpositional technique ofneTodiE-vaTfttion,-Tt has not generally been recognized thatDufay utilized rnelodic variation in many of his other iso-rhythrnic motets as we11.

This paper surveys the variety and extent of the nelodicvariation technique as exhibited in Dufay's various notets.Through selected examples, the technique is traced frorn itsinception in the earlier motets through its subtle use in thelater examples. In addition, the frequency of melodic varia-tion in Dufayrs music is cornpared to its occurrence in themusic of his contemporaries. Fina11y, the question of therole of nelodic variation in deternining the outcone or shapeof the isorhythrnic motet is explored.

AMS/CMS ALTERNATIVE CAREERS, November 8, 2:00 p.rn.

[No abstracts available]

John NadasNew York UniversitY

Any study of the transrnission of Italian fourteenth-century polypi-rony must draw its conclusions frorn an exaninationof the relationshj-p between variant readings of the- corl-positions, the ro1-e of scribal intent in creating thesebiffer".rces and, ultirnately' the nature of the nanuscriptsthemselves. Extensive study of MS. Panciatichi 26 (FnZ6)' oneof the principal sources of the repertory,,has led tosignifiLant questioning of sone earlier scholarly writings'

Although the generally tight' compressed spine of thernodern binding would seern to make collation hopeless,,theregular gatheiing structure (however cornplex- internally) canneiertheiess be ievealed through careful analysis of prick-narks, ruling of bifolia, sewing hol99r watermarks and scriballdentificati6ns. Further study of additions and erasures,together with scribal hands and editorial enendations (thelaIter in both red and black inks) , confirrns an earlierdeterrnination to rnaintain a firm division between the Frenchand Italian repertories' Decisions on notational practi-cesand the significance of scribal tastes and habits now rest on

close pale6graphical observation. It is clear frorn anexarninition"of^readings in Fn26 that a satisfactory classifi-cation of Trecento nolations, with an ain to placlng individualmanuscrj-pts, fascicles' or conpositions in specific--evenihough nypoitretlcal--relationships with each other, cannot be

accoilpliiiied without a thorough consideration of the sourcesthemselves.

2) initations which mark the beginnings or ends of text 1ines,oi emphasize internal rhymes; 3) initations in added triplunor cotttrrt"nor parts; 4) sy11abica1ly declained dialoguingirnitations as precedents for nore developed text-generatedmotives.

While strict canon frequently resulted in a diffusion oftextual clarity, free initation could provide a rhythnic andmelodic profile for words or phrases. Arnple docunentationexists fbr the general lack of concern with questions of textunderlay in thii period. Nevertheless, exanples of text-related'initation, though not numerous, demonstrate that a

tendency towards clarification of the texture was present inFrench is well as in Italian and English music throughout thefourteenth century, representing an inportant counter-currentto the rhythrnic cornpleiity and textural obscurity of the Arssubtilior.

MANUSCRIPT PANCIATICHI 26: A PALEOGMPHICAL STUDYWITH OBSERVATIONS ON THE TRANSMISSION

OF TRECENTO SECULAR POLYPHONY

DATING CICONIA'S SECULAR WORKS

Anne HallrnarkNew England Conservatory

While nany of the motets of Johannes Ciconia can beplaced within the Paduan period after 1400 largely becauseof specific textual references, the dating of his secularworks has no such certainty. Suzanne Clercx, presurningthat Ciconia lived c. 1335-1411, spread the conposition ofthe secular works from the 1360's up to his death. Newarchival evidence argues against Clercx's proposed lifespan for the conposer, and suggests that he died relativelyyoung. Against the backdrop of this evidence, a revisedchronology for Ciconia's secular works will be explored.0n the basis of stylistic cornparisons, manuscript datingand sorne revised interpretations of text references andallusions to heraldry, this paper will atternpt to establishcloser datings for Ci-conia's secular works, specificallyarguing for their conposition within the years c. 1390-1412.

SOME COMPOSIT]ONAL ASPECTS OF DUFAY'S ISORHYTHMTC MOTETS

John GrazianoCity Co11ege, C.U.N.Y.

Although it is well known that Dufayts isorhythrnic motet,Nuper rosarum flores, utilizes the conpositional technique ofneTodiE-vaTfttion,-Tt has not generally been recognized thatDufay utilized rnelodic variation in many of his other iso-rhythrnic motets as we11.

This paper surveys the variety and extent of the nelodicvariation technique as exhibited in Dufay's various notets.Through selected examples, the technique is traced frorn itsinception in the earlier motets through its subtle use in thelater examples. In addition, the frequency of melodic varia-tion in Dufayrs music is cornpared to its occurrence in themusic of his contemporaries. Fina11y, the question of therole of nelodic variation in deternining the outcone or shapeof the isorhythrnic motet is explored.

AMS/CMS ALTERNATIVE CAREERS, November 8, 2:00 p.rn.

