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TRANSCRIPT
Hafida Talhaoui | 3125939 23 augustus 2011
Faculty of
Humanities
Utrecht University,
the Netherlands
Religious folk art as an expression of
Palestinian identity: The Jerusalemite Ḥājj
Paintings and Plates
1
Religious folk art as an expression of Palestinian identity:
The Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings and Plates
Faculty of Humanities
Utrecht University, the Netherlands
Hafida Talhaoui
3125939
Supervisors:
dr. Hans Theunissen
dr. Nico Landman
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................... 3
CHAPTER 1: JERUSALEM IN THE ISLAMIC FAITH AND HISTORY ......................................................... 7
1.1 Religion ............................................................................................................... 7
1.2 History ............................................................................................................... 12
1.3 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 24
CHAPTER 2: MARKING THE ḤĀJJ ....................................................................................................... 25
2.1 Jerusalem pilgrimage ......................................................................................... 27
2.2 Ḥājj certificates .................................................................................................. 30
2.3 Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings .................................................................................... 32
2.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 41
CHAPTER 3: PALESTINIAN IDENTITY.................................................................................................. 43
3.1 Brief historical background ............................................................................... 43
3.2 National identity ................................................................................................ 46
3.3 Israeli occupation, peace process, and Judaization policies .............................. 54
3.4 The Dome of the Rock as national icon of Palestine ......................................... 61
3.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 64
CHAPTER 4: JERUSALEMITE ḤĀJJ PAINTINGS AND PLATES ............................................................. 66
4.1 Description......................................................................................................... 67
4.2 A comparison: Egyptian and Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates ...................... 68
4.3 Interpretations .................................................................................................... 72
4.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 81
CONCLUSIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 83
APPENDIX: CATALOGUE THE JERUSALEMITE ḤĀJJ PAINTINGS AND PLATES
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................................... 85
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INTRODUCTION
This thesis focuses on Ḥājj Paintings of Jerusalem, Palestine. Ḥājj Paintings are Paintings drawn on
houses of a Ḥājji (feminine: Ḥājja) to mark the event of the Ḥājj (Muslim pilgrimage1). In addition
they celebrate the safe return of the pilgrims. This is an Islamic custom followed in several countries
in the Middle East and North Africa such as Syria and Palestine to the east and as far to the west as
Libya. The Paintings are made by relatives of the pilgrim(s) or in the case of Egypt are mostly
commissioned to be painted by artists. The research to date has mainly been focussed on the Ḥājj
Paintings of Egypt. This subject was first mentioned briefly by European travellers from the beginning
of the eighteenth century onwards.2 Most westerners deemed this form of art primitive. Furthermore,
most of them failed to understand its usage. After the post-colonial era more serious study of the
Paintings was done, however, these studies did not succeed in an in-depth analyses such as Jaques
Jomier ( Le mahmal et la caravane égyptienne des pèlerins de La Mecque, (XIIIe-XXe siècles,
Cairo,1953) who negated the influence of religion and politics on the Paintings.3 A study by Rudolf
Kriss and Hubert Kriss-Heinrich (Volkglaube im Bereich des Islams, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowittz, 1960) confuses the painter with the pilgrim as the authors state that the pilgrim painted
what he saw during his journey to Makkah. Furthermore, these studies fail to interpret the sentiments
of the pilgrims, which is an important aspect in understanding the Paintings.4 A more serious study
was conducted by Giovanni Canova (“Nota sulle raffigurazioni popolari del pellegrinaggio in Egitto”,
ACF, serie or. 6 (1975) [Studi in ricordo di Maria Nallino], pp.83-94). While Canova provides a
description of the ethnographic contexts of the Paintings and a typology of their contents, he did not
provide analyses of the interrelation of epigraphy and figures in specific murals.5 Another example is a
study by Jean Michot (Les fresques du pèlerinage au Caire,’’ Art and Archeology Research Papers 13
(1978), pp.7-21) in which he analyses fifty Cairene Paintings. Michot’s contribution to the field is a
detailed exposition of individual motifs and epigraphs. However, he sees the Paintings as a reflection
of ‘the islam of the painter’, and does not pay sufficient attention to how the features in the murals are
arranged.6 Another study on Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings was published by Ann Parker and Avon Neal.
Their publication, Ḥājj paintings, folk art of the great pilgrimage (1995) focuses on the Ḥājj Paintings
in Upper Egypt and surroundings. The book contains vivid photographs of Ḥājj Paintings that were
collected by these two authors. However, this is not an academic publication, but aimed at a more
general readership. Furthermore, this publication contains several errors in the Arabic translations and
interpretation of some of the Paintings. Real in-depth research on this subject was done by Juan
Campo. He first published the article ‘’Domestic Islam in the pilgrimage paintings of Egypt’’, Journal
1 Muslims are obliged, granted that they have the financial means and are in good health, to make a pilgrimage to Islam’s
holiest city Makkah (Saudi-Arabia). 2 Campo, The Other Sides of Paradise, p.144. 3 Ibid: p.146. 4 Ibid: p.144-6. 5 Ibid: p.146. 6 Ibid: pp.145-6.
4
of the American Academy of Religion 55 (1987), pp. 285–305, which he later further developed in his
book The Other Sides of Paradise: Explorations into the Religious Meanings of Domestic Space in
Islam (Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 1991). This book explores the relationship
between religion (Qur’ān and aḥādīth7 literature) and houses in Islam, focusing on Egypt. The last part
of this study is devoted to the Ḥājj Paintings of Egypt (pp.139-191), which consists of the
aforementioned article to which he has added two insightful appendices, consisting of inventories of
the epigraphic formulae and iconic figures, as well as commentaries. Campo’s analysis of the
Paintings is based on published studies and his own fieldwork (conducted between 1976-1985).
Campo argues that the Ḥājj Paintings transform the house of a pilgrim into ‘a center of blessing like a
saint’s shrine’.8 In this study Campo argues that the Paintings in addition to religious identity
represent elements of national identity. 9
Unfortunately, Campo provides limited examples and
photographs of Paintings.
What is remarkable is that while there is sufficient literature available on Egyptian Ḥājj
Paintings no research has been done to date on the Ḥājj Paintings of Palestine, even though Ḥājj
Paintings are very much present in Palestinian populated areas. Campo only makes mention of the
existence of Palestinian Ḥājj Paintings in the West Bank10
, whereas Hillenbrand (2000) interprets the
Palestinian Ḥājj Paintings incorrectly by stating that depictions of the Dome of the Rock serve, ,,to
celebrate the fact that the occupants have made a visitation there.’’11
This thesis therefore aims at introducing this topic into the field of religious folk art. As
research of all Palestinian Paintings is too ambitious for this thesis, we shall focus on the Ḥājj
Paintings of Jerusalem. There are some similarities between the Egyptian and Jerusalemite Paintings;
however there are some major differences as well which makes it particularly interesting to research.
The main differences are that the Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings depict, among other things, the means of
travel and Egyptian local culture. In contrast, the Jerusalem Ḥājj Paintings, in addition to the Kacbah
and the Madīnah Mosque, depict the Dome of the Rock and (to a lesser extent) the Aqṣā Mosque, the
two holiest Muslim shrines of Jerusalem, Islam’s third sacred city. The usage of the Dome of the Rock
and al-Aqṣā Mosque is striking as the Ḥājj is revolved around Makkah and Madīnah mainly.
Moreover, no depictions of living creatures are used on the Jerusalem Paintings. The focus of this
research is on Jerusalem because the two shrines depicted in these Ḥājj Paintings, the Dome of the
Rock and the al-Aqṣā Mosque, are situated in this city. Furthermore, we will focus on the political
situation i.e. Israeli occupation of Jerusalem to ascertain how this influences Jerusalemites’ choice of
depictions in the Ḥājj Paintings.
The main question researched is: Can the Ḥājj Paintings of Jerusalemites, which depict the
Dome of the Rock and al-Aqṣā Mosque in addition to the Kacbah and Madīnah Mosque, be interpreted
7 Aḥādīth is the plural of ḥādīth which means narrative of the words and deeds of the Prophet Muḥammad. 8 Ibid; p.151. 9 Ibid; p.151. 10 Campo, ‘’Domestic Islam in the pilgrimage paintings of Egypt’’ p.300 and Campo, the Other sides, p140. 11 Hillenbrand, Carole. The crusades, Islamic perspectives. New York: Routledge, 2000, p.606.
5
as an expression of Palestinian identity? In order to answer this question this thesis is divided into
four chapters.
Chapter one mainly deals with three questions: How and why did Jerusalem acquire the
venerated status of third holiest city of Islam?, How did Jerusalem, as the third holiest place of Islam,
develop under Muslim rule? and, How did the Crusader occupation of Jerusalem influence
Palestinians? Thus the first part of this chapter describes the place of Jerusalem in the Islamic faith
from an Islamic point of view and is based on literary sources, mainly Islamic literature such as Adam
Patel’s Virtues of Jerusalem: an Islamic perspective (2006) and Al-Quds: the place of Jerusalem in
classical Judaism and Islamic Traditions by Muhammad Abdul Hameed Al-Khateeb (1998). The
second part of this chapter deals with Jerusalem under Muslim rule. This part focuses on issues such as
the Muslim conquest of Jerusalem, the importance attributed to it under several different Islamic
administrations in which the role of Ḥaram ash-Sharīf and its two holiest site; the Dome of the Rock
and Aqṣā Mosque are discussed. In addition a brief architectural description of these two holiest sites
is offered. Moreover, the Crusader era and the subsequent counter-Crusade by the Muslim general
Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn which led to the re-conquest of Jerusalem in 582/1187 is discussed as these events have
had a great impact on Jerusalemites (and the entire region for that matter). This part is based on
academic literary sources such as Oleg Grabar, The shape of the holy (1996) and The crusades, Islamic
perspectives (2000) by Carole Hillenbrand.
Chapter two discusses the Muslim pilgrimage, the Ḥājj, and its importance as well as the role
Jerusalem played(s) in this. In addition, the marking of the Ḥājj by means of Ḥājj certificates and
Jerusalem’s role in this is addressed. The last part of this chapter focuses on the Egyptian Ḥājj
Paintings for which extensive use is made of the earlier mentioned The Other Sides of Paradise:
Explorations into the Religious Meanings of Domestic Space in Islam (1991) by Campo and Hajj
paintings, folk art of the great pilgrimage (1995) by Ann Parker and Avon Neal.
