reagan's secret war, by martin and annelise anderson - excerpt

REAGAN’S SECRET WAR

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page i

REAGAN’SSECRET WAR

The Untold Story of His Fight

to Save the World

from Nuclear Disaster

Martin Anderson andAnnelise Anderson

Crown Publishers

New York

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/2/09 10:53 AM Page iii

http://www.randomhouse.com/crown

Copyright © 2009 by Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson

All rights reserved.

Published in the United States by Crown Publishers, an imprint of the Crown Publishing

Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York.

www.crownpublishing.com

CROWN and the Crown colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation for

permission to reprint handwritten excerpts from Ronald Reagan’s diary.

All photographs in this book are courtesy of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data

Anderson, Martin, 1936–

Reagan’s secret war / Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson.

p. cm.

1. United States—Foreign relations—Soviet Union. 2. Soviet Union—Foreign

relations—United States. 3. United States—Foreign relations—1981–1989.

4. Reagan, Ronald. 5. Cold War. 6. Nuclear arms control.

I. Anderson, Annelise Graebner. II. Title.

E876.A556 2008

327.73047—dc22 2008050918

ISBN 978- 0- 307- 23861- 0

Printed in the United States of America

Design by Leonard Henderson

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

First Edition

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page iv

www.CrownPublishing.com



To purchase a copy of

Reagan’s Secret War

visit one of these online retailers:

Amazon

Bar blenes & No

Borders

IndieBound

Powell’s Books

Random House


http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Reagans-Secret-War/Annelise-Anderson/e/9780307238610/&ref=other_issuu-pdf-barnes-reagan-0609

http://www.indiebound.org/book/9780307238610&ref=other_issuu-pdf-indieb-reagan-0609

http://powells.com/biblio/62-9780307238610-0?ref=other_issuu-pdf-powell-reagan-0609

http://www.randomhouse.com/catalog/display.pperl?isbn=9780307238610&ref=other_issuu-pdf-random-reagan-0609


For Nancy Reagan and George Shultz

Nancy, who was at Ronald Reagan’s side for more than fifty years, helping him as he shaped

our country—and then the world

And George, who as secretary of state was with Reagan at every step he took on the path to defeat the Soviet Union

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page v



contents

�

Foreword ix

Introduction 1

1. Reagan the Man 9

2. The Awesome Power of a President 17

3. Juggling Priorities: 1981 27

4. Near Death from an Assassin 43

5. The Beginning of the End of the Cold War 49

6. Going for Zero 59

7. The Bond with Pope John Paul II 73

8. The Nuclear Abolitionist: 1982 93

9. “Star Wars” 111

10. Close to Nuclear War: 1983 133

11. Reagan Wins Reelection: 1984 153

12. Reagan’s Negotiating Strategy 177

13. The Ascent of Gorbachev: 1985 205

14. “Star Wars” in Moscow 219

15. The Geneva “Fireside” Summit 229

16. The Priority of Human Rights 247

17. Gorbachev’s Gambit 265

18. Soviet Strategy at Reykjavik: 1986 287

19. The Iran- Contra Controversy 317

20. Gorbachev Caves First: 1987 335

21. Treaty Signing in Washington 343

22. The Cold War Ends: 1988 367

Glossary of Acronyms 397

Notes 399

Acknowledgments 433

Index 437

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page vii



foreword

�

By George P. Shultz

How do you judge a presidency and a president?Accomplishments are one yardstick. In the case of Ronald Rea-

gan, you can point to ample successes, both during his presidencyand throughout his life. He was successful as a negotiator when hewas head of the Screen Actors Guild. He was successful as an actor,mastering the art of inhabiting a character or role. As a two- termgovernor of California, he left the state in much better shape thanhe found it and was even more popular when he left office thanwhen he entered.

During the Reagan presidency, I had the privilege of close as-sociation with Ronald Reagan as he changed our country for thebetter. Rather than looking for political glory, he always seemedmotivated by his view of what was best for America. His was a non-partisan way of thinking.

I saw Reagan inherit an economy in shambles with inflation inthe teens and the prime rate at 20 percent. I watched as he workedclosely with Paul Volcker, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board,to fight inflation and put us back on the right track. (Reagan wasfond of telling what were, in some respects, old chestnuts. I re-member him saying, when people warned that a serious effort toget rid of inflation might well lead to a recession, “If not us, who?If not now, when?”)

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page ix



In the areas of national security and foreign policy, there was adramatic change for the better between the beginning and end ofReagan’s presidency. When Reagan entered office, the Cold Warwas as cold as it could get, and when he left, it was all over but theshouting. Sometimes you hear doubters argue that whatever hap-pens just happens—that Reagan’s policies of strength, realism,and diplomacy (let alone his skill in negotiations) had nothing todo with it. But looking at his long list of accomplishments, mostpeople feel that he must have had something special to offer.

A president’s real legacy is ultimately about more than accom-plishments, though—no matter how impressive they may be. Mostactions of consequence are, in the end, based on ideas. If the ideasare good, they have staying power.

Ronald Reagan was very much a man of ideas, and one of hiskey convictions was that nuclear weapons are so destructive theyshould not be in the hands of mankind. He recognized the argu-ments for deterrence through mutual assured destruction. But hethought this strategy was immoral. I heard him ask on many occa-sions, “What’s so good about a peace kept by the threat of destroy-ing each other?”

Close as I was to Reagan, I learned a lot about the depth andlong history of his thinking on the nuclear threat from readingMartin and Annelise Anderson’s thorough and illuminating analy-sis of the record—much of it hidden until now in secret files.Thanks to the Andersons’ truly vast accumulation of essays, stories,and letters in the president’s own handwriting, we learn that Rea-gan committed his thoughts to paper almost continuously. This issignificant because the act of writing is fundamentally an act ofthinking. Reagan was a thinker as well as a doer.

Reagan made no secret of his view that we should abolish nu-clear weapons. But most people did not take this idea seriously—until Reykjavik. I had the privilege of sitting beside Ronald Reaganin that tiny room in Hofdi House as we talked for two days with

x � foreword

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page x



Mikhail Gorbachev and Eduard Shevardnadze. There it emergedthat the leaders of the two countries that jointly controlled morethan 90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons were calling forthe abolition of those weapons.

I remember vividly the reaction when we returned to Washing-ton. Almost immediately, Margaret Thatcher summoned me to theBritish ambassador’s residence. There I learned the meaning of aBritish verb that derives from Thatcher’s characteristically carry-ing a stiff handbag, for I was “handbagged.”

“How could you let the president agree to abolish nuclearweapons?” she accused.

“But Margaret, he’s the president.”“Yes, but you’re supposed to be the one who has his feet on the

ground.”“Margaret, I agreed with him.”I emerged from the ambassador’s residence bloodied. And

over the next few days, as I heard similar reactions from others, Icame to realize that this idea of abolishing all nuclear weapons wasone whose time had not yet come. But I still believed in the con-cept, and more important, so did Ronald Reagan.

Today, Reykjavik can be seen as a watershed meeting. Maybe itwas the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Clearly, the numberof nuclear weapons in the hands of the United States and Russiahas been sharply reduced since that time (although huge numbersstill remain and the possibility of proliferation is all too apparent).

The contrast between the resistance to nuclear abolition amongthe political intelligentsia during Reagan’s presidency and the cur-rent growing acceptance that this might just be possible was broughthome to me in 2006, when my colleague Sid Drell, a physicist, and Idecided to hold a conference marking the twentieth anniversary ofthe Reykjavik meeting with the objective of exploring its implica-tions. Many outstanding individuals joined us and another of ourcolleagues, Bill Perry, at this conference, and in other ways we in-

foreword � xi

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page xi



cluded our friends Henry Kissinger and Sam Nunn in the effort.Among the results was an essay in the Wall Street Journal published onJanuary 4, 2007, calling for a world free of nuclear weapons.

Of course, the essay caused some to speak out in opposition,but the overwhelming response globally was positive. In the UnitedStates, some two- thirds of the former secretaries of state and de-fense, as well as national security advisers, have publicly expressedsupport for this effort.

Many people have commented on how refreshing it is tohave something advanced on a bipartisan basis. Those leadingthe initiative all reply that this effort isn’t bipartisan; it’s nonparti-san. That was always the spirit of Ronald Reagan, who asked him-self what was good for the country and, in the case of nuclearweapons, what was good for mankind.

Ultimately, the true test of a man and his presidency is whetherhis ideas have staying power. And as Martin and Annelise Ander-son incisively argue in these pages, Reagan’s idea of abolishing nu-clear weapons once and for all was of immense importance. Thepublic was hesitant to embrace it. Advisers Reagan trusted andwho were experts in this arena didn’t support it. But none of thatdiminished Reagan’s conviction, and now we see that his idea liveson and is attracting support in the United States and around theworld.

This book will make an immense contribution to the thinkingon this subject because the authors have defied assumptions aboutwhat Reagan thought and said and conducted painstaking re-search to get at the truth of what he really planned and executed.All of us who are gripped by the transcendent importance of thenuclear threat will learn, and be inspired by, this account.

xii � foreword

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page xii



REAGAN’S SECRET WAR

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page xiii



introduction

�

One eyewitness is worth more than ten who

tell you what they have heard.—Plautus, Roman playwright, c. 190 b.c.

Ronald Reagan accomplished so much with such apparentease that the casual observer often assumes he had nothing to dowith it, nothing to do with the resurgence of the economy or thereduction in nuclear arsenals or the end of the Cold War.

Perhaps he had advisers whose lines he read with such skill.Perhaps it was Gorbachev or Thatcher or the Pope. Or maybe itwas just plain luck.

We think not.

The evidence for this conclusion comes primarily from Reaganhimself—what he wrote and what he said, his own words, writtenin his own hand or spoken extemporaneously. This evidenceshows that throughout his presidency, Reagan carried out goals hehad long held, carefully plotted the strategy that brought aboutthe ends he achieved, and made all the major decisions of his ad-ministration. He did not always reveal to friends, family, the press,or his closest advisers how he intended to accomplish his objec-tives or the purpose of his actions. Yet with the benefit of hind-sight, we see intent, planning, and timing. And as we look back webegin to understand the origins of the ambitious goals he broughtto his presidency.