[No abstracts available]

John NadasNew York UniversitY

Any study of the transrnission of Italian fourteenth-century polypi-rony must draw its conclusions frorn an exaninationof the relationshj-p between variant readings of the- corl-positions, the ro1-e of scribal intent in creating thesebiffer".rces and, ultirnately' the nature of the nanuscriptsthemselves. Extensive study of MS. Panciatichi 26 (FnZ6)' oneof the principal sources of the repertory,,has led tosignifiLant questioning of sone earlier scholarly writings'

Although the generally tight' compressed spine of thernodern binding would seern to make collation hopeless,,theregular gatheiing structure (however cornplex- internally) canneiertheiess be ievealed through careful analysis of prick-narks, ruling of bifolia, sewing hol99r watermarks and scriballdentificati6ns. Further study of additions and erasures,together with scribal hands and editorial enendations (thelaIter in both red and black inks) , confirrns an earlierdeterrnination to rnaintain a firm division between the Frenchand Italian repertories' Decisions on notational practi-cesand the significance of scribal tastes and habits now rest on

close pale6graphical observation. It is clear frorn anexarninition"of^readings in Fn26 that a satisfactory classifi-cation of Trecento nolations, with an ain to placlng individualmanuscrj-pts, fascicles' or conpositions in specific--evenihough nypoitretlcal--relationships with each other, cannot be

accoilpliiiied without a thorough consideration of the sourcesthemselves.

ITALIAN MUSICAL INSTITUTIONS, November 9, 9:00 a.n,49

publications, and the licensing of rnusic printing and privateschools of nusic in Rorne. Flna11y, the paper assesses therole the "company" played in serving as a forum for thismusical activity, and estirnates the lrnpact of nenbership (ornon-rnernbership) on the careers of nusicians, particularly inrelationship to the securing of major musical positions inRome, Naples and Florence.

THE EMERGENCE OF WOMEN COMPOSERSBETWEEN 1566 AND 17OO

Jane M. BowersPortland State University

In 1566 the first published compositions by a woman com-poser appeared in Venice. By the end of the sixteenth centuryother wornen had witnessed the printing of their musical worksand had earned reputations as cotnposers. During the seventeenthcentury the nunber of women composers increased, and by 1700rnore women in Italy had ernerged as conposers than in any pre-vious period of Western nusic history.

Between 1566 and 1700 women in Italy conposed in greaternumbers and in a greater variety of genres than their fenalepredecessors in earlier eras. But the nature of wornen's com-positional activities dlffered strikingly frorn those of rnenduring the same period. Far fewer women composed; nost womenwrote fewer cornpositions; women composers belonged to differentsocial classes; wonen exhibited different composing patterns,and tended to write in a rnore limited nurnber of rnusical genres.

This paper will cornpare and contrast the cornpositionalactivities of Italian women with those of nen during thisperiod. It will illustrate, on the one hand, the nature ofwomen's achievenents and anal"yze the changes in rnusic-makingand in society which contributed to the emergence of womencornposers, and, on the other hand, it will demonstrate how thesharp divisions between the sexes in Italian soclety hinderedwomen's exposure to the advances made during that period, andprevented thern frorn achievlng what their male counterpartsachi eved.

THEATRTCAL DANCE AT MILAN, 1740-1770,AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF PANTOMIME BALLET

Kathleen K. HansellUniversity of California, Berkeley

Although independent entrtacte ballets forrned an irnpor-tant part of theatrical entertainments during the eighteenthcentury in all centers of ltalian opera, there is littlesecondary source naterial concerning then. Contenporaryaccounts and critical treatises on the Italian theater rnakeclear that by the 1760is ballets were even more highly es-teened than the operas themselves.

A LOOK AT THE PAPAL CHAPEL OF THE LATE F]FTEENTHAND EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURIES

Ri-chard SherrSnith College

Few would deny that the papal chapel constituted one ofthe rnost inportant musical organizations of late fifteenth-and early sixteenth-century Europe. Until now scholars haveconcentrated prirnarily upon the individual singers and con-posers who at various times were rnenbers of the group. Thispaper proposes a look at the papal chapel and its singers asan-institution within the highly cornplex papal court. lnfor-mation about the make-up and general function of the chapelcan be derived in particular frorn its constitutions (the nostcornplete dated 1545, though interesting earlier documents alsosurvive), and some insight into the singers' way of life canbe drawn from various records of the Vatican bureaucracy' Thediaries of the papal nasters of cerenonies even nake it possi-b1e to learn sonething about the participation of the singersin papal cerernonies, and about the extent to which they per-formed the polyphony that graced the shelves of their ever-expanding tibraiy of nusic. A11 this should help to put theorganizaiion to which Josquin belonged into better perspectiveand aid comparison with other irnportant musical centers, suchas Carnbrai and Ferrara.

THE COMPAGNIA DEI MUSICI DI ROMA, 1584.1604

Will iam SurnrnersSeattle University

The final two decades of the sixteenth century in Ronestand as a watershed in the history of Ronan Catholic churchrnusic. Not only did Palestrina and his conternporaries reacha pinnacle in vocal polyphony, but the seeds for the Ronanresponse to the counter-refornation were sown as we11. Theone organization which apparently adnitted, and in fact sup-ported, the individuals responsible for these diverse rnusicalcurrenis, was the Cornpagnia dei Musici di Rona. Thoughfounded late (1584) by -onparison with other acadenies suchas the one in Verona (1543) , this society of musicians, con-posers and perforners served a singular and inportant rolefor Rbnan musicians.