The third chapter of this thesis deals with several issues relating to aspects of Palestinian
identity and the role Jerusalem and foreign occupation i.e. the Crusades and current Israeli occupation
play in this regard. This chapter starts with a brief historical background to the Israeli occupation and
outlines the emergence of Palestinian national identity in which Jerusalem played/s a considerable
role. Also, considerable attention is paid to the usage of the Dome of the Rock as a Palestinian national
icon. Furthermore, this chapter aims at answering the question How does the Israeli occupation
influence Jerusalemite expressions of identity? For which we shall look into Israeli state policies of
occupation and Judaization12
and how these affect Palestinian Jerusalemites. For this chapter I will
among other sources use Haim Gerber’s Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and
nationalism from the Crusades to the Present (2008), Rashid Khalidi’s, Palestinian Identity: the
construction of modern national consciousness (2010) and COHRE and BADIL, Ruling Palestine, a
history of the legally sanctioned Jewish-Israeli seizure of land and housing in Palestine, 2005. The
12 The term Judaization is used for Israel’s policies which attempt to physically and demographically transform Palestine into
a Jewish state. These policies have been equated to apartheid and ethnic cleansing by human rights organizations. The
Judaization policies of Jerusalem will be discussed in the first part of chapter three.
6
fourth and last chapter of this thesis addresses the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings. This part is based on
my fieldwork conducted in Jerusalem, Palestine in 2010. During my visits I collected visual material
such as photographs of Ḥājj Paintings/Plates and Holy Sites which are used in this thesis. Furthermore,
I conducted twenty interviews with owners and/or relatives of ‘Ḥājji houses’ and four interviews with
other Palestinian Jerusalemites such as Mr. Mahdi Abdul Hadi, director of PASSIA (Palestinian
Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs). Furthermore, in chapter four I will introduce
my interpretations of the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings based on (1) my analysis of the epigraphic
formulae and iconic figures that occur on the Ḥājj Paintings researched, (2) conducted interviews, and
(3) the religious, cultural and political background (discussed in chapters one to three). Furthermore, a
comparison between the Ḥājj Paintings of Egypt and Jerusalem is given. Additionally, the data
collected from the photographical material is collected in a catalogue named Jerusalemite Ḥājj
Paintings and Plates (see pp.83-92) which includes indexes and commentaries as well as an inventory
of the epigraphs and figures used in the Ḥājj Paintings.
7
CHAPTER 1: JERUSALEM IN THE ISLAMIC FAITH AND HISTORY
This chapter consists of two parts. The first part discusses the place Jerusalem holds in the Islamic
faith. This is described from an Islamic perspective because this understanding has shaped Jerusalem
under Islamic rule and the place it holds in this religion as yet.13
This description is based on Islamic
literature from (translated) primary sources (Qur’ān and aḥādīth) for which I make extensive use of
Patel’s books Virtues of Jerusalem: an Islamic perspective (2006), Forty ahadith concerning masjid
al-Aqsā (2008) and Al-Quds: the place of Jerusalem in classical Judaism and Islamic Traditions by
Muhammad Abdul Hameed Al-Khateeb (1998).
The second part of this chapter focuses on some key periods in the Islamic history of
Jerusalem. First, the early Islamic period, focusing on the Umayyad (in Arabic the ‘Umawīyūn) Rule
(60-149/661-750), during which the two holiest Islamic edifices of Jerusalem, the Dome of the Rock
and the al-Aqṣā Mosque, were built are dealt with. Second the Crusader period (492-583 /1099-1187)
and the re-conquest of Jerusalem (583/1187) by Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn al-Ayyūbī (d.589/1193) are discussed.
The main reason for discussing these events is that the Crusades and the subsequent conquest by Ṣalāḥ
ad-Dīn reinforced the holiness of Jerusalem for Muslims. Finally, Mamluk (in Arabic the
Mamlūkīyūn) and Ottoman (in Arabic the cUthmāniyūn) reigns of Jerusalem are dealt with as both
these administrations have built many edifices and centres of learning in Jerusalem and therewith
emphasised its special status within Islam. Moreover, these are the final two Muslim administrations
to have ruled Jerusalem before the British occupied Palestine in 1917, subsequently ending
independent Muslim rule over Jerusalem. We will start by taking a closer look at the status of
Jerusalem within the Islamic religion.
1.1 Religion
Jerusalem is considered by Muslims to be the third holiest city after Makkah and Madīnah. The
Ḥaram ash-Sharīf or Noble Sanctuary is considered the holiest site in Jerusalem. There are several
reasons why Jerusalem is ascribed a holy status. To begin with Islamic doctrine maintains that Islam’s
monotheism continues that of Judaism and Christianity. Subsequently, Islam acknowledges and
respects the Prophets before Prophet Muḥammad such as David (Dawūd) and Solomon (Sulaymān)
who spent most of their lives in the Holy Land and Jerusalem in particular. The Prophet Muḥammad
is considered to be the last Messenger of God, the ‘seal’ of the Prophets, completing previous
Revelations (Torah and Bible). In addition to this there are specific Islamic events attached to
13 There is a vast literature in this topic. Most of these studies try to establish whether Jerusalem is holy to Islam or not. The
Jewish convert to Islam by the name of Kacb al-’Ahbār, who had great knowledge of the Judaic religious sources, is
considered to be the one who has established the link by mixing the so-called ‘Isrā’īliyāt (a body of aḥādīth which are rooted
in Judeo-Christian traditions) with Islamic tradition. Some of these studies however seem to be inspired by the current
political situation in which Israeli Jews attempt to underline their exclusivity to the city. Although much of this literature is
scholarly and without a doubt interesting, it is less relevant for this research as it focuses on Islamic perspectives.
8
Jerusalem which eventually made it gain the status of Islam’s third holiest city. There are three aspects
from which Jerusalem derives its specific importance to Islam, the first and most important is that it is
believed to have been the destiny of the Prophet’s Nocturnal Journey (al-’Isrā’) and subsequent
ascension to heaven (al-Micrāj). Secondly, Jerusalem served as the First Qiblah (direction of prayers).
Thirdly, it is believed to be the place where Judgment Day will take place. Due to these aspects it
became an important place of Islamic pilgrimage. What is the background of these three specific
associations? While the Qur’ān does not mention Palestine or Jerusalem by these specific names there
are references found in the Qur’ān to these places. According to Patel for example the Qur’ān contains
70 references (directly and indirectly) to Palestine, Jerusalem and the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf.14
Furthermore, extensive aḥādīth-material is available on the subject which underlines the holiness of
these places15
such as the following ḥādīth:
‘’ Zaid Ibn Thabit (ra) reports that the Prophet (saw) said, "How blessed is Al-Sham16
"! The
Companions (ra) asked, "Why is that"? The Messenger (saw) replied, "I see the Angels of Allah
spreading their wings over Al-Sham". Ibn Abbas (ra) added, "And the Prophets lived therein. There is
not a single inch in Al-Quds (Jerusalem) where a Prophet has not prayed or an Angel not stood".’’
(Tirmidhi, Ahmad) 17
However, it is the following verse from the Qur’ān (17:1) which played a crucial role in attributing a
holy status to Jerusalem in Islam:
حيم ن ٱلر ـ حم بسم ٱهلل ٱلر
ن ٱلمسجد ٱلحرام إ من ٱلذى أسرى بعبدهۦ ليلا ـ ركنا حوله سبح ـ ۥ لى ٱلمسجد ٱلقصا ٱلذى ب
تنا لنريه ـ ميع ٱلبصير إه ۥ من ءاي ۥ هو ٱلس
In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful.
Glory be to Him Who made His servant to go on a night from the Sacred Mosque to the
Remote Mosque of which We have blessed the precincts, so that We may show to him some of
Our signs; surely He is the Hearing, the Seeing.
This verse is interpreted by most Muslim scholars (culāma, singular
cālim) as referring to the (alleged)
miraculous Nocturnal Journey (al-’Isrā’) and ascension to heaven (al-Micrāj) by the Prophet
Muḥammad. The event was codified by Muḥammad ’ibn ’Isḥāq (85/704 -153/770), the first
biographer of the Prophet Muḥammad, in his Sīrat Rasūl Allāh (Life of God’s Messenger). The
14 Patel, I., Virtues of Jerusalem. An Islamic perspective. Leicester: Al-Aqṣā Publishers, 2006, p.ix 15 Furthermore, after the Crusades a vast body of literature in praise of Jerusalem evolved called the Faḍā’il al-Quds (which
will be dealt with in more detail later on in this chapter). 16 The Shām-area consists of modern day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine. Nowadays it is used for the Syrian city of
Damascus. 17 Patel, Forty, p.12.
9
following is believed to have happened.18
One evening19
the Prophet was visited by the angel Jibrīl
(Gabriel)20
21
who accompanied him on an extraordinary journey from the ‘Sacred Mosque’ i.e.
Makkah (Saudi-Arabia) to the ‘Remote mosque’ i.e. the al-Aqṣā Mosque in Jerusalem, Palestine.
Now, there is some debate among Muslim scholars about what is
meant by Remote mosque. The difficulty being that there was no
mosque on the Ḥaram in the period of the al-Micrāj. However, it is
generally accepted that by masjid a location or place of worship is
meant and not a building as such.22
The Prophet was given a steed by
the name al-Burāq23
(fig.124
). In one ḥādīth the al-Burāq is described
as, ‘’a white beast, smaller than a mule, and bigger than a donkey (..)