Ande_9780307238610_6p_fm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:51 AM Page 1



Especially important to this understanding is a new block of ev-idence declassified for use in this book: the minutes of the NationalSecurity Council (NSC), documents previously classified as Top Se-cret or Secret, unavailable to researchers or the public until now.The NSC is the group that advises the president on the mostdifficult decisions he must make—those about national security. Inthe Reagan White House, the meetings of the NSC were not tape- recorded, but a scribe usually took careful notes on what each ofthe participants said, including the president. In quoting Reagan,these minutes reveal his decisions and directions to his staff on na-tional defense, arms control negotiations, and U.S. strategy with re-spect to the Soviet Union, the Middle East, and Latin America.

Reagan chaired 355 meetings of the NSC or its smaller andmore secretive component, the National Security Planning Group(NSPG). Minutes were found for 192 of them, and of these morethan 80 have been declassified for use in this book—those most re-vealing of Reagan’s thinking and decision making on national de-fense, arms control, and dealing with the Soviets.

Martin Anderson was given access to these minutes (and toother classified documents) in a rare confluence of events: he hadthe necessary clearances, and both the office of President Reagan(where Nancy Reagan was making the final decisions) and thecurrent president had to agree. So did the Central IntelligenceAgency, the National Security Council, the National SecurityAgency, and the departments of State and Defense. Each wrote aletter granting access and giving conditions.

To access the documents, Martin went into the vault at the Rea-gan Library through four locked and secured steel doors and wasgiven a small desk in the archivists’ workroom at which he couldtake notes—notes that were immediately classified and could notbe taken out of the library. He had to leave his cell phone behind,and was always accompanied by one of the few archivists at the Rea-gan Library authorized to handle classified documents, an addi-tional burden on these hardworking people. Security became even

2 � REAGAN’S SECRET WAR




touchier a short time after Martin began his work, when PresidentClinton’s former national security adviser, Samuel “Sandy” Berger,was caught extracting documents from the Clinton Presidential Li-brary by concealing them in his clothing, even hiding them in hissocks. Henceforth Martin’s library visits involved pulling up hispant legs to demonstrate that there were no precious papers con-cealed in his socks.

The NSC minutes are critical to knowing who Reagan was andhow he accomplished his goals, and they are the final block of evi-dence necessary to understanding Ronald Wilson Reagan. Only inthese records do we find out what Reagan decided, how he han-dled controversy among advisers, and what instructions he gaveon negotiating with the most formidable foe of the United Statesduring the Cold War, the Soviet Union. They are the ultimate evi-dence of Reagan’s own role in dealing with the threat of nuclearcatastrophe and ultimately ending the Cold War.

They will not come as a surprise to his closest staff and advisers,who, after all, were there and have always said that he made all thedecisions, but they will astonish many others, even those who al-ready admire Reagan as a communicator, a politician, and a manwith firm convictions.

Martin Anderson had access to other classified documents inthe Reagan Library, including memorandums of conversations,known as “memcons” for short, prepared as a record when thepresident met foreign leaders or talked to them on the phone.One of the documents declassified for this book is a memcon ofReagan’s December 15, 1981, meeting with the representative ofPope John Paul II, Vatican Secretary of State Agostino CardinalCasaroli.

Of special interest are the transcripts of the four historic U.S.- Soviet summit meetings where Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev de-bated and negotiated. The transcripts record not only the plenarysessions, attended by staff and advisers, but also the private ses-sions between the two men, where only translators and note takers

introduction � 3




were present. Many Soviets and Americans worked on the negotia-tions, but the man- to- man negotiations between the two leaderswere of key importance. We have excerpted many of these tran-scripts to give the reader a feel for what happened at these sum-mits and why.

Also of great interest and importance are the dozens of lettersthat went back and forth between Reagan and the four men wholed the Soviet Union while he was president—Leonid Brezhnev,Yuri Andropov, Konstantin Chernenko, and finally Mikhail Gor-bachev. Reagan took up his own pen to write some of these letters.Now declassified, they give us a strong understanding of Reagan’sapproach to the Soviets and how much was accomplished beforeGorbachev ever took office.

Other evidence abounds, but much of it did not begin to be-come available until long after Reagan had left the presidency. Asthis information became available, even Reagan’s own staff wassurprised at the extent to which he had been developing his ownpolicy views and crafting his own speeches over the years. They didnot know that Reagan was, in truth, a writer. Whatever else he wasdoing—as student, sportscaster, Hollywood actor, representativefor General Electric, governor, private citizen, president—RonaldReagan wrote. He wrote short stories, articles, radio commen-taries, speeches, letters, two autobiographies, and, during his yearsin the White House, a personal diary.

Even we, the co- authors of this book, did not know how muchReagan had written over the years until we began researching him.And we were intimately acquainted with Reagan’s political life. Wehad worked in Reagan’s presidential campaigns of 1976 and 1980,the 1980 transition to the new administration, and the ReaganWhite House. Martin Anderson joined Reagan’s 1976 campaign inOctober 1975, taking a leave of absence from Columbia’s Gradu-ate School of Business. Martin was in charge of policy develop-ment and traveled with Reagan, travels that ended at the 1976convention when Reagan lost his challenge to sitting president





Gerald R. Ford for the Republican nomination. Annelise Ander-son joined the Reagan campaign in the summer of 1976 when herteaching responsibilities at California State University, Hayward,were over for the school year, and staffed a policy research centerat the 1976 convention.

In 1979 Martin, again on leave, was back on the campaign trail,often traveling with Reagan. Both of us were heavily involved withthe Republican Party platform at the convention. During the fall1980 campaign, Martin traveled with Reagan, and Annelise was se-lected to travel with vice presidential candidate George H. W. Bushas his policy adviser and a link to the Reagan campaign. In thetransition following Reagan’s November 4, 1980, victory, Annelisewas the lead person in developing recommendations for presiden-tial appointments in the departments of Treasury, Commerce, andTransportation. When the administration took office, Martin be-came assistant to the president for policy development, and An-nelise became an associate director of the Office of Managementand Budget with responsibility for overseeing the budgets of fivecabinet departments and forty agencies with $80 billion in discre-tionary spending.

Despite our years working with Reagan, neither of us knewthat he had written—in his own hand, usually on yellow tablets—685 essays on domestic and foreign policy for his five- days- a- weekradio commentary program, which was on the air every weekdayfrom 1975 through 1979 except when he was a declared candidatefor the presidency. The handwritten commentaries were discov-ered in Reagan’s personal pre- presidential papers in the ReaganPresidential Library. Some were in dated folders, but more thansixty had been unceremoniously dumped in one cardboard box,and the task was to figure out which handwritten drafts went withwhich typed broadcasts—found in the Ronald Reagan SubjectCollection in the Hoover Institution Archives—so that we knewwhat Reagan had himself written. At the same time we were find-ing handwritten drafts of speeches on foreign policy, national

introduction � 5




defense, agriculture, and much more. Suddenly it was obvious thatReagan himself had written most of the lines he was delivering.(Many of the commentaries and some handwritten speeches werepublished in the book Reagan, In His Own Hand.)

But we found much more than radio commentaries. Anothertreasure trove was Reagan’s correspondence—handwritten lettersor drafts of letters on yellow pads to be typed up for signature, andsometimes letters dictated on tape. Our search went far beyondthe Reagan Library, and we collected copies of handwritten lettersfrom other archives and from people who had collections of let-ters because they had corresponded with Reagan frequently. Rea-gan wrote hundreds of letters a year while governor of California(1967–75) and hundreds a year while president. (We selectedmore than a thousand of these letters for publication in Reagan: ALife in Letters, but this amounts to only about 10 percent of his totalhandwritten or dictated correspondence.) In many of these let-ters, Reagan wrote about policy and politics, often with ideas andviewpoints that had not yet made their way into public speeches.

The final treasure trove of Reagan’s own words is the personaldiary he kept as president. He used—from the very beginning—blank books: leather- bound volumes with 81⁄2- by- 11- inch pages.He could not add or replace a page. By the end of his presidencythere were five volumes, all filled with his own script. He was con-cise and to the point, and he wrote about everything—events, pol-icy decisions, working with the Congress, impressions of foreignleaders, personality conflicts in his administration, family, friends,horseback riding, the weather, and social engagements. For yearsno one—except Nancy—knew he was keeping a diary. The diary isinvaluable as a contemporaneous account and as a record of theconsistency of his policies and the persistence of his efforts tomake those policies reality on issues such as taxes, the budget, andnational defense. Many of the diary entries become clear only inthe context of events.





Another major resource mined by the authors are the tran-scripts of Reagan’s frequent meetings with members of the press.Reagan gave a number of formal news conferences during his pres-idency, five or six a year, but he also met with various members ofthe press or particular groups—foreign correspondents, radio cor-respondents, regional groups, editorial boards of newspapers—onmany occasions. He also did question- and- answer sessions with stu-dents and other citizen groups where the press was present. Includ-ing his formal news conferences, he met more than eighty times ayear with one or more members of the press—a total of 678 meet-ings during the eight years. The transcripts of these interactionsalone are massive, over three thousand pages. All are included inthe official public papers of Ronald Reagan, but they are difficult tosearch either in printed form or online. Yet they are important, asReagan often revealed his positions on issues and objectives inthese less formal meetings before he made official statements. Wehave made a special collection of these transcripts and created ourown index.