Because no systematic accouht of this society has beenrnade, this paper discusses: 1) the founding of the society,specifically through the role taken by individuals such asMirenzio, Anerio, Falestrina and Roy,2) the structure.of theCanpagnia as seen through the original statutes, and 3) themake-up of the nembership during its first twenty ygal:.Special attention is given to the activities and privilegesoI the fraternity, su-h as concerts, joint compositions and

ITALIAN MUSICAL INSTITUTIONS, November 9, 9:00 a.n,49

publications, and the licensing of rnusic printing and privateschools of nusic in Rorne. Flna11y, the paper assesses therole the "company" played in serving as a forum for thismusical activity, and estirnates the lrnpact of nenbership (ornon-rnernbership) on the careers of nusicians, particularly inrelationship to the securing of major musical positions inRome, Naples and Florence.

THE EMERGENCE OF WOMEN COMPOSERSBETWEEN 1566 AND 17OO

Jane M. BowersPortland State University

In 1566 the first published compositions by a woman com-poser appeared in Venice. By the end of the sixteenth centuryother wornen had witnessed the printing of their musical worksand had earned reputations as cotnposers. During the seventeenthcentury the nunber of women composers increased, and by 1700rnore women in Italy had ernerged as conposers than in any pre-vious period of Western nusic history.

Between 1566 and 1700 women in Italy conposed in greaternumbers and in a greater variety of genres than their fenalepredecessors in earlier eras. But the nature of wornen's com-positional activities dlffered strikingly frorn those of rnenduring the same period. Far fewer women composed; nost womenwrote fewer cornpositions; women composers belonged to differentsocial classes; wonen exhibited different composing patterns,and tended to write in a rnore limited nurnber of rnusical genres.

This paper will cornpare and contrast the cornpositionalactivities of Italian women with those of nen during thisperiod. It will illustrate, on the one hand, the nature ofwomen's achievenents and anal"yze the changes in rnusic-makingand in society which contributed to the emergence of womencornposers, and, on the other hand, it will demonstrate how thesharp divisions between the sexes in Italian soclety hinderedwomen's exposure to the advances made during that period, andprevented thern frorn achievlng what their male counterpartsachi eved.

THEATRTCAL DANCE AT MILAN, 1740-1770,AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF PANTOMIME BALLET

Kathleen K. HansellUniversity of California, Berkeley

Although independent entrtacte ballets forrned an irnpor-tant part of theatrical entertainments during the eighteenthcentury in all centers of ltalian opera, there is littlesecondary source naterial concerning then. Contenporaryaccounts and critical treatises on the Italian theater rnakeclear that by the 1760is ballets were even more highly es-teened than the operas themselves.

A LOOK AT THE PAPAL CHAPEL OF THE LATE F]FTEENTHAND EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURIES

Ri-chard SherrSnith College

Few would deny that the papal chapel constituted one ofthe rnost inportant musical organizations of late fifteenth-and early sixteenth-century Europe. Until now scholars haveconcentrated prirnarily upon the individual singers and con-posers who at various times were rnenbers of the group. Thispaper proposes a look at the papal chapel and its singers asan-institution within the highly cornplex papal court. lnfor-mation about the make-up and general function of the chapelcan be derived in particular frorn its constitutions (the nostcornplete dated 1545, though interesting earlier documents alsosurvive), and some insight into the singers' way of life canbe drawn from various records of the Vatican bureaucracy' Thediaries of the papal nasters of cerenonies even nake it possi-b1e to learn sonething about the participation of the singersin papal cerernonies, and about the extent to which they per-formed the polyphony that graced the shelves of their ever-expanding tibraiy of nusic. A11 this should help to put theorganizaiion to which Josquin belonged into better perspectiveand aid comparison with other irnportant musical centers, suchas Carnbrai and Ferrara.

THE COMPAGNIA DEI MUSICI DI ROMA, 1584.1604

Will iam SurnrnersSeattle University

The final two decades of the sixteenth century in Ronestand as a watershed in the history of Ronan Catholic churchrnusic. Not only did Palestrina and his conternporaries reacha pinnacle in vocal polyphony, but the seeds for the Ronanresponse to the counter-refornation were sown as we11. Theone organization which apparently adnitted, and in fact sup-ported, the individuals responsible for these diverse rnusicalcurrenis, was the Cornpagnia dei Musici di Rona. Thoughfounded late (1584) by -onparison with other acadenies suchas the one in Verona (1543) , this society of musicians, con-posers and perforners served a singular and inportant rolefor Rbnan musicians.

Because no systematic accouht of this society has beenrnade, this paper discusses: 1) the founding of the society,specifically through the role taken by individuals such asMirenzio, Anerio, Falestrina and Roy,2) the structure.of theCanpagnia as seen through the original statutes, and 3) themake-up of the nembership during its first twenty ygal:.Special attention is given to the activities and privilegesoI the fraternity, su-h as concerts, joint compositions and

Evidence from prirnary sources pertaining to practicesat Milan's Regio Ducal Teatro provides the kind of factualinformation needed to show how the ballet assumed suchprorninence. Opera libTettos and printed ba11et prograrns forall productioni between 1740 arrd 1770, account books andothei rnanuscript docurnents, newspapers' letters and otherdescriptive sou..es, and a few rnu-sical scores supply basicdetails concerning ihe choreographers and the cornposers ofbal1et nusic, the position, nurnbers and categories.of. ba11ets,the dance cornpaniei and th6 dancers' technique ' and, thescenes, nachines and scenarios for the dances at Mi1an.

The Milanese sources confirm that the rnost inportant ofthese developnents, the rise of pantonime ba11et, cannot-beattributed totely to the noted choreographers Noverre andAngiolini and their work at Stuttgart and Vienna. Aniniigenous Italian style of pantornime, rnodified by trendsfrom"abroad, was already the^Milanese preference by the 1760rs'

ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL TOPICS, Novenber 9, 9:00 a'm.