One stride of this creature covered a distance as far as it could see.’’25
al-Burāq took the Prophet from Makkah to Jerusalem. When arrived at
the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf he tethered al-Burāq to its western wall.26
Muḥammad led the prayers with all the Prophets behind him.27
According to Patel this is of extra relevance because this makes Muḥammad the only Prophet to have
led in prayer with all the Prophets (some 124.000) behind him.28
At one point the Prophet was given a
choice between a glass of wine and milk. The Prophet choose the milk and was praised by Jibrīl for
doing so telling him ,, You have chosen fitra29
- if you had taken the wine your followers would have
gone astray.’’30
It is important to note here that this suggests that it was in Jerusalem that the Prophet
saved his followers from going astray, which in turn increases Jerusalem’s importance in Islam. After
drinking the milk Muḥammad went to aṣ-ṣakhrah (the Rock), which is believed to have been sent
down from paradise.31
The Prophet ascended to heaven accompanied by Jibrīl and he met several
esteemed former Prophets such as ’Ibrāhīm (Abraham), Mūsā (Moses) and cĪsā (Jesus) in the seven
stages of heaven.32
33
During this event the five daily ṣalāt (prayers) were prescribed to the Ummah
18 There are several versions of this story. 19 According to Patel, Virtues, p.53, this was probably one year before the Hijra. The Hijra started in 622 CE. No exact date
or year is known. However what is certain according to Muslim scholars is that it took place when the Prophet was still living
in Makkah, so before the Hijra. 20 The archangel Jibrīl serves as God’s Messenger to Prophets. Muslims believe the Qur’ān was revealed to Muḥammad
through Jibrīl. 21 According to some aḥādīth (see for example: al-Khateeb, p.108-9, 115) the belly was opened, heart taken out, cleansed,
filled with faith and put back. 22 Patel, Virtues , p.56. 23 It is also believed that Al-Burāq transported other Prophets like Abraham when he visited his wife Hagar and his son
’Ismāc īl in Makkah. 24 Source: http://ownerlessmind.blogspot.com/2011/06/kamadhenu-and-al-buraq.html 25 Al-Khateeb, p.109. 26 The western wall of the Haram is subsequently referred to by Muslims as al-Burāq wall, while the Jews refer to it as
HaKotel HaMa'arav. Jews believe it to be the western wall of the temple. The wall is also known as the Wailing wall because
Jews would lament at the wall about the destruction of the Temple. 27 Patel, Virtues, p.54. Some say he made two prayers. When he arrived he prayed alone and when he left he prayed with the
Prophets behind him. 28 Patel, Virtues, p.55. 29 Fitra means right path. In this context wine is used as the opposite of milk which symbolises the pure nature of Islam. 30 Patel, Virtues, p.55 and Al-Khateeb, p.108-11. 31 Al-Khateeb, pp.97-8. This is the same Rock Jews connect to the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham (Ibrāhīm). 32 Ibid; p.109-11
Fig.1 Representation of the
Prophet on al- Burāq
10
(the Muslim community).34
This event has a specific Islamic character, contrary to other Muslim
attachments which are rooted in Jewish and Christian traditions. In the words of Patel:
‘’Al-Isra cannot be underestimated for bringing to the fore the centrality of al-Aqsā Sanctuary to the
Muslims. It imbibed within the Muslim mind, the eternal heritage and link to al-Aqsā Sanctuary that
makes al-Quds (Jerusalem) one of the greatest symbols of Islam.’’35
However, there is difference of opinion amongst Muslim scholars about the details of these events,
mainly whether this was a spiritual or physical journey. Nevertheless, most Muslim scholars seem to
agree that a journey from Makkah to Jerusalem in some form took place. What becomes clear from the
above is that the events that are believed to have taken place during the al-’Isrā’ wa l-Micrāj were very
important in the emergence of a specific Islamic doctrine regarding Jerusalem. Although there is only
one verse in the Qur’ān that relates to this event, there are many aḥādīth that underline this narrative
and deal in greater detail with its holy position.
The second Islamic association with Jerusalem discussed, is the First Qiblah. As mentioned
previously, during the Prophet’s ascension to heaven the daily five prayers were made obligatory for
Muslims. The Prophet directed his prayers towards the Noble Sanctuary in Jerusalem for a period of
16 to17 months as the ḥādīth below indicates:
’ Abdullah Ibn Umar (ra) narrates, "We prayed along with the Prophet (saw36
) facing Al-Quds
(Jerusalem) for 16 or 17 months. Then Allah ordered him (saw) to turn his face towards the Ka'bah (in
Makkahh). (Bukhari)’’37
The following Qur’ānic verse (2:144) speaks of this conversion of the Qiblah:
حيم ن ٱلر ـ حم بسم ٱهلل ٱلر
ماء هها قد رى تقلب وجهك فى الس فول وجهك شطر المسجد الحـرام فلـنولينك قبلا تر
كنتم فولوا وجوهكم شطر وحيث ما
Indeed We see the turning of your face to heaven, so We shall surely turn you to a Qiblah which you
shall like; turn then your face towards the Sacred Mosque, and wherever you are, turn your face
towards it (…)
33 In the Islamic traditions paradise or Jannah in Arabic is believed to consist of eight levels. The eighth level is called
Firdaus and some believe it is the place where God is present. 34 Al-Khateeb, p.119. 35 Patel, Virtues, p.54. 36 Saw is short for ṣallā llahu calayhī Wasalam, which means may Gods, blessing and peace be upon him. Muslims say or
write this after mentioning the Prophet Muḥammad as a sign of respect. 37 Patel, Forty, p. 13.
11
Notwithstanding the significant meaning of the changing of the Qiblah from Jerusalem to Makkah to
the status of Jerusalem within the new religion, this does not imply that Jerusalem was not relevant to
Islam anymore, in the words of Patel it was ,, a natural change from the second house of Allah (Masjid
al-Aqsa) to the first (Ka’bah). (…), the importance of the first Qiblah, Jerusalem, remains true and
holds a special historical and theological significance for Muslims.’’ 38
As Islam was a new religion
placing itself in the tradition of Judaism and Christianity it seems only natural that at some point it
wanted to distinguish itself from its predecessors. Furthermore, it was during the al-Micrāj that the five
daily prayers were ordained on Muslims which means, Jerusalem is forever connected to one of the
most important fundaments of the Islamic faith.39
In fact, it remains being referred to as the place of
the First Qiblah.
Finally, we will discuss the third Islamic association with Jerusalem, Judgment Day. Islamic
doctrine, as well as it predecessors Judaism and Christianity, states that all human beings will be held
accountable for their actions committed during their earthly lives. The pious people will be rewarded
with paradise, while those who went astray will end up in hell. The final account will take place on
Yawm al-Qiyāmah (Judgment Day). Some major events are believed to ensue which will lead to the
end of life on this earth, after which all human beings will be raised from death and Final Judgment
will take place. According to Islamic sources several events will precede Judgment Day of which most
will take place in the Holy Land and Jerusalem in particular. There are several aḥādīth that deal with
this subject. Below a couple of these events relating to Jerusalem are briefly discussed. Ad-Dajjāl
(anti-Christ) will appear and according to this ḥādīth ‘’He will stay in the land forty days; he will enter
every place on earth except the Kacbah, the Prophet's Masjid, Al-Aqsā Sanctuary and Mount Sinai".
40
Prophet ‘Isa (Jesus)41
will descend from heaven to Jerusalem and fight with al-Dajjal and "Ibn
Maryam (Jesus) will kill Al-Dajjal (the Anti-Christ) at the door of Ludd (Palestine)". 42
The last sign is
the end of our world which will be called in by the angel Isrāfīl who will blow the last trumpet. From
the Rock in Jerusalem the dead will be called on: ‘’O rotten bones, come and gather for judgment’’. 43
The following ḥādīth also refers to Jerusalem’s role herein:
‘’Maymunah Bint Sa'd (ra) reports that she asked the Prophet (saw), "O Messenger of Allah, give us a
pronouncement about Al-Quds (Jerusalem)". The Prophet (saw) replied, "It is the land where they will
be raised (Al-Hashr) and gathered (Al-Mahshar)’’.44
38 Patel, Virtues, pp.14-15. 39 There are five pillars of Islam; the shahādah (testifying that there is no god but God and Muḥammad is his Messenger),
ṣalāt (prayers), zakāt (alms), fasting during Ramadan and the Ḥājj (pilgrimage). Notice that the ṣalāt is the second on the list
of five which attests to its importance. 40 Patel, Virtues, p.18. 41 Contrary to Christian beliefs Islam considers Jesus to be a Prophet. He is not believed to have been crucified but to have
ascended to heaven. 42 Patel, Forty, p.18. 43 Al-Khateeb, p.163. 44 Patel, Forty, p.19.
12
Though the Islamic association with Jerusalem as the site of Judgment Day is rooted in Judaism and
Christianity, specific Islamic elements are added. Judgment Day is considered the most important
event in Islamic doctrine as it is then that will be decided whether one will go to heaven or hell, which
ultimately is believed to be the reason for our existence.
So, we can conclude from the above that while Islam kept the traditional links to Judaism and
Christianity it did seek to distinguish itself from its predecessors. The three most important Islamic
associations with Jerusalem are the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, First Qiblah, and Judgment Day, of which
the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj is considered the most important as it is a specific Islamic event and the
Qur’ān refers to it. Therefore the city gained the venerated position of Islam’s third sacred city after
Makkah and Madīnah. These three associations, as we shall see in the coming sections, reoccur time
and again in the Islamic attachment to the Holy city of Jerusalem. In the second part of this chapter we
shall have a look at how Jerusalem’s status within Islam further developed under some of the key
Islamic administrations of the Holy City and what role the three above mentioned associations played
therein.
1.2 History
This section deals with some key periods in the history of Jerusalem under Islamic rule as well as the
Crusades which, as mentioned earlier, have had a great impact on the city and region. Therefore, the
central questions of this section are: How did Jerusalem, as the third holiest place of Islam, develop
under Muslim rule? and How did the Crusader occupation of Jerusalem influence Palestinians? First,
the Muslim Arab conquest of Jerusalem by cUmar ’ibn Khaṭṭāb is described, followed by a description
of the Umayyad Rule (60-149/661-750) and the two holiest Islamic edifices of Jerusalem, the Dome of
the Rock and the al-Aqṣā Mosque, built by the Umayyad caliph (Muslim leader, in Arabic khalīfah)
‘Abdu l-Malik ’ibn Marwān. Then the focus will be on the Crusader period (492-583 /1099-1187) and
its impact on the status of Jerusalem in Islam and subsequently the conquest of Jerusalem (583/1187)
by Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn al-Ayyūbī (d.589/1193). The main reason for discussing these events is that the
Crusades and Ṣalāḥ ad- Dīn’s re-conquest of the city added increased Jerusalem’s holiness for
Muslims. Finally, Mamluk and Ottoman rule of Jerusalem are dealt with as both these administrations
invested much in the city in terms of edifices, centres of learning and infrastructure. What is more, the
meaning they gave to certain Muslim associations with Jerusalem and their religious and political
significance is interesting. Moreover, these two administrations are the last Muslim administrations to
have ruled Jerusalem before the British occupied Palestine in 1917, subsequently ending independent
Muslim rule over Jerusalem.