Reagan’s speeches and Saturday radio addresses are also im-portant, not only because they embody his skills in communicat-ing with the public but also because he wrote so many of themhimself, even though he had superb speechwriters. Reagan had al-ways drafted many of his own speeches, and he continued to writea considerable number of them when he was president. In addi-tion, he held meetings with his speechwriters to give them direc-tion. Several specific instructions survive in his own hand, as wellas his own editing on speeches drafted by others. The PresidentialHandwriting File of Speeches at the Reagan Presidential Libraryincludes 2,639 speeches—almost one a day for the 2,922 days ofhis presidency—that his hand touched in one way or another. Ofthese, sixty- four have significant sections (sometimes the entirespeech) drafted in his own hand, and almost half include his ownedits and rewriting.

introduction � 7




A final resource for us has been the White House Daily Diary,not to be confused with Reagan’s personal diary. The daily diary isactually a by- the- minute log of the president’s comings and goings,his phone contacts, and his meetings, listing all participants—including those attending meetings of the NSC and the NSPG.The log is maintained by representatives of the National Archivesstationed in the White House. The entire log is some eighteenthousand pages. A classified electronic copy is maintained by theRonald Reagan Library. The declassified log, which excludes somefamily matters and private information such as Social Securitynumbers of White House guests, was copied, and Lawrence Liver-more National Laboratory agreed to use its best scanning technol-ogy to create a searchable electronic copy, so we could check thetimes and attendance of meetings, phone conversations, travel,and so forth. It has proved invaluable for us in such tasks as deter-mining how often he met with given members of Congress, wherehe was when he recorded his weekly radio broadcasts, and withwhom he met in the press.





Chapter 1

�

reagan the man

Ronnie became a loner. . . . He doesn’t let anybody get too close.

There’s a wall around him.—Nancy Reagan, 1989

The best clue to understanding Ronald Reagan is Nancy Rea-gan. She is a graduate of Smith College in Massachusetts, a highlyintelligent woman, an actress who met Ronald Reagan in Holly-wood and married him in 1952. They were happily in love formore than fifty years. Nancy was also his closest friend, perhaps hisonly real friend, and she knew far more about him than anyoneelse in the world.

In 1989, just after they had left office, Nancy wrote a bookabout her life in which she told us more about Ronald Reaganthan anyone. She knew the key to his self- assurance—he was aloner. Here is how she explained Reagan in her book:

It’s hard to make close friends or to put down roots when you’re

always moving, and I think this—plus the fact that everybody

knew his father was an alcoholic—explained why Ronnie became a

loner. Although he loves people, he often seems remote, and he

doesn’t let anybody get too close.

Ande_9780307238610_6p_c01_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:24 AM Page 9




There’s a wall around him. He lets me come closer than any-

one else, but there are times when even I feel that barrier.

Ronnie’s closest friends and advisers have often been disap-

pointed that he keeps this distance. . . .

Ronnie is an affable and gregarious man who enjoys other peo-

ple, but unlike most of us, he doesn’t need them for companion-

ship or approval.

As he himself has told me, he seems to need only one other

person—me.1

Despite all appearances, then, Reagan was a very private man.His pollster, Richard Wirthlin, met with him one day in March1983, to give him the latest results. It was good news; the nationalpolls were showing that Reagan’s policies were widely supported.While he was reporting the polls, Reagan interrupted in midsen-tence and said:

You know what I really want to be remembered for?

I want to be remembered as the President of the United

States who brought a sense and reality of peace and security. I

want to eliminate that awful fear that each of us feels some-

times when we get up in the morning knowing that the world

could be destroyed through a nuclear holocaust.2

As far as we know he only said that once, in private. His usualanswer about his legacy was a response about restoring the Ameri-can economy.

Another foundation for Reagan’s actions, perhaps, was hishigh intelligence—and his ability to hide it. He was an extraordi-narily bright pupil who even taught himself how to read a newspa-per when he was five years old.3 But as time went on, he seemed toquickly learn something that most highly intelligent people learnas they grow older: a child who seems to know all the answers soon




has few friends. So he spent more time playing ball and being aregular student.

Unlike many intelligent people, Reagan’s self- confidence wasalso great enough that he never felt he had to demonstrate hisknowledge or his quickness. Indeed, on the front of his desk in theWhite House was a small sign that carried the words “There’s nolimit to what a man can do or where he can go if he doesn’t mindwho gets the credit.”

One of Reagan’s key tactics while deep in long and arduousnegotiations was to accept what his opponent had offered. Henever crowed over what he was given; he just said thanks. As he ex-plained it one day in Fortune magazine:

I’ve never understood people who want me to hang in

there for a hundred percent or nothing. Why not take seventy

percent or eighty percent, and then come back another day for

the other twenty or thirty percent.4

One of the few people who seemed to understand how Reaganmanaged the White House was Washington Post editor Meg Green -field. In 1984 she wrote an essay for Newsweek titled “How DoesReagan Decide?” As a liberal Democrat, she observed somethingthat even many of Reagan’s closest conservative supporters failedto understand—that he made decisions like a labor negotiator fora workers’ union. She summed up part of his decision- makingstyle like this:

The long waiting out of the adversary, the immobility meanwhile,

the refusal to give anything until the last moment, the willing-

ness—nonetheless—finally to yield to superior pressure or force

or particular circumstance on almost everything, but only with

something to show in return, and only if the final deal can be in-

terpreted as furthering the original Reagan objective.5

reagan the man � 11





Reagan was also an unusual boss. Those who worked for himliked him. They did not necessarily agree with all of his policies,but they still found him pleasant and friendly. He didn’t criticizehis advisers in front of others. He didn’t chew people out. He didn’t reprimand them, he didn’t complain to them face- to- face—and he never yelled at them. Sometimes he might look a little dis-appointed when things went wrong, but you rarely felt a sense offailure or humiliation.

When people first met Reagan, they often thought he was tooeasygoing and friendly to be tough. The impression was like a softdown pillow. What people failed to see was the two- inch- thick rodof steel right down the inside of the pillow.

Perhaps the most important key to Reagan’s success was thequality of his advisers and staff. Individually the men and womenin his staff were very different, and they all had skills that matchedthe jobs they held. But the one thing they all shared was that theywere all smart and sensible. Some presidents have felt uncomfort-able with brilliant men and women; Reagan thrived on them.

Even his political opponents noted that the group of advisersand staff was unusual. Robert Strauss, perhaps the most savvy Dem-ocrat around when Reagan was elected, called Reagan’s staff “sim-ply spectacular. It’s the best White House staff I’ve ever seen.”6

President Reagan’s management philosophy was best summedup when a reporter asked: “Your friend Roger Smith, chairman ofGeneral Motors, says that you’ve done a great job of focusing onthe big picture without getting bogged down in detail. How do youdecide which problems to address personally, and which to leaveto subordinates?” Reagan replied:

You surround yourself with the best people you can find,

delegate authority, and don’t interfere as long as the overall

policy that you’ve decided upon is being carried out.

In the Cabinet meetings—and some members of the Cabi-

net who have been members of other Cabinets told me there





have never been such meetings—I use a system in which I want

to hear what everybody wants to say honestly. I want the deci-

sions made on what is right or wrong, what is good or bad for

the people of this country. I encourage all the input I can

get. . . .

And when I’ve heard all that I need to make a decision, I

don’t take a vote.

I make the decision.

Then I expect every one of them, whether their views have

carried the day or not, to go forward together in carrying out

the policy.7

All this does not mean that Reagan was some kind of superhu-man who could not be riled or upset. In fact, one of the most un-appreciated facets of Reagan’s character was his temper; it flaredrarely, but was memorable when it did. If Reagan was crossed—crossed badly—he exploded into what could be called a blackIrish rage. His face darkened, his jaw muscles clenched andbulged, and his lips got thin and tight. In public he might showsporadic flashes of displeasure, but never real anger. It wasn’t thathe did not get angry, but rather that he usually covered it up.

During his presidential campaign, on one of those rare occa-sions of real fury—a well- justified one, we might add—we watchedhim lean back a bit, reach up and grab the right side of his eye-glasses, rip the glasses off, and fling them across the room into thewall closest to him. After he smashed his glasses into the wall, hecalmed down quickly and carried on. No one who was there canremember what happened to the eyeglasses. That kind of outburst didn’t happen often—but it did happen.

Once during the campaign in 1976 Reagan was holding an im-promptu press conference outside a building with a narrow alley.Some of the reporters were asking questions that had an insultingtone. After Reagan finished answering the last question, he turnedand headed through the alley into the building, with the Secret




Service clearing the way. When he was about halfway down thealley, one of the reporters, a particularly provocative one, yelled:“What’s the matter? Are you afraid to answer the question?”

Reagan stopped, his face turning red. Abruptly he turned andheaded back out through the alley. His eyes were blazing, focusedon the heckler waiting outside. As he moved through the alley, oneof the advisers was standing in the way. Reagan, with one swift thrustof his arm, shoved him aside, slamming him against the wall. Out-side he angrily answered the reporter’s question, then turned backand went into the building. (The fellow he “moved” was fine.)

Another rare example of what could make Reagan upset was arewritten draft of one of his speeches. One day, Peter Hannaford,one of his oldest and most valued speechwriters, handed him anew redraft of a major speech for him to read on the plane. Rea-gan smiled, slipped on his reading glasses, and started to read.After two or three pages, his eyebrows narrowed and his jaw tight-ened. Then, after reading the next page, he lifted it, raised it highin the air, and slammed it down hard onto the small pile he hadjust read. He continued to read, slamming each succeeding pagedown harder and harder. It was clear he didn’t like the redraft ofthe speech.8

After Reagan had been in office for nearly six months, very fewpeople understood his foreign policy. It especially bothered someof the reporters writing about him. They feared that he was on acourse that could be dangerous, even leading the United States toa nuclear war. It was true that Reagan had never spelled out a de-tailed picture of what he wished to do in foreign policy, but it didnot seem to bother him. A letter he dictated to a friend, John O.Koehler, on July 9, 1981, explains his reluctance to do so—andserves as a perfect example of his quietly self- confident approach:

I know I’m being criticized for not having made a great

speech outlining what would be the Reagan foreign policy. I

have a foreign policy; I’m working on it.