THE A.P SYSTEM OF LETTER NOTATION

Alrna C. BrowneUniversity of Illinois

0f the rnany different letter notations developed duringthe Middle Ages, that which ernployed the first fifteenletters (q-p) of the Latin alphabet is the rnost pervasive,for it is found in both theoretical and practical sources.The a-p letter-series first appeared in Boethiust De insti-tutione musica and recurred in the rnusical treatis6S oF-cefiefn C-aiolTngian theorists, In the eleventh and twelfthcenturies, the letters served a more practical purpose: theynotated over 200 nusical itens found in thirty-three sources.

After a brief sunnary of the historical development, thepaper will survey the practical sources and the notatedrepertory and will then focus on the notational features ofthe system itself.

Twenty of the rnanuscripts containing cornpositions recordedby the a-p system derive fron Cluniac rnonasteries in Norrnandy,which were reforrned in the early eleventh century by Williamof Volpiano. Another seven codices can be linked to otherCluniac reformers or Cluniac establishrnents. The rnajority ofpieces are frorn Offices for Saints, tropes, hymns, andsequences, About a third are unica.

The a-p system is rnore conplex than the other alphabeti-cnotations because it employs special signs in conjunction withthe letters. Sone signs are the equivalent of certain neurneforms and others are unique.

MUSIC AND THE ELDERS OF THE APOCALYPSE IN MEDIEVAL ART

Catherine ParsoneaultNorth Texas State University

The twenty-four Elders of the Apocalypse, holding theirharps and vials of incense, are frequently included in twelfth-century sculptural representations of the Last Judgment. Bythe twelfth century their "harps"--nore often depicted ascontemporaneous stringed instruments--were so firmly estab-lished as a part of the visual traditio4 that they are rarelyabsent fron portrayals of the Elders. Enile M51e has assertedthat the earliest sculpture of this type (the tympanurn of theAbbey Church of St.-Pierre in Moissac) is derived directlyfrom an illuninated manuscript similar to the eleventh-centurySalnt-Sever copy of the eighth-century Comnentary on Revela-tfons Ey-Beatus of Li6bana. In the il1uni-naTlons tFe-El?lEEsdo not always appear as nusicians, but it is evident that thevisual tradition did exist earlier than the eleventh century.

This paper offers a preliminary explanation of thepractical and aesthetic considerations which rnay have ledartists to include musical instruments in their illustrations.Art historians have aLready pointed to the Romanesque

FORM IN THE RITUAL THEATER MUSIC OF ANCIENT INDIA

Lewis RowellIndlana UniversitY

The Sanskrit drama of Gupta India (4th-7th centuries A'D')was preceded by an elaborate dedicatory ritual of music anddanc-e. Seven large fornal structures, the gitaka:J lrereauthorized for this purpose and described in-de*ffil in two ofthe earliest nonuments of Indian musical speculation: theNatya6estra, ascribed to the legendary Bharata, and theDaEi-iTa;:-5oth dated not later than the fifth century A.D.These appear to be the oldest rnusical structures that aresubstantially independent of the influence of prosody' Thepresentation will focus upon the formal principles fPParentin these works, many reflbcting typically Indian cultural pre-ferences and contrasting sharply wlth tenporal organizationin the ancient West.

The descriptions of the forns are remarkably detailed'including precibe beat patterns (both silent and sounding) ,physical"gbstures, sectionalization, cadences, mnernonic aids,ind variois perfoinance alternatives. The nusic--like nostancient rnusiis--manifests what we might term four rhythnic"1aws," those of alternation, r:ecurr:ing accent, -intensifi-cation, and cadence rigidity. The distinctive forrnal featuresare: 1j vocable (so1-fa) incipits as substitutes for be-ginnings of sections, 2) final repetition as a tactic ofEtot.rt6, 3) end accent with suffixed beats as structuralnarkers, 4) equilibrium of controlling gesture qatterns'.5) palindrotes, 6; modular design, 7) forrnal inflation viaint'erpolated beati, 8) lncreasing frequency.of souTding beatsas a guide to the passage of tine, and 9) hierarchicalstruclure characteiized by the appearance of sinilar patternson the several 1eve1s, thus uniting nacro- and micro-structure

Evidence from prirnary sources pertaining to practicesat Milan's Regio Ducal Teatro provides the kind of factualinformation needed to show how the ballet assumed suchprorninence. Opera libTettos and printed ba11et prograrns forall productioni between 1740 arrd 1770, account books andothei rnanuscript docurnents, newspapers' letters and otherdescriptive sou..es, and a few rnu-sical scores supply basicdetails concerning ihe choreographers and the cornposers ofbal1et nusic, the position, nurnbers and categories.of. ba11ets,the dance cornpaniei and th6 dancers' technique ' and, thescenes, nachines and scenarios for the dances at Mi1an.

The Milanese sources confirm that the rnost inportant ofthese developnents, the rise of pantonime ba11et, cannot-beattributed totely to the noted choreographers Noverre andAngiolini and their work at Stuttgart and Vienna. Aniniigenous Italian style of pantornime, rnodified by trendsfrom"abroad, was already the^Milanese preference by the 1760rs'

ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL TOPICS, Novenber 9, 9:00 a'm.