We will start with the first encounter of Muslims with Jerusalem. In the year 15/636 the
Byzantines suffered a severe blow by the Muslim army in the battle of Yarmūk (at the Yarmāk River,
hence the name) on the present-day border between Syria and Jordan. This battle marked the victory of
the new religion and paved the way for more conquests in Byzantine lands. The Muslim army
13
proceeded to Jerusalem and besieged the city. In 16/637 Jerusalem was conquered by the second
caliph cUmar ’ibn Khaṭṭāb (d. 24/ 644). The patriarch of Jerusalem by the name of Sophranius is
believed to have requested the Muslim leader to receive the keys to the Holy City in person. The
caliph decided to grant the patriarch his request and went to Jerusalem. Upon arrival Sophranius
negotiated the terms of the surrender which came to be known as the al- cUhdat al-
cUmriyyah (the pact
of cUmar). In this pact, among other things, the safety of the inhabitants and freedom of worship were
guaranteed.45
Sophronius is said to have taken cUmar on a tour around the Holy City. He showed him
the Holy Sepulchre and invited him to pray there as the afternoon prayer was due. However, being
afraid of the church to be claimed by Muslims because the caliph had prayed there, cUmar declined the
offer and instead prayed outside the church.46
The caliph was then taken to the Temple esplanade
which he found filled with rubbish.47
cUmar searched and found aṣ-ṣakhrah (the Rock
48) which the
Prophet had mentioned and cleaned the area.49
It is not clear which of the Islamic associations
mentioned previously were fully or partly formulated at the time of cUmar’s conquest or whether the
above described event really happened in this way. Without a doubt the conquest of Jerusalem was
important to Muslims, as Abu Munsar (2007; 83) argues that the conquest of Jerusalem was
prophesied by Prophet Muḥammad as the following ḥādīth indicates:
‘’Al-Sham will be conquered, and Bayt al-Maqdis will be conquered, and your sons will be the Imams
there, if God wills. Abu Munshar furthermore argues that ,,(…). the city was perceived as holy to
Islam long before Muslims set foot in the region’’.50
45 Abu-Munshar, Islamic Jerusalem, p.81. The pact of cUmar was not unique because cUmar is known for having made others
with other cities in Syria. 46 Today the cUmar mosque stands near the Holy Sepulchre. 47 The area was left empty by the Christians for scriptural reasons. 48 For Jews the Rock symbolises the Holy of Holies of the ancient Jewish Temple. 49 Oleg Grabar, Dome of the Rock, p.43 50 Abu-Munshar, Islamic Jerusalem, p.83.
14
However, the consolidation of Jerusalem in Islam was accomplished by the Umayyad dynasty (60-
149/661-750). The first caliph of this dynasty called
Mucāwiya ’ibn ’Abī Sufyān (1-79/602-80) from the
outset awarded prestige to Jerusalem. He was the first
Muslim caliph to accept the Baycāh
(homage) in
Jerusalem, a practice which was followed by later
Umayyad caliphs and princes such as his son Yazīd I
(43-82/645-683) and cAbdu l-Malik ’ibn Marwān
(45104-/646-705).51
Mucāwiya thus added a political
dimension to the Holy City of Jerusalem.52
At one point
the Umayyads intended to make Jerusalem the seat of
the caliphate but this was never followed through.53
Perhaps they did
not want to politicize the Holy City and neither did their successors.
Jerusalem would never serve as capital of an Islamic administration
which is not surprising, after all neither did the most Holy City of
Islam, Makkah. Without a doubt the fifth Umayyad caliph named
cAbdu l-Malik ’ibn Marwān (r.64-84/685-705) has left the most
lasting imprint on Jerusalem. cAbdu l-Malik started a splendid
building project on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf thereby increasing its
venerated position in Islam. In the year 683 cAbdu l-Malik ’ibn
Marwān ordered the construction of a dome to be built over the
venerated Rock on the Ḥaram esplenada. He appointed two engineers, one Jerusalemite by the name
Yazīd ’ibn Salām, and Rajac ’ibn Haywah al-Kindī.
54 This building, the illustrious Qubbat aṣ-ṣakhrah
or Dome of the Rock (fig.2), is seen as a masterpiece of Islamic art. 55
It was probably built in the year
71-72/691-692. The Dome of the Rock is situated on a platform in the centre of the Sanctuary and
dominates the skyline of Jerusalem to this day. The Dome of the Rock has maintained most of its
original form, although it underwent many alterations. The building has an octagonal shape with four
51 Nasser Rabat, The transcultural meaning of the Dome of the Rock in Akash, Munir, The open veins of Jerusalem.
Massachusetts. Jusoor books, 2005, p.78. 52 Grabar, Shape of the holy, p.50. 53 Rabbat, Open veins, p.88. 54 Ibid; p.85. 55 In the West the Dome of the Rock was often mistakenly referred to as the Mosque of cUmar.
Fig. 2 The Dome of the Rock. Author’s
photograph.
Fig. 3 Dome of the Rock
Floorplan
15
entrances (fig.356
). In the centre is the Rock which has a cave underneath it containing two maḥārīb
(praying niches, singular Miḥrāb).57
The central space is around 20 meters in diameter. There are
eight stone wall faces each 20.59 meters high in length and 9.50 meters height. The outside has seven
shallow bays of which five central ones incorporate a window made of a simple and repeated plaster
grid. A parapet, 2.60 meters in height and only 0.90
meters in width is set over the wall and consists of
thirteen arched openings originally decorated with glass
mosaics.58
The lower walls of the interior and exterior
have patterned marble coverings. The beams have bronze
plaques which are also patterned. In the centre of the
interior lies the Rock, which at the end of the 12th century
was encircled by an inlaid wooden surround. A wooden
dome is placed over the rock which rest on a cylindrical
core consisting of four piers, with three columns between
each pair of piers. The side walls and drum have glass
mosaics which dimly lit the building. The cylindrical core is surrounded by an octagon, its arcade
contains passages from the Qur’ān which argue against the Trinity and speak of the Oneness of God.
The building is beautifully decorated with windows and mosaics. The interior decoration consists of
stylized trees, flowers and fruits, and chalices and crowns (fig.4).59
The reason for this is that Islam
forbids the depiction of living creatures in a religious context. This is the reason why stylized objects
or geometric ornaments were often used. The Umayyad palaces, which do not serve a religious
purpose, on the contrary contain depictions of living creatures such as the famous mosaic with the lion
and gazelle found in the (remains of) Hishām’s palace also known as Khirbat al-Mafjar in Jericho,
Palestine. The exterior of the building used to be decorated with the same mosaics as the inside
according to a reconstruction by H.R. Allen60
(fig.561
). However, the exterior of the Dome of the Rock
has undergone significant restoration works which have altered its appearance significantly (this is
dealt with in more detail later on in the text).
The Dome of the Rock has been the subject of considerable speculation. Many scholars have
tried to answer the two most frequently raised questions; Why did cAbdu l-Malik build the Dome of the
Rock? and What is its function? In the following the three most prevailing theories on this subject are
discussed briefly. However, first a closer look needs to be taken at the period the Dome of the Rock
was constructed. cAbdu l-Malik was governor of Palestine and succeeded his father Marwān after his
56 Source: http://otraarquitecturaesposible.blogspot.com/ 57 Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest, p.24. It is believed by some that this will be the place of assembly on
Judgment Day. Although this is a very small place for such an event as this space can house around 70 people at most. 58 Grabar, Dome of the Rock, pp. 64.,66. 59 For interpretations of the mosaics and inscriptions see for example: Grabar, Shape of the holy, pp.56-103 and Necipoğlu,
Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest, pp.45-57. 60 Allen, H.R. 'Some Observations on the Original Appearance of the Dome of the Rock', in J. Johns, ed, Bayt al-Maqdis;
Jerusalem in early Islam; Oxford studies in Islamic Art IX. Part two, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. 61 Source: http://www.atlastours.net/holyland/dome_of_the_rock.html
Fig. 4 Model of the interior of Dome of the
Rock.
16
death. This period was filled with political strife from exterior as well as interior enemies. The
Christian Byzantine Empire was posing a major military threat and a rival claim to the caliphate was
posing an even greater threat to the caliph. This forced cAbdu l-Malik to sign a truce with the
Byzantines in 689.62
Considering these circumstances it is not surprising that the Umayyad Caliph felt
the need to emphasize the Muslim presence in the Holy City.63
The first theory is that cAbdu l-Malik wanted to build an Islamic building that would surpass
the Holy Sepulchre in beauty as this church was closely located to the Ḥaram and might tempt
Muslims to convert to Christianity.64
Doron Chen has pointed out that there are many similarities
between the facades of the Dome of the Rock and that of the Rotunda of Anastasis65
(resurrection) in
the Holy Sepulchre.66
A second theory is that cAbdu l-Malik wanted to assert the
victory of Islam over Judaism and Christianity as Islam places itself as the legitimate successor of the
two monotheistic religions.67
Rabbat68
has suggested that
the passages from the Qur’ān inside the Dome of the
Rock that speak out against the deification of Christ
might be related to the tense relationship with Christians
at that time.69
A third, more controversial, theory is that
cAbdu l-Malik wanted to divert the pilgrimage from
Makkah to Jerusalem because at that time the ḥijāz was
ruled by cAbdu l-Malik’s rival claimant to the caliphate
’Ibn az-Zubayr who ruled Arabia and Iraq (62-71/683-692). This however seems improbable as the
Ḥājj to Makkah is a fundamental pillar of Islam and the diversion of the Qiblah from Jerusalem to
Makkah is mentioned in the Qur’ān (2:144).70
Furthermore, cAbdu l-Malik was a theologian who
considered the Qur’ān the most authoritative source of Islam. It would be very odd if a man of such
religious stature would try to make such a tremendous change in the religion.71
Furthermore, this
theory (of conversion from Makkah) was propagated by ’Ibn al-Yacūbī (d. 253/874) who was an
administrator of the anti-Umayyad Abbasid (in Arabic the cAbbāsiyūn) dynasty (successive dynasty of
the Umayyads). Another source that backs this theory is that of the Melkite priest Eutychius (d.