I just don’t happen to think that it’s wise to always stand up

and put in quotation marks in front of the world what your for-

eign policy is. I’m a believer in quiet diplomacy and so far

we’ve had several quite triumphant experiences by using that

method.

The problem is, you can’t talk about it afterward or then

you can’t do it again.9





index

�

Able Archer exercise, 141–143ABM treaty (see Anti- Ballistic Missile

[ABM] Treaty [1972])Abramowitz, Morton, 148Adelman, Kenneth, 148, 287–288,

300–301, 327Afghanistan, 37, 44, 53, 133, 160, 206, 226,

402n24Airborne Warning and Control Systems

(AWACS), 341Allen, Richard V., 45, 50, 62–63, 67, 113,

250, 339Al Shiraa newspaper, 318, 319American Life, An (Reagan), 332–333Amnesty International, 358Anderson, Annelise, x, xii, 4–6Anderson, Martin, x, xii, 2–6, 31, 112–114,

416n21Andrew, Christopher, 135–136Andropov, Yuri, 122, 129, 143, 149, 153,

160, 164, 210, 290death of, 155, 156Gorbachev and, 190, 207health of, 137, 141letter to Reagan (August 4, 1983), 137letter to Reagan (August 27, 1983),

139–140personality of, 135Reagan and, 4, 135–141, 145, 147Reagan’s letter to (July 11, 1983),

137–139Reagan’s letter to (August 24, 1983), 139Reagan’s letter to (December 23, 1983),

147RYAN and, 136, 141, 210, 289succeeds Brezhnev, 109

Angola, 35, 37Anti- Ballistic Missile (ABM) system, in

Soviet Union, 212, 217, 218, 219,272–273, 325

Anti- Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty (1972),129, 217, 218, 293, 295, 296,298–304, 306, 308, 309, 314, 325

interpretations of, 238–239, 280, 283,290–296, 298, 300–304, 306, 314,325

NSPG discussion of, 280, 325Reagan’s views on, 129Soviet violations of, 218, 274, 289, 291,

293, 295, 298, 303, 308–309, 311,325

at summit meetings, 238–239, 290–296,298–304, 306, 308

Anti- satellite (ASAT) interceptor, 182, 184Anti- satellite (ASAT) weapons, 273, 289,

301, 309Arab oil embargo, 340Arbatov, Georgy, 215“Are Liberals Really Liberal?” (Reagan),

339Arms buildup, 17–18, 28, 38–39, 82, 95,

102–103, 130, 133, 135, 143, 169,180, 205, 279, 289–290, 309–310

Arms Control and Disarmament Agency,158, 288, 300

B-1 bomber, 38, 39B-52 bomber, 38, 39Backis, Audrys, 77Baker, Howard H., 354, 361, 389Baker, James A., III (Jim), 45, 77, 116, 120,

145, 206, 215, 319Baltimore Sun, 173Barton, Sir Andrew, 43Baruch plan, 108Bay of Pigs fiasco, 36Bendetsen, Karl, 114Berger, Samuel (Sandy), 3Berlin Wall, 249, 250, 345–347, 357–358,

360, 375, 385, 392Bessmertnykh, Aleksandr A., 389Brady, James, 46Brezhnev, Leonid, 4, 33, 61, 79, 153, 156,

158, 160, 164, 166, 179, 225, 290death of, 109on détente, 184, 186–187health of, 61, 136on human rights 225, 248letter to Reagan (March 6, 1981), 43–45,

49, 135Reagan’s letter to (April 18, 1981),

49–55, 71, 135, 248

Ande_9780307238610_6p_bm_r1.s.qxp 4/1/09 9:23 AM Page 437



Brezhnev, Leonid (cont’d)Reagan’s letter to (December 23, 1981),

87–88, 89SALT agreements and, 103

Brokaw, Tom, 359Bukovsky, Vladimir, 250, 251Burns, Arthur, 31Burns, Robert, 265Bush, George H. W., 5, 77, 83, 84, 116,

145, 156, 204, 319, 394on human rights, 215–216

Cadell, Patrick, 318California State University, Hayward, 5Camp David, 123–124, 192–193, 219, 220,

353Captive Nations Committee, 358Carlucci, Frank C., 83, 324–326, 353, 354,

389Carter, Jimmy, 23, 25, 28, 36, 38, 39, 103,

402n24Casaroli, Agostino (Cardinal), 3, 73,

77–82, 91Casey, William, 35, 64, 67, 83, 146, 181,

183, 215, 222–223, 319, 340, 408n23infighting and, 179, 207 Iran- Contra and, 322–324, 333health of, 322–323Reagan and, 207

Caterpillar, 83Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 2, 50,

94, 127, Château Fleur d’Eau, Geneva, 230Chernenko, Konstantin, 4, 163, 164, 186

address to Twenty- seventh Congress ofCommunist Party (February 23,1985), 199–200

death of, 203–204health of, 156–157, 160, 176, 181, 196letter to Reagan (December 20,1984),

191–192, 195–196letter to Reagan (February 23, 1984), 158letter to Reagan (November 8, 1984, 178letter to Reagan (November 17,1984),

179–181Reagan and, 156–158, 160, 177–181,

184–185Reagan’s letter to (February 14, 1984),

157Reagan’s letter to (December 7, 1984),

185SDI and, 195–196, 210

Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion,277–280, 290, 310, 372, 390–391

Chernyaev, Anatoly S., 313–315, 389Church, George J., 205Churchill, Winston, 40CIA (see Central Intelligence Agency

[CIA])Clark, William P., 83, 101, 114, 116, 124,

127, 408Clifford, Clark, 25Clinton Presidential Library, 3Cohn, Harry, 119Cold War, x, 3, 60, 135, 140–142, 154

Brezhnev letter and end of, 55end of, xi, 1, 5, 165, 201, 339, 342, 367,

394–395Moscow summit and end of, 369–377,

387–389Thatcher statement on end of, 367

Columbia University Graduate School ofBusiness, 4

Commerce, U.S. Department of, 5Confessions of a Nazi Spy (movie), 85Congress, U.S., 6, 8, 30–34, 38, 55–58, 95,

115, 149–150, 201, 228, 255, 263,279, 284, 299, 314

composition of, 25, 30, 317–319House of Representatives and, 24–25Iran Contra and, 219, 319, 321, 322, 337Reagan fighting and, 33, 325, 341, 337,

356–357Reagan meeting with, 30–31, 56,

369–370Reagan’s need for support of, 49, 55,

201, 226, 255–257, 262, 314, 326,353, 367

visit to Soviet Union and, 258–259Congressional elections of 1986, 317Consumer price index, 28Contras, 319, 320, 322, 331–333, 335, 341Cooke, Terrance (Cardinal) 75Coors, Joseph, 114Corwin, Norman, 97–98Council of Economic Advisers, 31Cronkite, Walter, 33–34Cruise missile, 38, 44, 82Cuba, 34–35Cuban missile crisis, 35, 38, 173, 369

Daniloff, Nicholas, 284, 285Davis, Edith, 354–355Deadly Gambits: The Reagan Administration

and the Stalemate in Nuclear ArmsControl (Talbott), 153

Deaver, Michael, 93, 120, 145, 206Declaration of Independence, 84, 383

438 � index




Defense, U.S. Department of, 2, 113, 120,121, 125, 127, 141, 217, 218, 219

Defense spending, 32–33, 38, 146, 279Delanty, Thomas, 46Demosthenes, 369Détente, 60, 388

Brezhnev on, 184, 186–187Devroy, Ann, 197–198D5 missile, 39Dobrynin, Anatoly F., 168, 169, 202, 215,

256, 278, 338, 361, 389, 425n10Dr. Zhivago (Pasternak), 385Domestic policy, 5, 172Donaldson, Sam, 60Dostoyevski, Fyodor, 385Drell, Sidney, xiDubinin, Yuri V., 338, 389

Eagleburger, Larry, 127Economic Club of Detroit, 171Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, 57Economy

Reagan and, ix, 24–25, 27–33, 55–58,115, 367, 392

of Soviet Union, 133, 163, 196, 204, 223,224, 279, 290, 339–342, 344

Egypt, 37Eisenhower, Dwight D., 23, 42, 79, 82, 116,

151, 403n32nuclear weapons and, 106, 107, 145,

159El Salvador, 35, 36, 319Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 364Ethiopia, 37Eureka College, Illinois, 93, 95, 100,

106–107, 252“Evil Empire” speech (March 8, 1983),

121–124, 125

Farewell address (January 11, 1989), 395Farewell Dossier, 63–64, 339Federal regulations, 28, 29Federal spending, 28, 30, 32, 57Figaro, Le, 146Ford, Gerald R., 5, 23, 100, 220Fortune magazine, 11Freeman, Y. Frank, 119Friedman, Milton, 31Fronin, Andrei, 387Fuller, Thomas, 49Future Farmers of America, 99

GALOSH interceptors, 218Gates, Robert, 50, 148, 215, 324

Geneva, arms control negotiations in, 78,91, 137, 144–145, 147, 153, 202, 204

Geneva summit (November 1985),209-210, 213, 217, 223–247,255–264, 276, 308, 314, 341,376–378, 388

first Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,231–236

human rights at, 247–264Reagan’s memorandum on, 223–227Reagan’s negotiation strategy at,

234–245, 257–261second Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,

236–244third Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,

255–262Genscher, Hans- Dietrich, 66George, Doug, 181–182Georg Ots (ship), 289Gershwin, Larry, 181GLCMs (see Ground- launched cruise

missiles [GLCMs])Glitman, Maynard, 202, 336, 337Gold Medal for Courageous Leadership in

Government, Civil, and HumanAffairs, 93

Goldwater, Barry, 339Gorbachev, Mikhail, 1, 3–4, 157, 163

Andropov and, 190, 207arms control proposal of (January 15,

1986), 266–270, 273assumes leadership of Politburo, 204attempted coup and (1991), 268Chernobyl accident and, 278–280, 310,