THE A.P SYSTEM OF LETTER NOTATION

Alrna C. BrowneUniversity of Illinois

0f the rnany different letter notations developed duringthe Middle Ages, that which ernployed the first fifteenletters (q-p) of the Latin alphabet is the rnost pervasive,for it is found in both theoretical and practical sources.The a-p letter-series first appeared in Boethiust De insti-tutione musica and recurred in the rnusical treatis6S oF-cefiefn C-aiolTngian theorists, In the eleventh and twelfthcenturies, the letters served a more practical purpose: theynotated over 200 nusical itens found in thirty-three sources.

After a brief sunnary of the historical development, thepaper will survey the practical sources and the notatedrepertory and will then focus on the notational features ofthe system itself.

Twenty of the rnanuscripts containing cornpositions recordedby the a-p system derive fron Cluniac rnonasteries in Norrnandy,which were reforrned in the early eleventh century by Williamof Volpiano. Another seven codices can be linked to otherCluniac reformers or Cluniac establishrnents. The rnajority ofpieces are frorn Offices for Saints, tropes, hymns, andsequences, About a third are unica.

The a-p system is rnore conplex than the other alphabeti-cnotations because it employs special signs in conjunction withthe letters. Sone signs are the equivalent of certain neurneforms and others are unique.

MUSIC AND THE ELDERS OF THE APOCALYPSE IN MEDIEVAL ART

Catherine ParsoneaultNorth Texas State University

The twenty-four Elders of the Apocalypse, holding theirharps and vials of incense, are frequently included in twelfth-century sculptural representations of the Last Judgment. Bythe twelfth century their "harps"--nore often depicted ascontemporaneous stringed instruments--were so firmly estab-lished as a part of the visual traditio4 that they are rarelyabsent fron portrayals of the Elders. Enile M51e has assertedthat the earliest sculpture of this type (the tympanurn of theAbbey Church of St.-Pierre in Moissac) is derived directlyfrom an illuninated manuscript similar to the eleventh-centurySalnt-Sever copy of the eighth-century Comnentary on Revela-tfons Ey-Beatus of Li6bana. In the il1uni-naTlons tFe-El?lEEsdo not always appear as nusicians, but it is evident that thevisual tradition did exist earlier than the eleventh century.

This paper offers a preliminary explanation of thepractical and aesthetic considerations which rnay have ledartists to include musical instruments in their illustrations.Art historians have aLready pointed to the Romanesque

FORM IN THE RITUAL THEATER MUSIC OF ANCIENT INDIA

Lewis RowellIndlana UniversitY

The Sanskrit drama of Gupta India (4th-7th centuries A'D')was preceded by an elaborate dedicatory ritual of music anddanc-e. Seven large fornal structures, the gitaka:J lrereauthorized for this purpose and described in-de*ffil in two ofthe earliest nonuments of Indian musical speculation: theNatya6estra, ascribed to the legendary Bharata, and theDaEi-iTa;:-5oth dated not later than the fifth century A.D.These appear to be the oldest rnusical structures that aresubstantially independent of the influence of prosody' Thepresentation will focus upon the formal principles fPParentin these works, many reflbcting typically Indian cultural pre-ferences and contrasting sharply wlth tenporal organizationin the ancient West.

The descriptions of the forns are remarkably detailed'including precibe beat patterns (both silent and sounding) ,physical"gbstures, sectionalization, cadences, mnernonic aids,ind variois perfoinance alternatives. The nusic--like nostancient rnusiis--manifests what we might term four rhythnic"1aws," those of alternation, r:ecurr:ing accent, -intensifi-cation, and cadence rigidity. The distinctive forrnal featuresare: 1j vocable (so1-fa) incipits as substitutes for be-ginnings of sections, 2) final repetition as a tactic ofEtot.rt6, 3) end accent with suffixed beats as structuralnarkers, 4) equilibrium of controlling gesture qatterns'.5) palindrotes, 6; modular design, 7) forrnal inflation viaint'erpolated beati, 8) lncreasing frequency.of souTding beatsas a guide to the passage of tine, and 9) hierarchicalstruclure characteiized by the appearance of sinilar patternson the several 1eve1s, thus uniting nacro- and micro-structure

sculptures as examples of the increased secularizationitr"*'."i".iion) of sicr"a art in the twelfth century' The roleof the instruments ai-attributes distingui:4ilg the-Elders fromin"'.."*a-ii, with sone reservation, justifiable' The corre-iuiio" of ceitain symbofic implicatioirs of these illurninations*iitt S"ut"t' text has not been noted, however; neither. thesymbol ic intent no.-it"-pfrilosophicai precedents for the.wide-;i;;;;'"a"ijii"'" oi il,i, musical' subject have been jnvestisatedii'rry. rh^e paper tiaies this sub j eit through. :iI1LT:1+""'1io,rii", and 'diicuss"i ti," possibiii.ty of a.philosophical . basis,ernbodied in the no"ittiu" view of the'function of nusic withln;h;-a;;;ti;ium, for ascribing a symbolic role to the rnusician-Elders.

TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND JOHN OF GARLAND'S

DE MiNSURABILI MUSICA: A QUESTlON OF AUTHORSHIP

three of the parts can be reconstructed conpletely, and therhythn of the fourth part can be inferred from the repetitioushocketing pattern of the portions that rernain.