319/940).72
Although the aim was not to divert the Ḥājj from Makkah, Jerusalem did become an
62 Rabbat, Open veins, p.79. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid; p.80-1. 65 It is believed to be the location of the burial site of Jesus Christ. 66 Chen, Doron., The facades of the Dome of the Rock and the rotunda of Anastasis compared, pp. 191, 196., in Jeremy Johns
(ed), Bayt al-Maqdis; Jerusalem in early Islam; Oxford studies in Islamic Art IX. Part two, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999. 67 Rabbat, Open veins, p.87. 68 Ibid; p, 80. 69 Ibid; p.90. 70 Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest, p.37. 71 Rabbat, Open veins, pp.82-3. 72 Ibid; p.81. Some scholars have made the link to the Kacbah, see for example Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest,
p.40 and Khoury, Nuha. ‘’The Dome of the Rock, the Ka'ba, and Ghumdan: Arab Myths and Umayyad Monuments.’’
Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture, Vol.10 (1993): pp.57-65.
Fig. 5 Reconstructed original appearance of
the Dome of the Rock.
17
important place of pilgrimage with some rituals taking place there similar to those performed in
Makkah.73
As for the function of the Dome of the Rock, this is a highly controversial subject. It does not
seem to have a clear purpose; it was probably not intended to be a mosque, though as mentioned
earlier it did have two mahāba (niches) in the cave underneath the Rock. Some scholars have
suggested that it was built as a (separate standing) addition to the al-Aqṣā Mosque, which obviously
contained a mihrāb.74
Furthermore, the Dome of the Rock was open to the public on Mondays and
Thursdays only.75
In Mamluk and Ottoman times however it was used as a mosque and Ottomans
referred to it as the Masjid of the Rock, were the daily prayers were performed.76
Nowadays it also
serves as a mosque, for women mainly, and is referred to as the Qubbat aṣ-ṣakhrah Mosque by many
Jerusalemites. Moreover, on Fridays the women pray in the Dome of the Rock and the men in the al-
Aqṣā mosque.77
The earliest (available) account on the purpose of the Dome of the Rock is given by ’Abū Bakr
al-Wāsiṭī (d. ca. 320 AH/932 CE) in his Faḍā’il al-Bayt al-Maqdis. He writes that the purpose was to
provide shelter from the weather.78
But why would the caliph spend so much money on a building
simply to provide shelter? According to Rabbat it is more
likely that the function of the Dome of the Rock is a triumphal
monument because cAbdu al-Malik wished to follow in the
footsteps of the great Jewish kings David and Solomon who
had also built a sanctuary on the Ḥaram.79
This could also be
interpreted as cAbdu l-Maliks desire to state the superiority of
Islam over its predecessors. Also, it served the political agenda
of the Umayyads.80
Unfortunately it remains difficult to give a
clear answer as there simply is a lack of contemporary sources
to back any of these theories.
The second and largest building the Umayyads erected
on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf is the Masjid al-Aqṣā, the remote mosque (fig.6). This building is situated to
the south of the Dome of the Rock. The mosque is named after the one mentioned in the Qur’ān (17:1)
which is in reference to the Nocturnal Journey of Prophet Muḥammad. According to a ḥādīth it is
believed to be the second house of worship built after the Kacbah:
73 Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest, p.36. For more details on the rituals and itinerary see p.40 of the same article. 74 Ibid; p.45. 75 Ibid; p.40. 76 Ibid; p.69. 77 The Dome of the Rock is daily visited by Muslim men and women. The building is mainly used by women as a place to
gather to recite the Qur’ān as I have witnessed several times. 78 Rabbat, Open veins, p.87. 79 Ibid; p.84. 80 Ibid; p.81.
Fig. 6 al-Aqṣā Mosque. Author’s
photograph.
18
‘’ Abu Dharr (ra) reported that he asked the Prophet (saw), "O Messenger of Allah, which Masjid was
built first on earth"? The Prophet (saw) replied, "The Sacred Masjid of Makkahh". Abu Dharr (ra)
again asked, "Which was next"? The Prophet (saw) said, "Masjid Al-Aqsa". Abu Dharr (ra) further
asked, "How long was the period between the building of the two Masjids"? The Prophet (saw) said,
"Forty years". Apart from these, offer your prayer anywhere when it is time to pray, although
excellence is in praying in these Masjids".’’ (Bukhari) 81
This in effect makes the al-Aqṣā Mosque the most important building on the Ḥaram. It is not clear
when the mosque was built and by whom. The first al-Aqṣā Mosque is believed to have been
constructed by the caliph cUmar ’ibn al-Khaṭṭāb. The earliest mention of an Islamic building on the
Temple Mount is the following account by a Christian pilgrim to Jerusalem named Arculf (ca.59/680):
‘’(…) in that renowned place where once the Temple had been magnificently constructed… the
Saracens now frequent a quadrangular house of prayer, which they have built rudely, constructing it
by setting planks and great beams on some remains of ruins: this house can, it is said, hold three
thousand men at once.’’82
cUmar’s construction may very well have been simple as the first Islamic buildings were primarily
made to fulfil the immediate needs of Muslims and aesthetics was not the primary concern. The
second, ‘real’ building is generally believed to have
been built somewhere around the end of the seventh
century. However it is not clear whether this was
done by cAbdu l-Malik or his son al-Walīd (r. 84-
94/705-15), the latter also built the Great Mosque of
Damascus (86-94/707-15). Unfortunately, the
mosque has been damaged and partly or even
completely destroyed several times by earthquakes
(such as in 746, 754 and 1033) which makes it
difficult to establish its original appearance.83
The
present day al-Aqṣā Mosque was built by the
Fatimid (in Arabic the Fāṭimīyūn) caliph Az-Zahīr in 414/1035.84
The hypostyle mosque (fig.785
) is
35,000 square meters, has seven bays and, small halls to the west and east of the southern section.
The building is supported by forty-five columns, thirty-three of which are made of white marble and
twelve of stone. The mosque has one dome; its interior is beautifully decorated. The walls beneath the
81 Patel, Forty ahadith, p.8. 82 Quote from Grafman, Rafi and Myriam Rosen-Ayalon. 1999. "The Two Great Syrian Umayyad Mosques: Jerusalem and
Damascus". In Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic World, XVI, p.1. 83 Grabar, Shape of the Holy, pp.118-19. 84 Ibid; p.120. 85 Source: http://archnet.org/library/files/one-file.jsp?file_id=1586
Fig.7 al-Aqṣā Mosque Floorplan
19
dome are also decorated with marble and mosaics. The building contains one hundred and twenty-one
stained glass windows. Moreover, there are four minarets, the tallest thirty-seven meters high.86
The
mosque’s external walls and façade are made of limestone, the silver colored dome is made of lead
sheets. The mosque can house over 5,000 worshippers.
In addition to the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqṣā Mosque many other (domed)
commemorative structures and gates were erected on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf, referring to the earlier
mentioned Islamic associations with Jerusalem: First Qiblah, the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, Judgment
Day, and Prophets. We shall name a few here: Bāb al-Qiblah, Gate of the direction of prayers, Qubbat
al-Micrāj (dome of the Ascension), Qubbat an-Nabī, (Dome of the Prophet), Bāb Dawūd (the gate of
David) and Kursī Sulaymān (Solomon’s chair).87
Furthermore, the western wall is called the al-Burāq
wall because it is believed to be the place where Prophet Muḥammad tethered his steed during the al-
Micrāj. It is not clear when these associations started. The Fatimids were the first to place an
inscription of Qur’ānic verse 17:1 on an arch in the al-Aqṣā Mosque in 426/1035, thereby officially
linking the al-Aqṣā Mosque to the Nocturnal Journey of the Prophet. Moreover, the Abbasid ruler al-
Mā’mūn (197-217/813-833) attempted ‘’to transform the Dome of the Rock into a monument of
Abbasid rule’’ by replacing cAbdu l-Malik’s name with his own on the inscription.
88 Peculiarly he did
not change the date of 692.89
According to Khoury90
the changing of the name ,,implies a recognition
of the monument’s cultural value and a belief in its longevity.’’ So, under Umayyad rule two of the
most sacred Islamic sites in Jerusalem were built which resulted in consolidating the status of
Jerusalem as Islam’s third sacred city. While Jerusalem was placed under several different
administrations from cUmar’s conquest onwards, these administrations were all Islamic be it Sunnī or
Shī cah. However the city was about to fall in non-Islamic hands.
On 27 November 474/1095 Pope Urban II held an ardent sermon summoning his fellow
Christians to liberate the Holy Land (and former Byzantine territories) from the ‘oppressive’ Muslims.
Two years later the Pope and several European monarchs set out their armies towards Constantinople
(present day Istanbul) which at that time was still under Christian Byzantine rule. On their way from
Constantinople to Jerusalem they conquered many Muslim territories.91
On 5 July 476/1097, after a
siege of 40 days, the Crusaders invaded the Holy City of Jerusalem. It is reported that over seventy
thousand Muslims were slaughtered when the Crusaders invaded the city.92
The Crusaders expressed
their recent political dominance over Islam by putting symbols of Christianity, notably the Cross, over
86 The four minarets are situated on the northern, western and southern sides of the Ḥaram. There is no minaret present on the
eastern side because of minimum population. The present day minarets were built either in the thirteenth or fourteenth
century. 87 Unfortunately, it is not clear when these buildings were built as some of the names, location and even meaning changed
through the years and literary sources are vague. It is beyond the scope of this paper to include this discussion. See for
example:Amikam Elad, Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic worship; holy places, ceremonies, pilgrimages, Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1995. 88 Khoury, Nuha. ‘’The Dome of the Rock, the Kacbah, and Ghumdan: Arab Myths and Umayyad Monuments’’ Muqarnas:
An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture, p.58. 89 Grabar, Shape of the Holy, p.64. 90 Khoury, ‘’the Dome of the Rock’’, p.58. 91 Hillenbrand, The crusades, p.20. 92 Ibid; p.65. Though this figure is probably exaggerated, it is likely that most of the Muslim and Jewish inhabitants of the
city were killed.