390–391human rights and, 212, 235, 255–262,

268, 357–358, 359, 361–362, 365,368–369

letter to Reagan (June 10, 1985),211–212

letter to Reagan (June 22, 1985),212–213

letter to Reagan (September 12, 1985),214

letter to Reagan (April 2, 1986),275–276

letter to Reagan (May 30, 1986),278–279

letter to Reagan (September 15, 1986),283–284, 288

New Year’s message (January 1, 1988),368–369

nuclear war, impossibility of winningand, 378

index � 439




Gorbachev, Mikhail (cont’d)nuclear weapons, elimination of, xi, 214,

240–241, 266–267, 301–304, 307,314, 364

nuclear weapons, reduction of, 245,266–267, 296, 298, 301–304, 307,314, 368

Reagan, negotiations with (see Genevasummit; Moscow summit; Reykjaviksummit; Washington summit)

Reagan’s letter to (March 11, 1985),208–209

Reagan’s letter to (April 30, 1985),210–211

Reagan’s letter to (February 16, 1986),272–273

Reagan’s letter to (February 22, 1986),273–274

Reagan’s letter to (April 11, 1986), 276Reagan’s letter to (May 23, 1986), 278Reagan’s letter to (July 1, 1986),

282–283Reagan and, 207, 211–212, 216,

223–224, 233, 239, 245–246,261–265, 269, 307, 310, 313, 315,342, 344–345, 361–362, 365,376–380, 385, 388, 390, 394

resignation of, 268, 301rise of, 190SDI, opposition to, 191, 193–195, 210,

213–215, 217, 224, 237, 238,240–243, 245, 263–264, 281, 288,289, 292, 295, 297–298, 300–303,305–314, 336

space ban and, 212, 214, 237, 240–242,263, 267, 272, 284, 306, 308, 338

statement on INF (February 28, 1987),335–336

sudden agreement with Reagan’sdemands, reasons for, 338–339, 342

Thatcher and, 191, 193U.S. grain shipments and, 299–300,

341visit to London (December 17, 1984),

190–191 zero- zero and, 294–295

Gorbachev, Raisa, 193, 365Gordievsky, Oleg, 134Graham, Daniel, 114Grain shipments, to Soviet Union,

299–300, 341Greenfield, Meg, 11Greenspan, Alan, 31

Gromyko, Andrei A., 157, 160, 180, 186,196, 205, 210, 252, 389

human rights and, 252meeting with Reagan (September 28,

1984), 164–171speech at United Nations (1962),

210–211speech at United Nations (September

27, 1984), 163Ground- launched cruise missiles

(GLCMs), 44, 65, 71, 271GRU, 136

Haig, Alexander, 36, 44–45, 49–50, 52, 77,103, 106, 252

NSC meeting on Poland and, 83, 85–86

Reagan and, 50, 52, 108resignation of, 108–109 zero- zero initiative and, 65–70

Hannaford, Peter, 14Helsinki agreement, 84, 89, 211, 215, 253,

360, 374–375Helsinki Watch, 358Hezbollah, 318“High frontier” concept, 114Hill, James, 112Hinckley, John, 45, 47Hiroshima, 97, 180Hitler, Adolf, 40, 63, 194Hollywood Independent Citizens

Committee of the Arts, Sciencesand Professions, 97

Hoover Institution Archives, RonaldReagan Subject Collection, 5

House of Representatives (see Congress,U.S.)

“How Does Reagan Decide?” (Greenfield),11

Howe, Sir Geoffrey, 190Human rights, 205, 215, 225, 247–248,

250–263, 268, 291, 297, 313, 347,357–362, 365, 368, 373–375, 378

Geneva summit and, 247–264Gorbachev’s views on, 212, 235,

258–261, 268, 291, 359, 362, 368,374–375

Moscow summit and, 381–387NSC minutes on, 35–36, 84Reagan’s radio commentaries on, 74,

250–251Reagan’s speeches on, 75, 248–249, 324,

345–347, 357–359, 373–375,381–387

440 � index




Reagan’s views on, 53–55, 84, 87–89,168, 211–215, 225, 248–262, 268,360–365, 368

Reykjavik summit and, 290–291, 297Washington summit and, 360, 362, 364,

365

ICBMs (see intercontinental ballisticmissiles [ICBMs])

Ikle, Fred, 215Inflation, ix, 28–31INF Treaty, 361, 363–365, 367, 368,

371–373, 376, 377, 386–389, 391negotiations and, 117, 271, 336–338,

347–353, 355–357, 361, 372Intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs),

18, 103, 112, 135, 182, 217, 245,276, 290, 293, 294, 392, 394

Interest rates, 28Intermediate- range nuclear force (INF),

106, 123–125, 159, 182, 187, 189,238, 271, 283, 290, 335–338,347–349, 355–357, 363–365

International Harvester, 83Iran- Contra scandal, 318–323, 330–333,

335, 339, 342Iranian hostage crisis, 37Iranian revolution of 1979, 340Iran- Iraq War, 340Israel, 37, 318–319, 341

Jackson- Vanik Amendment (1973), 225James, Penn, 74Jefferson, Thomas, 247, 281, 370Jennings, Peter, 359Jews, in Soviet Union, 205, 225, 256,

258–259, 362John Paul II, Pope, 1, 3

(see also Vatican)assassination attempt, 75communism and, 74–75human rights and, 75information channel for, 82, 90, 408n23nuclear war and, 76, 79–82, 90–91, 108Reagan and, 74–75, 76, 90–91, 108,

408n23representatives’ secret meeting with

Reagan (December 15, 1981), 77–82Soviet Union and, 79, 82visit to Poland (1979), 74, 77Wilson meeting with, 73–74

Johnson, Lyndon B., 23Joint Chiefs of Staff, 115–116, 119, 128Jones, David, 35

Kalb, Marvin, 174Kampelman, Max, 202, 336, 337Kandinski, Wassily, 385Kennedy, Edward M., 111Kennedy, John F., 23, 35, 36, 173Kennedy, Robert F., 249Keyworth, George (Jay), 113, 114KGB, 46, 63–64, 109, 135, 136, 284, 340, 354

Directorate T and, 62–65, 225, 339–340Line X and, 64

Khrushchev, Nikita, 346Kings Row (movie), 237Kirkpatrick, Jeane, 83Kissinger, Henry, xii, 93, 173Koehler, John O., 14Korean Airlines incident (September 1,

1983), 140, 141Krasnoyarsk Radar Station, Siberia, 274,

276, 289, 294, 303, 309–310Krol, John (Cardinal), 75, 408n23Kuhn, Jim, 230–231

Laghi, Pio, 77, 408n23Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, 8League of Finnish- American Societies, 375Lehman, Ron, 336, 337Lenin, V. I., 299, 380Letters of Ronald Reagan

to Andropov (August 24, 1983), 139to Andropov (December 23, 1983), 147to Andropov (July 11, 1983), 137, 138to Brezhnev (April 18, 1981), 49–55,

135, 248to Brezhnev (December 23, 1981),

87–88, 89to Chernenko (December 7, 1984),

184–185to Chernenko (February 14, 1984), 157to Col. Barney Oldfield (March 17,

1986), 274to Gorbachev (March 11, 1985),

208–209to Gorbachev (April 30, 1985), 210–211to Gorbachev (February 16, 1986),

272–273to Gorbachev (February 22, 1986),

273–274to Gorbachev (April 11, 1986), 276to Gorbachev (May 23, 1986), 278to Gorbachev (July 1, 1986), 282–283to John O. Koehler (July 9, 1981), 14, 15to John Tringali (January 6, 1988), 369to Pope John Paul II, 90–91to Virginia Adams (April 21, 1982), 106

index � 441




Lettow, Paul, 59Liberation theology, 74Lincoln, Abraham, 155Lomonosov, Mikhail, 382Longfellow, H. W., 335

Machiavelli, Niccolò, 17MAD (see Mutual Assured Destruction

[MAD] policy)Magazine Publishers Association, 207Marshall Plan, 83, 84Marx, Karl, 299Matlock, Jack F., 215, 338, 380, 389, 394McCarthy, Timothy, 46McClelland, Woodford, 252McFarlane, Robert C. (Bud), 120, 145, 146,

187, 202, 215, 231, 318, 322, 323Meese, Edwin, III (Ed), 45, 67, 83, 93, 113,

114, 116, 120, 145, 146, 148, 206,215, 318, 320, 321

Mein Kampf (Hitler), 63Midgetman missile, 301Military, U.S.

importance of economic recovery tostrength of, 24, 28–29, 54, 57–58,176, 367, 370

morale and, 23–24, 367peace without surrender and, 39, 142,

206, 290, 342, 347Reagan’s statements on, 165, 347, 370spending and, 32, 38strength of, 24, 32–33, 39, 54, 163, 290

Minuteman missile, 38, 112Missile defense, 111–116, 119–121,

128–131, 136, 144, 174–175(see also Strategic Defense Initiative

[SDI])Mitrokhin, Vasili, 135–136Mitterand, François, 63–64, 157, 192Mondale, Walter, 158, 160, 172–175Moscow State University, Reagan’s speech

at (May 31, 1987), 380–387Moscow summit (May 1988), 344,

371–372, 375–391Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction

(MBFR) talks, 147–149Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) policy,

x, 22, 125, 129, 166, 192, 282, 369MX multiple- warhead missile, 38, 39, 120,

301

Nagasaki, 97Nathan, Richard, 24National Archives, 8

National Association of Evangelicals,121–122

National Conference of Christians andJews, 93

National Conference on Soviet Jewry, 358National Intelligence Estimate (1982), 217National Press Club, Reagan speech to