The piece was ori.ginally conposed as two independent two-part hockets, which easily interlock to forrn the four-parthocket. No other known four-part hocket is constructed in thisway. Perhaps this kind of structure was typical of the"hoketus contraduplex," a genre nentioned--but not described--by Jacobus of LiBge. If that were so, the newly-discoveredhocket would be the unique example of this genre.

Peculiarities of notation and script rnake it difficult todecide whether the fragnent belongs to the thirteenth or thefourteenth century. New evidence regarding the perfornancepractice of hockets is provided by the peculiar underlay ofthe words "In seculurn." The fact that some of the syl1ab1eshave been erased and rewritten under different notes gives theinpression that this text was to be sung. That would be thefirst direct evidence that the hockets were not necessarily"instrurnental notets," as sone writers have cal1ed thern, butvocal music.

STUDIES TN AMERICAN MUSIC, Novenber 9, 9:00 a.n'

THE DRUM TABLATURE TMDITION IN AMERICAN MILITARY MUSICOF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY

Harrison PowleyBrighan Young University

Because irnprovisatory performance traditions were governedby rote-learning rnethods, there are few surviving examples ofnotated percussion music prior to the publication in the UnitedStates of several early nineteenth-century drun instructors.These nethods preserve rnany elements of older European prac-tices recorded in such diverse sources as Arbeau's Orch6sogra-phie (1588), Pistofilo's I1 torneo (1621), English an?-TcoTTTshilIfTtary records, and the-PhlTiaor rnusic rnanuscripts from thelate seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The tutorsof Ashworth (1812) and Lovering (f818) and to a lesser extentthose of Robbins (1805), Hazeltine (1810), Runrille and Holton(18f7), Robinson (1818), and Goodale (1819) illustrate nanypractices strongly linked with the British military drunrningtradition, i.e., onornatopoetic words describing the variousrudiments and beats, the tablature notation, and the specificbeats of the Canp Duty.

The tablature notation and descriptive words were developedto rnake the beats easier for the drurnner boys to learn. Thetablatures indicate, usually by means of note stens (up for1eft, down for right), which hand is to play each stroke. Note-values represent dynamic shadings, specific strokes, or beats,not exact durations. A few tutors print verbal instructionswhich experienced drurnrners could easily fo11ow, e,g., "a seven

There are essentially two different versions of the so-called De rnensurabiii *"ti." of John of Garland, presefved iniilt""-r"i""t.;lpt ttces.---Tn1y the-version of Jerone ofMoravia (P) is compiete and it is the only version w!t:!,.uiii"t iny insc.iition of authorship' The anonyrnous -and 1n-

;;;i;;"-;;'iiot, i;-th" Brugges and-Vatican sources (B q v)at one time were considered i5 b" lut"t abridgrnents.of Johnrsiiigi""i-lteatise. Itlore recently-, however, both Erich Reineru"J-n"aoff Rasch have concluded ihat p contains later addi -

tlo"i ""a substitutions rnade by Jerone and that Johnrs

"tini""i treatise ii best represented in B and V' This has

;";;i;;; in-"-nu*n"t of questionable readings [or crucjalDassapes in Reimer's critical ed i t ion and e1 iminated the evi -;;;;;"i;"4-tiie author of the treatise was the Engllsh artsmaster of the sane name.

In this study the argunents of Rasch and Reiner are re-examined and their conclulions are ca11ed into question'i;;h;;q;";-Jf tode.tt textual criticisrn are ernployed. and.a new

;i;il;'is offered in which P is shoi'm to have been based on

ifrl ui.fl"type while B and V, sharing conjunctive, ":191t-'.,"t"shown to have been derived irorn a common hypoarchetype.whichcontained readings of secondary origi-n' The author indicatesi"d,r.rJ"'r.i"s and"inconsistencies i-n B and V and suggests thattheir exenpl-ar was un

"nonyto'ls, contarninated version in which

;;-;;.;h;;i short tract on discant was substituted for John'sinitial chapter on modal theorY.

Bob R. AntleySt, 01af College

AN UNKNOWN FOUR-VOICE HOCKET ON THE IN SECULUM TENOR

Peter JeffreYPrinceton UniversitY

A oreviouslv unnoticed flyleaf j-n an Austrian nanuscrrptin.r,.,ie!';h;-;;ii k;;*" Tn seculurn piece with four hocket ingp"ilr.--fi^nrcrii,tion of-t," .orF1-eie piece is difficu1t, but

sculptures as examples of the increased secularizationitr"*'."i".iion) of sicr"a art in the twelfth century' The roleof the instruments ai-attributes distingui:4ilg the-Elders fromin"'.."*a-ii, with sone reservation, justifiable' The corre-iuiio" of ceitain symbofic implicatioirs of these illurninations*iitt S"ut"t' text has not been noted, however; neither. thesymbol ic intent no.-it"-pfrilosophicai precedents for the.wide-;i;;;;'"a"ijii"'" oi il,i, musical' subject have been jnvestisatedii'rry. rh^e paper tiaies this sub j eit through. :iI1LT:1+""'1io,rii", and 'diicuss"i ti," possibiii.ty of a.philosophical . basis,ernbodied in the no"ittiu" view of the'function of nusic withln;h;-a;;;ti;ium, for ascribing a symbolic role to the rnusician-Elders.

TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND JOHN OF GARLAND'S

DE MiNSURABILI MUSICA: A QUESTlON OF AUTHORSHIP

three of the parts can be reconstructed conpletely, and therhythn of the fourth part can be inferred from the repetitioushocketing pattern of the portions that rernain.