Fig. Floorplan Aqsa Mosque: Saeed
Arida,
http://archnet.org/library/files/one-
file.jsp?file_id=1586
20
important Muslim edifices such as the Dome of the Rock.93
The al-Aqṣā Mosque, which the Crusaders
believed to have been built on the remains of the Temple of Solomon, in the beginning served as the
royal palace and in 1118 it became the headquarters of the Knights Templar94
.
But What had sparked the Crusades? and How did this effect the Muslim world? Some
historians link it to the actions against Christians by the Fatimid ruler al-Hakim who in 378-9/1009-10
destroyed the Holy Sepulchre.95
This however took place almost a century before the Crusades were
undertaken. The Byzantine Empire had requested help from Rome against the Saljūq invasions of
Byzantine land, notably the Saljūq conquests after the battle of Manzikert in 1071. The Pope probably
called for the ‘liberation’ of Jerusalem because the time was right for an invasion as at the end of the
eleventh century the Muslim world was severely weakened by internal strives.96
Apart from a few
minimal campaigns, the fragmented Muslim rulers did not do much to stop the crusaders as they all
looked after their own interests.97
However, the situation changed when cImād ad-Dīn Zengī (d.541/1146) started a counter-
Crusade and re-conquered the Crusader state of Edessa. After the Crusaders had conquered Jerusalem
the so-called Faḍā’il al-Quds (praise literature on Jerusalem) resurfaced. This literature emphasizes
the importance of Jerusalem within Islam.98
Scholars argue about the date of this literature. Amikam
Elad for example argues that the ‘praise literature’ was established during the Umayyad rule and
aimed at attributing special status to Jerusalem for political-religious reasons.99
The successive dynasty
of the Umayyads, the Abbasids, focussed on Iraq and surroundings which resulted in diminished
attention for the praise literature. Elad argues that the literature resurfaced during the Crusader period
to serve the jihad-propaganda of Zengī.100
Hillenbrand as well is convinced that the special status of
Jerusalem was well-established before the advent of the Crusades as at the end of the eleventh century
the city was visited by many ṣūfī’s (mystics) and culāma, including the famous ’’Abū Ḥamīd ’ibn
Muḥammad al-Ghazālī (d.506/1111).101
Zengī’s work was continued by his son Nūr al- Dīn who sent
his commander Shirkuh to Egypt to prevent the Crusaders form occupying it in 564/1169. Shirkuh’s
nephew Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn assisted his uncle and took his place when the former died in 564/1169. Ṣalāḥ
ad-Dīn successfully pushed the Shī cah Fatimids in Egypt from power and together with Nūr ad-Dīn he
united Egypt and Syria under Sunnī rule.102
Nūr ad-Dīn died in 569/1174 and was succeeded by Ṣalāḥ
ad-Dīn. On 4 July 582/1187 Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn won a major battle at Ḥiṭṭīn (Northern Palestine) and went
along to conquer other strategic places. His greatest achievement came on 2 October 582/1187 when
Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn re-established Muslim rule over Jerusalem.103
Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn entered the Holy City on
93 Hillenbrand. The crusades, p.372. The Dome of the Rock was frequently visited by Christian pilgrims. 94 The Night Templars were a western Christian military order active during the Crusades. 95 Hillenbrand, Carole, The crusades, p.15. 96 Ibid; p.20. 97 Ibid; p.22. 98 Rabbat, Open veins, p.74. 99 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, p.12. 100 Ibid; pp.14-15 101 Hillenbrand, p.148. Al- Ghazālī wrote his well-known treatise named the Jerusalem tract. 102 Ibid; p.23. 103 Ibid; p.24.
21
Friday, the anniversary of the Prophet’s Nocturnal Journey which gave the victory additional
splendour. Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn became a great Muslim hero; his victory was even compared to that of the
Prophet’s victory in the Badr battle.104
The following passage from the victory sermon by ’ibn Zakī
(d.588/1192) reiterates the special place of Jerusalem in Islam:
‘’‘’It was the dwelling-place of your father Abraham; the spot from which your blessed Prophet
Muhammad mounted to Heaven; the Qiblah towards which you turned to pray at the commencement
of Islam, the abode of the prophets; the place visited by the saints; the cemetery of the apostles… it is
the country where mankind will be assembled for judgment; the ground where the resurrection will
take place.‘’’’ 105
In this passage the three associations with Jerusalem the al-Micrāj, First Qiblah and Judgment Day are
mentioned which indicates that these were well-known and established in the twelfth century. This
was most likely influenced by the praise literature which was actively circulated during this period, as
mentioned previously. The Ayyubids (in Arabic the ’Ayūbiyūn) erected many buildings and carried out
substantial restoration works in Jerusalem in order to re-Islamize the city.106
However, after Ṣalāḥ ad-
Dīn’s death the Ayyubid dynasty started to fragment.107
In 658/1260 the city was conquered by the
powerful Mamluks of Egypt who had gradually seized power from the divided Ayyubid rulers and
established their own administration.108
As their predecessors had done the Mamluks recognised the
importance of Jerusalem for Islam and while they as Huda Lutfi 109points out: ,, (…) viewed its
continuing control of the city as a symbol of Muslim victory over the Crusaders.’’ They were aware of
the threat of new Crusades which would naturally be aimed at re-conquering Jerusalem. The Mamluks
eventually kept on fighting the Crusaders until they expelled them from the Middle-East in
689/1291.110
The Mamluk state furthermore continued the process of Islamization of the Holy City
started by the Ayyubids by endorsing building activities, ’awqāf (Islamic pious foundations, singular
waqf), zawāyā (shrines, singular zāwiyyah) and madāris (religious schools, singular madrasah) aimed
at making Jerusalem a centre of learning again. Many of these magnificent edifices still exist today
such as the sābil (fountain) Qāytbāyi (887/1482) named after Sulṭān Qāytbāy (r.872/1468-
901/1496).111
What’s more, the Mamluks invested in the restoration of the Holy Sites such as the
Dome of the Rock. The Mamluks, as was commonly done, translated religious associations, of which
Judgment Day was particularly strong, into buildings as is indicated by Lutfi:
104 Ibid; p.190. The battle of Badr was an important battle (successfully) fought by Muḥammad’s army and his adversaries
from Makkah in 2/624. 105 Quoted in Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p.190 106 Ibid; pp.211,213. See also: Grabar, Al-Kuds, monuments, p.125. 107 See Hillenbrand pp.195-225. One of the Ayyubid sultans even negotiated a deal with the Crusaders in which he
surrendered Jerusalem and other cities. 108 Ibid; p.201. 109 Lutfi, Huda. Al-Quds al-Mamlukiyya; a history of Mamluk Jerusalem based on the Haram documents. Berlin: Klaus
Schwarz Verlag, 1985, p.181. 110 Ibid; p.109. 111 Museum without frontiers, Pilgrimage, sciences and Sufis, pp.88-90.
22
‘’As the site of the Day of Judgment, amîrs and wives of important amîrs built tombs and mausoleums
in which they were to be buried. Al-Quds’s eschatological significance was the main reason behind
their building mausoleums, domes or tombs outside the city of their origin.’’ 112
Jerusalem also remained attracting large number of pilgrims from different denominations.113
The
Mamluks therefore invested greatly in the infrastructure of the Holy City connecting it to other visiting
sites in Palestine.114
The Mamluks who ruled Jerusalem for nearly three centuries (651-915/1253-
1517) maintained the city’s holiness to Islam and protected it from their worst enemy, the Crusaders.
The last independent Muslim administration to rule Jerusalem was that of the Ottomans (915-
1315/1517-1917). The Ottomans, after defeating the Mamluks, became rulers of most of the Islamic
world, and above all possessors of the three Holy Cities of Islam, Makkah, Madīnah and Jerusalem.
The Ottoman Sulṭān Salīm I (871-926/ 1465-1520) was well-aware of what possession of Jerusalem
meant. It is reported that when he took the Holy City of Jerusalem (922/1516) he was so overwhelmed
with joy that he exclaimed: ‘’Thanks be to Allah! I am now the possessor of the first Qiblah’’.115
Throughout the Ottoman era investments in infrastructure and restoration works on the Ḥaram
constructions such as the al-Aqṣā Mosque and Dome of the Rock were executed.116
Sulṭān Sulaymān
in particular is well-known for his major investments in the Holy City. Sulaymān was seen as the new
David and Soloman, the messianic ‘’emperor of the age’’,117
just as cAbdu l-Malik in his age.
118
Sulaymān executed a major restoration project (951-972/1545-66)119
on the Ḥaram of which the
restorations on the Dome of the Rock are most significant. Sulaymān, among other things, replaced the
stained-glass windows around the octagonal wall (935/1528-29).120
The mosaics on the exterior of the
Dome of the Rock were replaced with predominantly blue and yellow glazed tiles during the
restoration works between 950-58/1545-1552. These tiles were made on site under the supervision of a
Persian tile maker.121
Two titlework inscription bands were made that encircle the edifice. The
inscriptions are verses from the Qur’ān. Verse 17:1-20, refers to the Nocturnal Journey and Judgment
Day, the part referring to the Nocturnal Journey was previously only present on the al-Aqṣā Mosque
and now attached this meaning to the Dome of the Rock as well.122
The second inscription is on the
112 Lutfi, Al-Quds, p.117. 113Ibid; p.109. 114 Ibid. 115 Riedlmayer, András & St. Laurent, Beatrice. ‘’Restorations of Jerusalem and the Dome of the Rock and Their Political
Significance, 1537-1928.’’ Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture Vol. 10, (1993): 76-85.
(article consists of 9 pages) Published by: BRILL. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1523174, p.76. 116 Ibid; pp.77-80. 117 Necipoğlu, Gülru. “The Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest: ‘Abd al-Malik’s Grand Narrative and Sultan Süleyman’s
Glosses.” Muqarnas Vol.25 (2008): 17-105.