(November 18,1981), 70–71National Security Agency, 2National Security Council (NSC)

meetings, 2, 3, 8, 34–37, 101–102,413n21

on arms control strategy, 61, 65–66,68–70, 102–106, 119, 148, 276–277

chaired by Reagan, 19–21, 34–36, 61, 63,65–66, 89, 144, 201, 276

first Reagan meeting of (February 6,1981), 19–21, 34–36

on human rights, 35–36, 83–86, 90,215–216, 252

on Latin America, 34–36on Middle East, 36–37on Mutual and Balanced Force

Reduction (MBFR) talks (January13, 1984), 147–149

on negotiating strategy, 61, 65–66,68–70, 103, 147–148

on Poland (December 1981), 83–86,89–90

Reagan as decision maker at, 19–21, 108on SDI, 144, 216on Soviet Union, 34–36, 62–63, 66, 69,

83–86, 89–90, 101–102, 144, 147,215–216

on START (April 21, 1982), 102–106on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (March 4,

1985), 201on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (September

20, 1985), 215–216on zero- zero initiative, 67–68

National Security Decision Directive 86(March 28, 1983), 124–125

National Security Decision Directive 192(October 11, 1985), 325–326

National Security Planning Group (NSPG)meetings, 2, 8, 34, 413n21

on arms control strategy, 39, 117–119,143, 181–182, 187–188, 220,270–271, 280, 326–330, 348–351,371–372

chaired by Reagan, 19–21, 34, 145, 208,218, 270, 275, 279, 324, 371

on Gorbachev’s proposal (February 3,1986), 270–271

442 � index




on Iran- Contra scandal (November 25,1986), 319–320

on Latin America, 319–320on Moscow summit (February 9, 1988),

371–373on NATO summit (February 26, 1988),

372–373on negotiating strategy, 118, 183–189,

220, 270–271, 280, 326–230,371–372

on Pershing II missile deployment(January 13, 1983), 143

review of Reagan’s arms controlpositions (September 8, 1987),348–352

on SDI, 184, 187–189, 270–271,280–281, 324–330, 348–351

on Soviet noncompliance with armscontrol agreements (March 25 andApril 16, 1986), 275–277

on Soviet plans for protracted nuclearwar (December 9, 1983), 145–146

on Soviet strategic defenses (October 7,1985), 218

on Soviet Union, 183–188, 218, 273,275, 279–280, 325–326

on status of arms control negotiations(March 19, 1984), 158–160

on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (June/July1986), 279–281

on U.S.-Soviet negotiations(November/December 1984),181–183, 185–189

on zero- zero initiative (January 13,1983), 117–119

NATO (see North Atlantic TreatyOrganization [NATO])

Navoi, Alisher, 385Neuman, Johanna, 197–198Newsweek magazine, 11, 201New York Post, 93–94New York Times, 111–112, 249, 312Nicaragua, 35, 37, 319, 331–333Nitze, Paul H., 118, 119, 159, 338, 389Nixon, Richard M., 23, 53, 216

1972 summit, 225Reagan and, 220–221resignation of, 321Safeguard ABM program and, 111SALT agreements and, 103

North, Oliver, 320, 322, 333North American Aerospace Defense

Command (NORAD), 65, 112, 114

North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO), 37, 38, 65, 86, 187, 267

summit (March 1988), 372–373Notre Dame University, Reagan’s

commencement address at (March9, 1988), 75, 95–96

NSC meetings (see National SecurityCouncil [NSC] meetings)

NSPG meetings (see National SecurityPlanning Group [NSPG] meetings)

Nuclear weaponsAble Archer exercise, 141–143ABM (Anti- Ballistic Missile) Treaty

(1972), 217, 238, 274, 280, 283, 289,293, 295, 296, 298–304, 306, 308,309, 314, 325

Eisenhower and, 106, 107, 145, 159Hiroshima and Nagasaki, 97intercontinental ballistic missiles

(ICBMs), 18, 103, 112, 135, 182,217, 245, 276, 290, 293, 294, 392,394

intermediate- range nuclear force (INF),106, 123–125, 159, 182, 187, 189,238, 271, 283, 290, 335–338,347–349, 355–357, 363–365

Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction(MBFR) talks, 147–149

Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD)policy, x, 22, 78, 125, 129, 166, 192,282, 369

nuclear attack warning (September 25,1983), 140, 141

reduction and abolition aims of Reagan,59–62, 65, 78–79, 94, 95, 101,106–109, 115–117, 123–131, 134,142, 146, 150–151, 161–162,169–171, 186, 188–189, 191–192,196, 198

Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT Iand II), 103, 159, 165, 182, 226,274–277, 294

Strategic Arms Reduction Talks(START), 102–106, 159, 187, 338,348, 365

zero- zero initiative, 65–71, 117–119,124–126, 137, 150, 189, 294–295,297, 310, 317, 336, 352, 353, 357,363

(see also Geneva summit; Missile defense;Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit;Washington summit)

(see also Strategic Defense Initiative[SDI])

index � 443




Nuclear arsenals of U.S., 17–18, 38, 65–66,101, 135, 165, 180, 206, 279, 290,363, 392–394

Nuclear arsenals of USSR, 17–18, 38,65–66, 101, 135, 165, 180, 182,205–206, 279, 289–290, 310, 363,392–394

Nuclear freeze movement, 119, 357Nuclear war impossibility of winning, 19,

79, 131, 142, 209, 214, 387–389joint statement at Geneva summit on, 264threat of (1983), 21, 22, 136–143

Nuclear winter, 188Nunn, Sam, xii

Oberdorfer, Don, 142, 376Office of Management and Budget, 5, 31,

37Oil prices, 28–29, 299–300, 340, 341Oldfield, Barney, 274Olympic games, 156Omnibus Budget and Reconciliation Act

of 1981, 57O’Neill, Thomas (Tip), 24, 25, 55, 56, 210Open sky proposal, 159Organization of Petroleum Exporting

Countries (OPEC), 340Ottawa economic summit meeting (1981),

63

Pakistan, 37Parr, Jerry, 46Pasternak, Boris, 385Peaceful co existence, 387–388Perry, Bill, xiPershing II missile, 44, 65, 71, 82, 117, 136,

143–145, 271, 294, 363Petrov, Stanislav, 140Pipes, Richard, 45, 50, 83, 404n3Plautus, 1Poindexter, John, 200, 269, 320, 322, 324,

333Poland, 34, 36, 133, 254

John Paul II’s visit to (1979), 74, 77martial law in, 76, 77, 82, 89NSC meetings on (December 1981),

83–86, 89–90sanctions against, 82, 85, 86Solidarity movement in, 76, 77, 82, 85,

86Polybius, 153Pontifical Academy of Science, 76, 91Powell, Colin L., 324, 361, 371, 372, 389Pravda, 199

Presidential elections1964, 3391976, 4–5, 13–14, 1001980, 4, 5, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 40–42, 1131984, 153–155, 158, 160, 161, 172–176

President’s Economic Policy AdvisoryBoard (PEPAB), 31

Price and allocation controls, 28, 29Providence St. Mel High School, Chicago,

107

Qadhafi, Muammar, 187, 239

Rancho del Cielo, California, 155, 160,213, 338

Rather, Dan, 359Reagan: A Life in Letters (ed. Skinner,

Anderson, and Anderson), 6Reagan, In His Own Hand (ed. Skinner,

Anderson, and Anderson), 6, 66Reagan, Maureen, 154Reagan, Nancy, 2, 6, 93, 106, 153–154, 170,

192, 236death of mother, 354–355influence of, 197–198in Moscow, 376, 378–379, 391–393on Ronald, 9–10, 47, 197–198, 355, 376,

378–379, 391Reagan, Ron (son), 378Reagan, Ronald

advisers and staff, 12, 50, 52, 183, 269,282, 323, 390

Andropov and, 4, 109, 135–141, 145, 147

Andropov’s letter to (August 4, 1983),137

Andropov’s letter to (August 27, 1983),139–140

approach to negotiating, 11, 33, 119,157, 162, 202, 223–227

as decision maker, 1–3, 11–12, 19–20,67, 84, 105–106, 123, 140, 147–148,159–160, 164–169, 178–179,197–198, 208, 245, 388, 394

assassination attempt, 45–48, 58, 75, 155

autobiography of, 332–333Brezhnev and, 4, 71, 49–55, 87–88, 89,

135, 248Brezhnev’s letter to (March 6, 1981),

43–45at California ranch, 155, 160, 213, 338at Camp David, 123–124, 192–193, 219,

220, 353

444 � index




challenges of, 23–24, 73character and personality of, 9–14, 20,

119Chernenko and, 4, 156–158, 160,

177–181, 184–185, 195–196Chernenko’s letter to (February 23,

1984), 158Chernenko’s letter to (November 8,

1984), 178Chernenko’s letter to (November 14,

1984), 179–180Chernenko’s letter to (December 20,

1984), 191–192communism and, 22, 60, 87, 150, 235,

254, 299, 382conditions in U.S. on taking office,

20–24, 37, 340, 392Congress, meetings with, 8, 30,

263–264,320death of mother- in- law of, 354–355defense philosophy of, 39–42, 102, 206as Democrat, 96on détente, 60diary entries of, 6, 31–32, 39, 47–48, 50,

52, 56, 57, 74–76, 86, 87, 101,108–109, 119–121, 129–130, 133,143, 145–146, 149, 150, 154, 156,157, 161, 172–173, 179, 181, 183,185, 186, 189, 201–204, 218,220–221, 223, 230, 262, 263, 269,271–272, 275, 284–285, 289, 311,318–319, 330, 337, 353–357, 379,380, 391, 392

early life and, 10–11, 95–96economic condition on taking office, ix,

23–24, 28, 38economic policies of, ix, 24–25, 27–33,

37, 39, 57, 115, 367, 392economic recovery program, passage of,

49, 55–58favorite poem of, 43finances of, 97first welcome to Washington, 24–25“focus of evil” statement by, 55, 122, 206,

379Gold Medal for Courageous Leadership

in Government, Civil, and HumanAffairs awarded to, 93

Gorbachev, negotiations with (seeGeneva summit; Moscow summit;Reykjavik summit; Washingtonsummit)