The piece was ori.ginally conposed as two independent two-part hockets, which easily interlock to forrn the four-parthocket. No other known four-part hocket is constructed in thisway. Perhaps this kind of structure was typical of the"hoketus contraduplex," a genre nentioned--but not described--by Jacobus of LiBge. If that were so, the newly-discoveredhocket would be the unique example of this genre.

Peculiarities of notation and script rnake it difficult todecide whether the fragnent belongs to the thirteenth or thefourteenth century. New evidence regarding the perfornancepractice of hockets is provided by the peculiar underlay ofthe words "In seculurn." The fact that some of the syl1ab1eshave been erased and rewritten under different notes gives theinpression that this text was to be sung. That would be thefirst direct evidence that the hockets were not necessarily"instrurnental notets," as sone writers have cal1ed thern, butvocal music.

STUDIES TN AMERICAN MUSIC, Novenber 9, 9:00 a.n'

THE DRUM TABLATURE TMDITION IN AMERICAN MILITARY MUSICOF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY

Harrison PowleyBrighan Young University

Because irnprovisatory performance traditions were governedby rote-learning rnethods, there are few surviving examples ofnotated percussion music prior to the publication in the UnitedStates of several early nineteenth-century drun instructors.These nethods preserve rnany elements of older European prac-tices recorded in such diverse sources as Arbeau's Orch6sogra-phie (1588), Pistofilo's I1 torneo (1621), English an?-TcoTTTshilIfTtary records, and the-PhlTiaor rnusic rnanuscripts from thelate seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The tutorsof Ashworth (1812) and Lovering (f818) and to a lesser extentthose of Robbins (1805), Hazeltine (1810), Runrille and Holton(18f7), Robinson (1818), and Goodale (1819) illustrate nanypractices strongly linked with the British military drunrningtradition, i.e., onornatopoetic words describing the variousrudiments and beats, the tablature notation, and the specificbeats of the Canp Duty.

The tablature notation and descriptive words were developedto rnake the beats easier for the drurnner boys to learn. Thetablatures indicate, usually by means of note stens (up for1eft, down for right), which hand is to play each stroke. Note-values represent dynamic shadings, specific strokes, or beats,not exact durations. A few tutors print verbal instructionswhich experienced drurnrners could easily fo11ow, e,g., "a seven

There are essentially two different versions of the so-called De rnensurabiii *"ti." of John of Garland, presefved iniilt""-r"i""t.;lpt ttces.---Tn1y the-version of Jerone ofMoravia (P) is compiete and it is the only version w!t:!,.uiii"t iny insc.iition of authorship' The anonyrnous -and 1n-

;;;i;;"-;;'iiot, i;-th" Brugges and-Vatican sources (B q v)at one time were considered i5 b" lut"t abridgrnents.of Johnrsiiigi""i-lteatise. Itlore recently-, however, both Erich Reineru"J-n"aoff Rasch have concluded ihat p contains later addi -

tlo"i ""a substitutions rnade by Jerone and that Johnrs

"tini""i treatise ii best represented in B and V' This has

;";;i;;; in-"-nu*n"t of questionable readings [or crucjalDassapes in Reimer's critical ed i t ion and e1 iminated the evi -;;;;;"i;"4-tiie author of the treatise was the Engllsh artsmaster of the sane name.

In this study the argunents of Rasch and Reiner are re-examined and their conclulions are ca11ed into question'i;;h;;q;";-Jf tode.tt textual criticisrn are ernployed. and.a new

;i;il;'is offered in which P is shoi'm to have been based on

ifrl ui.fl"type while B and V, sharing conjunctive, ":191t-'.,"t"shown to have been derived irorn a common hypoarchetype.whichcontained readings of secondary origi-n' The author indicatesi"d,r.rJ"'r.i"s and"inconsistencies i-n B and V and suggests thattheir exenpl-ar was un

"nonyto'ls, contarninated version in which

;;-;;.;h;;i short tract on discant was substituted for John'sinitial chapter on modal theorY.

Bob R. AntleySt, 01af College

AN UNKNOWN FOUR-VOICE HOCKET ON THE IN SECULUM TENOR

Peter JeffreYPrinceton UniversitY

A oreviouslv unnoticed flyleaf j-n an Austrian nanuscrrptin.r,.,ie!';h;-;;ii k;;*" Tn seculurn piece with four hocket ingp"ilr.--fi^nrcrii,tion of-t," .orF1-eie piece is difficu1t, but

and three double f1arns." In each instance, however' the,pre-cise rhythni. p"tt"inl-aep"na on Fitting the pl:l:l-i:i?lv t"in"-ai"ir-piit.' ft" tablaiure sources seen to preserve in part;;;"-;i;t;;ti of the improvisational stvle of Americann"""f"ii"""ry nilitary rnusic. The tablature systen perslstsin drun tutors untii tir"-p"ii"a of the Civil Wbr when traditional

"otrtio" becornes the norm for written drun parts'

CHARLES WAKEFlELD CADMAN I S FIRST ''INDIAN'' OPERA, ''DAOMAII

D. PerisonState UniversitY

HarrYPennsylvania

Thi s i11 include an account of the genesisThls paper wlr I arrsruoe arr duLvurop"tu,"i-a'"tiiiptio" of the several.*?tt":tt1qt :91i"::fi.;;i.;;;";;;;-;f'il'" *"roaies and their sburcei' and

iii"ii."tions of cadrnan's rnethod of using these melodiesthe opera.