Narrative and Sultan Süleyman ’s Glosses,” Muqarnas 25 (2008): 17-105, p.57. 118 Ibid. 119 Necipoglu has pointed out that the restoration work on the Haram coincided with other major events such as the building
of the Süleymaniye Mosque in Istanbul (955-66/1548-59) and the siege of Vienna. See: Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock, pp.59-
60. 120 Necipoğlu, p.60. 121 Ibid; p.65. 122 Ibid; p.71.
23
upper edge of the octagon and contains the Qur’ānic verse ṣūrat Yāsīn (chapter 36). This verse speaks
of God’s great powers, Judgment Day and the promise of paradise.123
From the inscriptions on the
stained-glass windows and the tile inscription bands we can conclude that Sulaymān’s main aim was,
in the words of Necipoğlu ,,to reiterate the idea of the absolute sovereignty of God as an essential
component of cosmology and eschatology, forcefully amplifying the latent narrative strand of cAbdu l-
Malik’s epigraphic program’’.124
The tile revetments have been restored many times and are still on
the building to this day. In addition, Sulaymān rebuilt the walls of the old city, which are existent, to
keep out enemies. The restoration project of Sulṭān Sulaymān, according to Necipoğlu, can be
interpreted as follows:
‘’Placing his personal stamp on the focal point of the pilgrimage complex, the Ottoman sultan visually
reclaimed the sanctity of the Rock in a manner that recalls the precedent set by Abd al-Malik. This
gesture reaffirmed the preeminince of the Dome of the Rock within the complex, captured by its
aggrandizing designation in some Ottoman sources as the ‘Rock of God’’(..)’’125
In addition to restoration works on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf many other buildings were repaired and
constructed.126
One of the most striking buildings is the Haseki Hürrem Imaret (Takiyya Khasaki
Sulṭān), a soup kitchen (as part of a waqf) built in 958/1552 by Sulṭān Sulaymān’s wife Haseki
Hürrem (d.964/1558).127
The soup kitchen is still in use today.128
Sulaymān’s successors continued
investing in the city, such as Sulṭān ’Aḥmad III (ruled 1703-1730), although never on the same scale
as Sulṭān Sulaymān, attesting to the importance they attached to the city.129
According to St. Laurent
and Riedlmayer the Ottomans used Jerusalem as a political tool for legitimizing their rule.130
However,
religious motives must have played an important role as well. As Grabar has pointed out: ‘’ Specific
rulers or dynasties reasserted their control, their protection and their rights in the city and especially in
its holy places. All of this was done in expectation of divine succour for the ruler and of the eternal
awards associated with Jerusalem’’.131
At the end of their rule their motives were mainly aimed at
Ottomanizing the city in order to hold their grip
on the region.132
They for example they set up the Ḥijāz railroad to transport pilgrims from Damascus,
through Jerusalem to Makkah. Furthermore, the restoration works that were executed at this time were
also prompted by competition with Western Christian powers who have tried to gain more influence in
123 Ibid. 124 Ibid. Sultan Sulaymān was never able to visit Jerusalem although he did intent to, see: Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as
Palimpsest, p.62. 125 Necipoğlu, p.62. 126 Ibid. 127 Haseki Hürrem is better known in the West as Roxelana. 128 The soup kitchen which is situated in the old city of Jerusalem is nowadays used by the Red Crescent from Abu Dhabi to
serve food to the poor. 129 Riedlmayer, ‘’Restorations of Jerusalem’’, p.78. 130 Ibid; p.81. 131 Ibid; p.162. 132 Ibid; pp.81, 83.
24
Jerusalem.133
Subsequently, the Ottomans invested in modernizing the city by building European style
schools and allowing more western pilgrims.134
So, as we have seen from the above also the Ottomans
tried to maintain the holy status of Jerusalem in Islam. The Ottomans’ strongest association was
Judgment Day. At the end of their rule they were forced to allow more foreign influence in the city
and subsequently attempted to compete with western powers by modernizing the city.
The Ottomans used Jerusalem to legitimize their political rule. This has not changed in
contemporary times. Jordan during its rule (1948-1967)135
presented itself as the protector of the Holy
City. This was explicitly expressed in stamps and banknotes.136
The late Moroccan king Ḥassan II
(1929-99) established an institute with all Arab-Muslim countries for the protection of Jerusalem after
the Moroccan Quarter was demolished by the Israelis in 1967.137
Muslim scholars (culāma) such as the
influential Al-Qardāwī have time and again emphasized Jerusalem’s sacred status within Islam.138
Other political leaders such as Ayatollah Khomeini have tried to connect themselves with Jerusalem
by introducing Jerusalem Day, held on the last Friday of Ramadan, to commemorate Jerusalem and
call for its liberation from Israeli occupation.
1.3 Conclusion
Jerusalem gained the venerated status as Islam’s third holiest city due to its embedment in Judaism and
Christianity and because of three specific Muslim attachments, namely the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj,
First Qiblah, and Judgment Day. As such it also became an important place of pilgrimage. Possession
of the Holy City has been a matter of great religious and political prestige among Muslim rulers. Many
of them invested greatly in the city by restoring and creating elegant edifices and making it a centre of
learning. Muslim rule in the Holy City was interrupted for almost a century when another claimant to
the Holy City, crusaders from Europe, conquered and ruled the city, leaving a deep impact on this
region and city in particular (see chapter three). After the Muslim general Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn re-conquered
the city for Islam it changed administrations of which the Mamluk and Ottoman ones were the last.
These administrations reemphasized the three Islamic associations with Jerusalem in their own way,
using the city for religious prestige and political hegemony. In the following chapter the focus is on
the role Jerusalem as Islam’s third holiest city plays in the Islamic pilgrimage and two forms of
marking this important event; Ḥājj certificates and Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings will be discussed.
133 Ibid; p.83. 134 Ibid. 135 From 1948-1967 the West Bank was under Jordanian rule. This ended after the Six Day-war when Israel occupied the
West Bank, including East-Jerusalem. 136 See: Kimberley Katz, Jordanian Jerusalem; Holy places and national spaces, Gainesville: University press of Florida,
2005. 137 The institute is called Bayt Mal Al Quds Asharief agency to safeguard Al Quds Asharief and its religious and cultural
heritage, http://www.baytmalalqods.org. The institute was established in 1975. 138 See for example his article Al-Israa’ and Al-Mi`raj: Everlasting Lessons, 8 September 2004,
http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/Satellite?pagename=IslamOnline-English-
Ask_Scholar/FatwaE/FatwaE&cid=1119503547420
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CHAPTER 2: MARKING THE ḤĀJJ
This chapter deals with four issues: firstly, the Ḥājj which is the fifth pillar of Islam, a duty which
Muslims aspire to fulfil at least once in a lifetime, will be briefly outlined. Secondly, Jerusalem’s role,
as third holiest city of Islam, in the context of the Makkah pilgrimage and as a separate pilgrimage is
addressed. For this part I shall mostly use Francis Peters’, The Hajj: The Muslim pilgrimage to
Makkah and holy places (1994) and Elad’s Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic worship: holy place,
ceremonies, pilgrimage (1995). Thirdly, the Ḥājj certificates are discussed in which attention is drawn
to the depiction of the Dome of the Rock and other symbols of Jerusalem on these certificates. For this
part I will use three articles which address this issue such as Aksoy and Milstein’s, ‘’A collection of
thirteenth-century illustrated Hajj certificates’’ (2000). Fourthly, the topic of Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings
will be addressed for which I shall use The Other Sides of Paradise: Explorations into the Religious
Meanings of Domestic Space in Islam (1991) and Parker and Neal’s Hajj paintings, folk art of the
great pilgrimage (1995). Firstly, a brief background to the Ḥājj is provided.
A Muslim is obliged to perform the Ḥājj to Makkah granted that he/she is financially and
physically able to, in the words of the Qur’ān (3:97):
على ٱلناس حج ٱلبيت من ٱستطاع إليه سبيلا وهلل
And Ḥājj (pilgrimage to Makkah) to the House (Ka’bah) is a duty that mankind owes to Allah, those
who can afford the expenses
In the following we shall focus on the Prophet ’Ibrāhīm, as the Muslim prescribed pilgrimage is
strongly linked to him. ’Ibrāhīm is considered the progenitor of all three monotheistic religions also
referred to as Abrahamic religions. The reference to ’Ibrāhīm as Khalīl al-Allāh or Friend of God,
attests to his importance. According to the Qur’ān ’Ibrāhīm’s family and contemporaries were
worshippers of idols. When ’Ibrāhīm questioned this practice he was banned (Qur’ān 21: 56-65).
’Ibrāhīm only wished to worship the one and only God, hence the Qur’ānic reference to him as a
Ḥanīf or monotheist (Qur’ān 3:67). According to Muslim orthodoxy ’Ibrāhīm could not have any
children with his wife Sārah because of her old age. He thus turned to his slave-girl Hājar with whom
he conceived a son named ’Ismāc īl
(Ishmael). After the birth of ’Ismā
c īl, ’Ibrāhīm’s first wife Sārah
miraculously bore a son by the name of ’Ishāq (Isaac). Sārah became jealous of Hājar and insisted on
her departure. So ’Ibrāhīm took Hājar and their son to Makkah and left them there.139
The events that
took place in Makkah and surroundings are all attached to the Ḥājj events that are performed to this
day.140
Some of these events are described here in order to provide more insight in what will be
discussed later on in this chapter. One of the most important rituals that takes place during the Ḥājj is
139 Peters, The Haj, , p.5. 140 Ibid; p.10.
26
centered around the well of Zamzam. Some time after Hājar and ’Ismāc īl
were left behind by ’Ibrāhīm
in the dessert, ’Ismāc īl
became thirsty Hājar set out looking for water. She first ran to the hill of aṣ-
ṣafā and then to the hill of al-Marwah, seven times and eventually found the well of Zamzam. This is
why pilgrims to this day run between aṣ-ṣafā and al-Marwah and water from the Zamzam Well is
considered blessed.141
When ’Ibrāhīm returned to
Makkah some time later he was ordered by God to
construct the Kacbah which he did with his son ’Ismā
c īl
. The Kacbah (fig.9
142) is referred to in the Qur’ān as
the sacred house (Qur’ān 5:100).143
The Kacbah is the
focal point toward which Muslims turn in their
prayers.144
The Masjid al-Ḥaram is an open space
enclosed by porticoes. In the centre is the Kacbah, to
the south east is the Maqām ’Ibrāhīm (Station of
Abraham) which (allegedly) contains ’Ibrāhīm’s
footprint, imprinted when he was building the
Kacbah.