Gorbachev’s letter to (March 24, 1985),209

Gorbachev’s letter to (June 10, 1985),211–212

Gorbachev’s letter to (June 22, 1985),212–213

Gorbachev’s letter to (September 12,1985), 214

Gorbachev’s letter to (April 2, 1986),275–276

Gorbachev’s letter to (May 30, 1986),278–279

Gorbachev’s letter to (September 15,1986), 283–284, 288

Gorbachev’s proposal (January 15,1986) and, 266, 269, 273

Gorbachev’s statement on INF(February 28, 1987) and, 335–337

as governor of California, ix, 6, 24, 25,40, 53, 100

Gromyko and, 160–162, 164–172Haig resignation and, 108–109health of, 203, 213Hollywood and, 85, 96–99, 119, 237human rights and, 35–36, 53–55, 75, 84,

87–89, 168, 211, 215, 225, 247–264,268, 290–291, 313, 324, 345–347,357–362, 364–365, 368, 373–375,378, 381–387

humor, use of, 37, 46–47, 86, 89, 99–100,118, 173–174, 185, 207

intelligence of, 10–11 Iran- Contra scandal and, 318–323,

330–333, 335, 339, 342John Paul II and, 74–75, 76, 90–91, 108on leadership, 12–13, 20, 78, 202, 208,

332on legacy, 10, 111legacy of, x, xii, 370, 390–391, 395letters of (see Letters of Ronald

Reagan)on MAD policy, x, 22meeting with representatives of John

Paul II (December 15, 1981), 77–82

meetings with the press, 13–14, 59–61,71, 90, 130, 145–146, 150, 162, 171,192, 201, 207–208, 213, 228, 287,312, 331–332 , 356

memorandum on negotiations withGorbachev, 223–227

military buildup of, 33–39missile defense and, 22, 111–116,

119–121, 128–131, 136, 144,174–175

Nancy and, 9–10, 47, 197–198

index � 445




Reagan, Ronald (cont’d)negotiating strategy of, 11, 34, 57, 59,

61, 68–70, 85, 117, 123,148,154,159, 178, 181, 183–185, 188, 201,215–216, 220–228, 270–271,282–283

news conferences of, 7, 59–62, 196–197,319–322, 343–344

New York Post interview with (March1982), 93–94

Nixon and, 220–221NSC and NSPG meetings and (see

National Security Council (NSC)meetings

nuclear responsibility, 17–19, 90–91,112–113, 137, 152, 192, 391

nuclear war, impossibility of winningand, 131, 134, 142, 145, 150–151,161, 164, 171, 195, 264, 349, 368

on nuclear weapons, 97–98, 101, 112,303

on nuclear weapons, elimination of, x– xii, 10, 22, 59, 69, 91, 106–107,111, 114–115, 117, 120, 123, 125,128–131, 146, 150, 162, 166,169–172, 181, 186, 193, 195,199–203, 208–209, 213–214, 228,245, 269, 273–274, 304–305, 310,324, 347, 349, 352, 357, 363–364,370–371

on nuclear weapons, elimination of andSDI, 144, 175, 183–185, 188,196–198, 216–217, 222, 280–281,283, 309, 313, 327

on nuclear weapons, first public recordon elimination of, 93–95, 101

on nuclear weapons, reduction of, 33,59, 62, 71, 78–79, 103, 109, 116,128, 139, 153, 156, 158, 161–162,166, 169–172, 183, 245, 263, 275,283, 293–294, 299, 304, 324, 336,344, 347, 357–358, 363–365, 369,386

on nuclear weapons and internationalcontrol, 79, 82, 98, 107–108 (see alsoSDI and international control)

at Ottawa economic summit meeting(1981), 63

as pacifist, 93, 95–98on peace without surrender, 29, 33–34,

39–42, 58, 79, 121, 142–143,150–152, 156, 184, 202, 208, 367,370, 373

political background of, 25, 96, 100, 339

Polish situation and, 76, 77, 82–90presidential election of 1976, 4–5,

13–14, 100–101presidential election of 1980, 4, 5, 23,

24, 27, 28, 30, 40–42, 75, 113presidential election of 1984, 153–155,

158, 160, 161, 172–176presidential powers of, 17–20, 23, 112,

198, 200–201, 332, 367priorities of, 1, 27–29, 48, 60, 95, 97,

111–117, 134, 150, 153, 155, 175,186, 202, 248, 323, 344–348,359–360, 370–371

public approval of, 32, 47, 56, 222quiet diplomacy and, 15, 135, 168–169,

215–216, 226–227, 231, 236–237,247, 252, 255–257, 285, 361–362

radio broadcasts by, 5, 7, 40–41, 74,155–156, 249–251, 353–354

religious views of, 47–48, 88, 98–99,122–123, 154–155, 202, 230, 249,355, 374

Screen Actors Guild and, ix, 227, 384SDI and (see Strategic Defense Initiative

[SDI])Shultz and, 109, 115, 178–179, 181,

206Soviets and, 41–42, 55, 60, 63, 83, 94,

102, 122–123, 133, 143–144,149–151, 171, 173, 183–186, 189,200, 222–223, 249, 252–254, 274,346, 373–374, 379

Soviet economy and, 339–342Soviets and trust, 66–67, 233–235,

240–241, 245, 263, 313, 337, 344,347–348, 356, 369, 372, 384–386

space ban and, 283, 306speeches of (see Speeches of Ronald

Reagan)Thatcher and, 193–195in West Berlin, 345–346, 358, 360World War II and, 96–97as writer, x, 1, 14, 30–31, 41, 88, 98–99,

121–129, 164–169, 198, 223–227,230, 244, 310–311, 332–333, 339,394 (see also speeches of RonaldReagan, letters of Ronald Reagan,diary entries of)

on zero- zero, 65–71, 106, 117–119,123–126, 150, 271, 295, 310, 336,353, 357, 363

Reagan Presidential Library, 2–3, 5–8handwriting file at, 7

Reed, Tom, 101

446 � index




Reeves, Richard, 249Regan, Donald T., 31, 85, 202, 215,

230–231, 319Religion, in Soviet Union, 77, 223, 362,

378Republican National Convention

1976, 1001984, 161

Reykjavik summit (October 1986), x–xi,285–315, 317–318, 324, 338, 341,376, 388

first Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,290–291

second Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,292–293

third Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,293–297

fourth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,297–300

fifth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,300–303

sixth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting,304–309

Gorbachev’s thoughts on, 312–315reaction to, xi, 312–315, 317–318Reagan’s thoughts on, 310–311

Ridgway, Rozanne L., 338, 389Rogue- state argument, 114, 280, 296Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish

Nuclear Weapons (Lettow), 59Roosevelt, Franklin D., 84–85, 96, 99, 222Rostow, Eugene, 69, 103Rowny, Edward L., 103, 159, 389Russia (see Soviet Union)RYAN Raketno- Yadernoye Napadenie

(“Nuclear Missile Attack”), 136, 141

Safeguard ABM program, 111–112Sakharov, Andrei, 375SALT (see Strategic Arms Limitation

Talks/Agreements [SALT I and II])SALT and Soviet violations of, 276–277Saudi Arabia and airborne warning and

control system (AWACS), 340–341Savimbi, Jonas, 35Screen Actors Guild, ix, 227, 384Scriabin, Aleksandr, 385SDI (see Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI])Sea- launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs),

18, 392Second Inaugural Address (January 21,

1985), 198Senate, U.S. (see Congress, U.S.)

Seneca, 174“Set Your Clock at U-235” (Corwin), 97–98Shakespeare, William, 219Shamir, Yitzhak, 37Shcharansky, Anatoly, 252Shcherbitsky, Vladimir, 202Shevardnadze, Eduard A., xi, 210, 231,

283, 285, 291–292, 337, 338, 343,355, 356, 361, 389

Shultz, George P., 31, 140, 143, 160,177–178, 180, 185, 202, 209, 218,222, 269, 319, 361, 371

becomes secretary of state, 109Daniloff release and, 285foreword by, ix–xiiGeneva summit (November 1985) and,

196, 204, 206, 231, 262Gromyko meeting with Reagan

(September 28, 1984) and, 164, 169human rights and, 337–338INF Treaty and, 365, 389 Iran- Contra scandal and, 322–323NSC and NSPG meetings and, 144, 148,

159, 188, 215, 279–280, 319, 324on nuclear weapons, elimination of, xii,

305Reagan and, 109, 115, 127, 143, 160,

164, 178–179, 181, 206, 289, 310,323, 338, 344, 356, 365

Reykjavik summit (October 1986) and,x–xi, 291–292, 295, 305, 310

visits to Moscow (April/September1987), 337–338, 343, 348, 353, 354

Weinberger and, 179on zero- zero, 117

Shultz, Helena O’Brien (Obie), 390Sinai Peninsula, 37Single Integrated Operational Plan

(SIOP), 142SLBMs (see Sea- launched ballistic missiles

[SLBMs])Smith, Roger, 12Socialism, 235, 299, 369Solidarity labor union movement, 76, 77,

82, 85, 86South Korea, nuclear weapons in, 295“Soviet Ballistic Missile Defense” (Central

Intelligence Agency), 217Soviet Military Power (1983 edition), 121Soviet Union

Able Archer exercise and, 141–143Afghanistan and, 37, 160, 206, 226 Anti- Ballistic Missile (ABM) system of,

212, 217, 218, 219, 272–273, 325

index � 447




Soviet Union (cont’d)Chernobyl explosion and, 277–280, 290,

310, 372, 390–391collapse of, 83, 339, 392Cuba and, 34–36disarmament proposals, 220, 266–271,

273, 276, 292, 298, 301, 335–337economy of, 62–63, 83, 94, 102, 133,

163, 176, 182, 196, 204, 223, 224,279–280, 290, 339–342, 344, 374

espionage by, 66–65, 134, 284, 339–340expansion of, 101–102, 206, 212expansion in Latin America, 34–37, 133,