Narcissa is an anbitious four-act historical drarna based on theLve-tes oT Marcus and Narcissa Whitrnan, missionaries to thePacific Northwest, whose work among the Indians ended tragicallyin a rnassacre in 1847. The conposerrs mother, Sarah Pratt Carr,wrote the libretto, which adrnirably surnrnarizes a complex seriesof events involving a nurnber of colorful historical figures.

The opera had its premiere in Seattle in 1912;later per-forrnances in San Franciico (1925) and Los Angeles (1945) werealso conducted by the cornposer. A piano-voca1 score was pub-lished by M. Witrnark in 1912, and a rnanuscript of the ful1score is at UCLA. In addition, scrapbooks of clippings andprograns assernbled by the composer provide a wealth of supple.-rnenial inforrnation and chronicle the Derformance historv of thework.

The presentation will include a plot svnopsis indicatingsisnificant alterations of historical fact rnade for dranaticpurposes. The cornDoser's extensive use of leitnotifs will beoutlined, and her incorporation of Indian themes and rhythrnsdiscussed. The critical reception of Narcissa over a span of33 years will be reviewed, and recorded-ExEmpTes will be usedto illustrate the rnusical character of the opera'

LOUIS GRUENBERG'S AMERICAN MUSICAL IDIOM

Robert F. NisbettColorado State UniversitY

Louis Gruenberg (1884-1964) was a Russian-born Americancomposer, brought to the United States when only a year old.He received hii early training frorn his father and as a pianostudent at the National Conservatory of Music in New York.Gruenberg later studied in Europe with Ferruccio Busoni' Hisassociation with Busoni brought hin into contact with nanyinportant conposers including Arnold Schoenberg and EdgardVarEse.

When Gruenberg returned to the United States he soughtto create an American nusical sty1e. His varied backgroundincluded a Broadway musical in collaboration with the violinistEddy Brown. In the 1920's Gruenberg was among the founders ofthe Arnerican Music Guild and The League of Composers. He wasone of the fiTst American composers to gain recognition in theUnited States and Europe through his use of jazz and theNegro spiritual.

In 1925 The Daniel Jazz was perforned at the InternationalSociety for ContemporarylluFjc Festival at Venice and receivedacclaim as an outstanding work in an Arnerican idiom. The operaErnperor Jones received one of the greatest receptions affordedenlmerican opera at its perforrnance by the Metropolitan OperaCompany in 1933, Jascha Heifetz commissioned a Violin Concerto,firit perforned with the Philadelphia Orchestra lfr-T97f4.---Iate-in 1if-e Gruenberg becarne a successful composer of filn nusic.

A discussion of musical traits in elght selected composi-tions will show how Gruenberg achieved his Arnerican style.

Charles Wakefield Cadmanrs first success and fane cane

inrgogwiththepublicationofFourAmericanlndianSongs,o ;r ;

- ; ; .

"' il' ; ; ; i h ;' ; ;; ; ^ ;;. ua

" -"-p' aau'-a-a1T-r-hi s- rn a j o r

"Indian" composltlons in an attempt to pronote the,establ ish-r"nt of a distinctively Anerican nationaljst school or com-

".riti"t. ind in the pi-ocess earned for hjmself the 1abe1

li"ai""ii.;lIr-l"t"r ire later came to regret' ..1*ong..h1?^"inJiittitt" works "iu-ito

of his five operas: "Daoma" [1912;rev. 1930) and The noUiq-wotn'" (1918; tLv' l.927) '--both

withii;;";t;.'by Nel1e n-iEEmond-E5eittart' The Robin Ugren (a1so

il;;;-;t-ii's suu-tili", situ""*it) is welT-knoffi-to studentsof Arnerican opera' Uut"'Oaana;-rbadman's only fu11-length;p";;, ienaln! a relatively unknown work'

,,Daoma,, (retitled "The Land of the Misty Water': 319later ievised'under-ih" iitl" "Rama1a"), represents cadnanrs

"Indianisrn" at its freilfrt. Its libretto was based on a Siouan

1;;;;;--;;;"ided by the Anerican rndian ethnologist Francis La

Fi;;;h"; and it ,t't"J ut its principal rnelodic naterial Indianrnelodies chosen Uotil ior-ptogt"**"ti. suitability and conpati-tiiiiy-rtiir- c"dr"r,;l ,"irr'"a 3i adapting and harrnonizing such

nelodies--a process he terned "idealization'" With its con-;ie;;;;i" ieirgth, its elaborate orchestration' and its systenoi-f Luai"g roii.,r"r

- -il"or"" *as his _rnost complex and ambitious;;rk;*;;;; despite his persistent efforts, it rernains unper-forned and unPublished.

of theident i

NARCISSA, BY N{ARY CARR MOORE:

A SINGUIAR-EON'iRIBUTION TO AMERICAN OPERA

Cynthia S. Richardsoneb11 ineham, Washington

Narcissa, the second of ten operas by Mary Calr {931e(r87sitsi)-is distinctive in sevbral respects and representsthe first gtuta op"tu";;;;;t;;,.i9t1"9, anb conducted bv an

American wonan. otigi"riiy-""iitr"a The Cost of Enpire'