205, 226, 250glasnost and perestroika, 262, 338, 346,

359–360, 374, 385–387grain agreements, 54, 168, 215, 256–257,

299–300, 341human rights and, 205, 225, 247–248,

250–263, 268, 291, 297, 313, 323,357–359, 361–362, 374–375, 378,384

Jews in, 205, 225, 256, 258–259, 362Korean Airlines incident (September 1,

1983), 140, 141Krasnoyarsk radar station and, 274, 276,

289, 294, 303, 309–310military buildup of, 33, 37–38, 77, 94,

101, 106, 117, 131, 133–135, 146,188, 205, 244, 344

missile defense, 115, 182, 183, 194,210–212, 217–220, 242, 268,272–273, 293, 297, 300–304, 325,412n10

Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction(MBFR) talks and, 147–148

“new” thinking in, 196, 199, 272noncompliance with arms control

agreements, 275–277, 289, 294, 295nuclear attack warning (September 25,

1983), 140, 141nuclear strength of, 18, 38, 41, 180, 182,

205, 279, 289–290, 310nuclear weapons and (see Nuclear

weapons)Pentecostals, 168, 250–252, 256–257Poland and, 76, 77, 82–89religion in, 77, 223, 362, 378SDI, opposition to, 136, 191, 193–196,

210, 213–215, 217, 224, 237, 238,240–243, 245, 263–264, 266–268,270, 273–274, 281, 288, 289, 292,295, 297–298, 300–303, 305–314,326, 336, 354

statements on eliminating nuclearweapons, 163, 170–171, 178, 180,186, 196, 199

suspension of talks in Geneva by,144–145, 147, 153

technology, theft of (see KGB; FarewellDossier)

trans- Siberian oil pipeline and, 62–65(see also Andropov, Yuri; Brezhnev,

Leonid; Chernenko, Konstantin;Gorbachev, Mikhail; Gromyko,Andrei)

Speakes, Larry, 93–94Speeches of Ronald Reagan

addresses to Congress, 31–32, 55–56, 58address to nation (February 5, 1981),

30–31address to nation (December 23, 1981),

87, 88–89address to nation (October 12, 1985),

219–220address to nation (November 14, 1985),

228address to nation (October 13, 1986),

313address to nation (December 2, 1986),

321–322address to nation (March 4, 1987),

330–332address to nation (August 12, 1987),

347–348Berlin Wall speech (June 12, 1987),

345–347to British Parliament on human rights

(June 8, 1982), 253commencement address at Eureka

College (May 9, 1982), 106–107commencement address at Notre Dame

(March 9, 1988), 75, 95–96commencement address at William

Woods College (June 2, 1952),248–249

to Economic Club of Detroit (October1, 1984), 171–172

at Eureka College (September 28,1967), 100

at Eureka College (May 19, 1982),252–253

farewell address (January 11, 1989), 395

First Inaugural Address (January 20,1981), 28–29

to Future Farmers of America (1986),99–100

448 � index




on Helsinki agreement on humanrights, Finland (May 27, 1988), 375

on human rights and the Soviet Union,Chicago (May 4, 1988), 373–375

to human rights supporters (December3, 1987), 358–359

at Moscow State University (May 31,1988), 380–387

to National Association of Evangelicals(March 8, 1983) (“Evil Empire”speech), 121–124

to National Press Club (November 18,1981), 70–71

New Year’s message (January 1, 1988),367–368

radio broadcasts, 5, 7, 40–41, 155–156,249–251, 353–354

at Republican National Convention(1976), 100–101

at Republican National Convention(1984), 161

Second Inaugural Address (January 21,1985), 198

“Star Wars” speech (March 23, 1983),125, 127–130

State of the Union address (January 25,1984), 150–151, 155

State of the Union address (February 6,1985), 198–199

State of the Union address (January 25,1988), 369–370, 371

at United Nations (June 17, 1982),107–108

at United Nations (September 24,1984), 162

at United Nations (September 21,1987), 352–353

on U.S.-Soviet relations (January 16,1984), 149–150

on Voice of America (November 9,1985), 221–222

on Voice of America (January 1, 1987),323–324

on Voice of America and Worldnettelevision (November 4, 1987),357–358

SS-4 missile, 65, 71, 357SS-5 missile, 65, 71SS-12 missile, 357SS-20 missile, 37, 65–66, 68–69, 71, 119,

125, 271, 357, 363, 372SS-23 missile, 357SS-24 missile, 301SS-25 missile, 301

SS- X-24 missile, 187Stagflation, 28Stalin, Joseph, 156START (see Strategic Arms Reduction Talks

[START])Star Wars (see Strategic Defense Initiative

[SDI])“Star Wars” speech (March 23, 1983), 125,

127–130State, U.S. Department of, 2, 44–45, 50, 52,

55, 74, 113, 127, 218, 219, 282State of the Union address

January 25, 1984, 150–151, 155February 6, 1985, 198–199January 25, 1988, 369–370, 371

Stealth (ATB— advanced technology)bomber, 39, 221, 397

Stockman, David, 31, 33, 37Stoessel, Walter, 50Strategic Arms Limitation

Talks/Agreements (SALT I and II),103, 159, 165, 182, 226, 274–277,294

Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START),78, 91, 102–106, 159, 187, 338, 348,365

START Treaty, 372, 392Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 120,

174–175, 192, 197, 200, 215, 266,282, 283, 335–336, 349, 353, 354, 367

elimination of nuclear weapons, 144,175, 183–185, 188, 196–198,216–217, 222, 280–281, 283, 309,313, 327

international control of, 187–188, 197,216–217, 222, 270–272, 288–289,293–298, 302, 326–330, 349, 367

issue at Geneva summit, 187–189, 237,238, 240–243, 245, 263–264

issue at Reykjavik summit, 288, 289, 292,293, 295, 297–298, 300–303,305–314

NSC and NSPG meetings on, 144,216–217, 270–271, 280, 281,324–330

Soviet efforts, 182, 268Soviet opposition to, 136, 193–194, 196,

210–214, 218, 224, 237–245,266–268, 270, 273–274, 281–282,288, 293–298, 300–314, 326, 354

Thatcher and, 193–195Strategic nuclear delivery vehicles

(SNDVs), 182Strauss, Robert, 12

index � 449




Summit meetings (see also Geneva summit;Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit;Washington summit), 3–4, 33, 209,225

Sunday Times of London, 161–162Sun Tzu, 229Sword and the Shield, The (Andrew and

Mitrokhin), 135–136

Talbott, Strobe, 11, 153Tarasenko, Serge, 246TASS (Soviet news agency), 122, 170, 171,

375Tax policy, 28, 30, 32, 57Teller, Edward, 114Tennyson, Alfred, 177Thatcher, Margaret, xi, 1, 192, 367

Gorbachev and, 191, 193–194, 207Reagan and, 193–196on SDI, 194–195

Threshold Test Ban Treaty, 338Time magazine, 56, 205, 312Tocqueville, Alexis de, 352Tower, John, 202Tower board, 330–331, 333, 335Transportation, U.S. Department of, 5Trans- Siberian oil pipeline, 62–65Treasury, U.S. Department of, 5, 29, 31, 85,

206Trewhitt, Henry, 173–174Trident II missile, 38Tringali, John, 369Truman, Harry S., 96Turn, The (Oberdorfer), 142

Unemployment, 28, 31United Nations, Reagan’s speeches to

June 17, 1982, 107–108September 24, 1984, 162September 21, 1987, 352–353

United States Information Agency, 357Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

211, 254, 374USA Today, 197–198USSR (see Soviet Union)

Vasyanin, Mikhail, 387Vatican, 77, 82–83

papal delegation on nuclear war, 76–78,91

U.S. Envoy to, 73–74, 80–81

Vessey, John, 115–116, 148Vetrov, Vladimir I., 63–64Vietnam War, 23, 24Voice of America, 221–222, 323–324,

357–358Volcker, Paul, ix, 29

Walesa, Lech, 86Wall Street Journal, xiiWarner Brothers, 85, 97, 98Warsaw Pact, 38Washington Post, 11, 28, 312, 318, 376Washington summit (December 1987),

244, 278, 343, 365, 368, 376, 386,388

Watergate scandal, 23Weidenbaum, Murray, 31Weinberger, Caspar (Cap), 116, 120, 121,

145, 202, 218, 222, 323defense readiness and, 33, 39, 46,

206NSC and NSPG meetings and, 65–67,

69, 70, 116, 144, 146, 148, 159, 188, 216, 275, 281, 319, 324, 327,330

on nuclear testing, 281Reagan and, 206–207, 216, 323on SDI, 327, 330Shultz and, 179, 323 zero- zero initiative and, 65–67, 69, 70

Weiss, Gus, 64, 65Weiss, Seymour, 50West Berlin, 345–346, 358, 360West Germany (Federal Republic of

Germany), 66White House Daily Diary, 8Wickman, John, 215William Woods College, Missouri,

248–249Wilson, William A., 73–74, 77, 114Wirthlin, Richard, 10, 32, 222Worldnet television, 357World War II, 96–97

Yakovlev, Aleksandr N., 361, 389Yazov, Dimitri T., 389

Zero- zero initiative, 65–71, 117–119,124–126, 137, 150, 189, 263,294–295, 297, 310, 336, 337, 352,353, 357

450 � index




To purchase a copy of

Reagan’s Secret War

visit one of these online retailers:

Amazon

Bar blenes & No

Borders

IndieBound

Powell’s Books

Random House


http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Reagans-Secret-War/Annelise-Anderson/e/9780307238610/&ref=other_issuu-pdf-barnes-reagan-0609

http://www.indiebound.org/book/9780307238610&ref=other_issuu-pdf-indieb-reagan-0609

http://powells.com/biblio/62-9780307238610-0?ref=other_issuu-pdf-powell-reagan-0609

http://www.randomhouse.com/catalog/display.pperl?isbn=9780307238610&ref=other_issuu-pdf-random-reagan-0609


reagan's secret war, by martin and annelise anderson - excerpt

Documents