145 After the Ka
cbah was built God wanted mankind to make pilgrimage to it and ordered
’Ibrāhīm the following:
امر يأتين من كل فج عم وعلى ڪل يق وأذن فى ٱلناس بٱلحج يأتوك رجالا
And proclaim to the people the Hajj [pilgrimage]; they will come to you on foot and on every lean
camel; they will come from every distant pass. (Qur’ān 22:27)
God ordered ’Ibrāhīm to circumambulate the Kacbah seven times, walking around it counter-
clockwise, which is called tawaf. Afterwards he encountered the Devil and threw seven stones at him
thrice, using in total twenty-one stones. Therefore symbolical stoning of the devil with twenty-one
stones is one of the Ḥājj rituals.146
The climax of the Ḥājj is the standing on Mount cArafāt in total
submission to God.147
On the last day of the pilgrimage Muslim men shave their heads as a sign of
purification and the ritual animal sacrifice is performed. This ritual is related to the thwarted sacrifice
of ’Ibrāhīm’s son ’Ismāc īl
. After this event the
cĪd al-Aḍḥā is celebrated by Muslims globally for three
days. Those who have performed the Ḥājj earn the honourable title of Ḥājji/Ḥājja. The pilgrimage
141 Ibid; p.5. 142 Source: http://www.sacred-destinations.com/saudi-arabia/mecca-kaba 143 Ibid; p.3. 144 It is not the object of worship as is sometimes misunderstood by non-Muslims. 145 Peters, p.16. 146 Ibid; p.8. 147 Ibid; p.31.
Fig. 9 The Kacbah surrounded by devout
Muslims.
27
period is from the eighth to twelfth day of Dhū al-Ḥijjah which is the twelfth and last month of the
Islamic calendar.148
Apart from the Ḥājj the cUmrah, which is considered the lesser (non-obligatory) pilgrimage, can
be undertaken at any time of the year with the exception of the Ḥājj period. As the Muslim Empire
grew more pilgrims arrived in the Ḥijāz for the annual Ḥājj. Muslim authorities took it upon
themselves to provide safety to their subjects on this long and often dangerous journey. The Ottoman
Sulṭān Salīm I (871-926 / 1465-1520) for example, who became the ruler of the Ḥaramayn (Makkah
and Madīnah) in 918/1517, started regulating the Ḥājj. There were three major meeting points for the
Ḥājj; Damascus, Cairo and Baghdad. From these cities Muslim pilgrims from all around the Muslim
world could join the caravans which were protected by government soldiers against attacks.149
Sulṭān
Salīm I annually appointed a government dignitary to travel to the Shām area and the Ḥijāz to deliver
the money allotted to them by the central government in Istanbul. Such a dignitary held the honourable
title of ’Amīn aṣ-ṣurrah i.e. Master of the Purse. This ’Amīn would travel from Istanbul to Damascus
escorted by government forces. Upon his arrival in Damascus the ’Amīn would distribute the gifts
(money and/or goods) he received from the Sulṭān to those it was meant for. A representative from
Jerusalem travelled to Damascus to receive the city’s share. The Ḥijāz received its share when the
caravan reached it.150
Until the nineteenth century pilgrims would join a caravan from Cairo, Baghdad
or Damascus. Nowadays pilgrims benefit from modern means of transportation, mainly airplanes.
Some three million Muslim worshippers from around the world fulfil this duty annually. Images of the
Kacbah are found in practically every Muslim household.
To sum it up, the Ḥājj remained(s) an important event in the lives of Muslims, one that was also
underlined by the Muslim administrators who sought to provide some form of protection during these
long and dangerous journeys. Apart from pious motives this was probably also done to legitimize their
political rule. Another important place of Muslim pilgrimage was Jerusalem, Islam’s third sacred city.
2.1 Jerusalem pilgrimage
Jerusalem through its Muslim history remained a place of pilgrimage for which, as we have mentioned
in chapter one, itineraries existed. Yet, in the Abbasid period (and under some rulers of other
administrations) pilgrimage rituals were abolished because they were considered un-Islamic.151
In view
of that, why did Jerusalem become a place of pilgrimage? After all, it is not ordained in the Qu’rān,
like the Ḥājj to Makkah. According to Elad it was during the Umayyad period that aḥādīth were
circulated that encouraged Muslims to visit Jerusalem’s Holy Sites. These aḥādīth constitute a part of
148 Muslims use a lunar calendar which is eleven days shorter than the Western calendar (Gregorian calendar). 149 Ibid; pp.268-9. From Bedouin tribes mainly. 150 Ibid. 151 Necipoğlu, p.37.
28
the Faḍā’il al-Quds literature.152
These aḥādīth such as the following, equate pilgrimage to the al-
Aqṣā mosque to that to the two holiest cities of Islam Makkah and Madīnah:
‘’Abu Hurayrah (ra) relates that the Prophet (saw) said, “You should not undertake a special journey to
visit any place other than the following three Masjids with the expectations of getting greater reward:
the Sacred Masjid of Makkah (Ka’bah), this Masjid of mine (the Prophet’s Masjid in Madinah), and
Masjid Al-Aqsa (of Jerusalem)”. (Muslim, Bukhari, Abu Dawud)’’153
Elad reports of special rituals performed at the Ḥaram such as an ’iḥrām ceremony’.154
Unfortunately it is not known what the exact itinerary was.155
The first guide dates from the beginning
of the 11th century compiled by ’Ibn Murāja
c in his Faḍā’il bayt al-Maqdis w-ash-Shām wa l-Khalīl.
’Ibn Murājac names over twenty sites which are recommended to visit and in which pilgrims should
either perform prayers, invocations, or both.156
The most important visiting sites on the Ḥaram ash-
Sharīf were the Dome of the Rock (including the cave under the Rock) and the al-Aqṣā Mosque.157
Some of the rituals performed in Jerusalem resembled those performed in Makkah. The Muslim
traveller Nasir-i Khusraw who visited Jerusalem in 439/1047 for example noted the following:
‘’The people of these provinces, if they are unable to make the pilgrimage, will go up at the appointed
season to Jerusalem and perform their rites and upon the feast day slay the sacrifice as it was
customary to do (at Makkah). There are years when as many as 20,000 people will be present at
Jerusalem during the first days of the month of Dhu’l- hijja.’’158
Another traveller from Andalusia by the name of ’Abū Bakr aṭ-Ṭartūshī (451/520-1059-1127) reports
that on the day of cArafāt (when pilgrims stand on Mount
cArafāt) people in Jerusalem would pray and
supplicate as though they were in Makkah.159
Many companions of the Prophet such as cUmar ’ibn
Khaṭṭāb and some important scholars such as cAbdullāh ’ibn al-
cAbbas (d.68/678) started their
pilgrimage from Jerusalem.160
The connection between Jerusalem and the Ḥājj remained throughout
Muslim rule. According to Hillenbrand for example, Muslims set out for the Ḥājj from Jerusalem in
the year that Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn liberated the city from the Crusaders.161
The Ottomans, from the mid-
sixteenth century onwards, regarded pilgrimage to Jerusalem as complementary to the Ḥājj to
152 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, pp.62-3. 153 Patel, Forty, p.9. 154 Elad, p.64. 155 Ibid; p.66. 156 Ibid; p.69. 157 Ibid; pp.70-1. For examples of visiting sites mentioned in itineraries see Necipoğlu, Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest,p.40-
1. Elad provides a summary of a pilgrimage guidebook see: Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, pp.166-68. 158 Cited in Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p.148. 159 Elad, p.63. 160 Al-Khateeb, Al-Quds, p.100. 161 Hillenbrand, The crusades, p.189.
29
Makkah.162
Muslims living in the western part of the Islamic empire (the Maghreb i.e. North Africa)
also visited Jerusalem when they went on Ḥājj. According to the tenth century Jerusalemite
geographer al-Maqdisī (d.380/990)163
it was mainly a common practice for Muslims Berbers.164
Some
Berbers even chose to settle in the city permanently. In fact, a Moroccan colony was established after
the recapture of Jerusalem by the Muslims in the twelfth century. It was the Ayyubid Sulṭān al-Malik
al-Afḍal Nūr ad-Dīn (son of Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn) who allotted the area outside the western walls of the
Ḥaram as waqf of which the Moroccans were the sole beneficiaries (589/1193).165
This area was
extended by the waqf of the Moroccan King in 753/1352 and became known as the ’Abū Madyan
waqf. 166
This particular area became known as the Ḥara al-Maghārībah (the Moroccan Quarter).167
Several schools and mosques were located there including the al-Afḍaliyyah school. Unfortunately this
eight hundred year old neighbourhood was completely demolished to make way for a Jewish plaza in
1967.168
While many Muslims felt that pilgrimage to Makkah, without visiting Jerusalem, was not
complete there were certain culāma who were not particularly comfortable with the way Muslims
acted in the Holy City. One such calīm was ’Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), who wrote a treatise about
how one should behave when visiting Jerusalem. He spoke out against the performance of any special
way of worship in the Holy City, especially those resembling Ḥājj rituals such as circumambulating
the Dome of the Rock (like the Kacbah in Makkah).
169
In sum, the Ḥājj is a very important event in the life of a Muslim. The Ḥājj is centred around
Makkah and Madīnah, with the Kacbah and Madīnah Mosque being the most important sites. Visiting
Jerusalem was also included in this pilgrimage although it is not a prescribed duty. Furthermore,
pilgrimage to Jerusalem alone was also customary. Some of the rituals performed in Jerusalem were
copied from those in Makkah and therefore denounced by some theologians. This however did not
deter Muslims from visiting Jerusalem as part of the Ḥājj or as a separate place of pilgrimage,
especially those of Berber origin. Many Muslims nowadays feel that pilgrimage to Makkah is not
complete without visiting the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf. However, this is very much restricted by the Israeli
authorities. In the following we shall look at how pilgrims marked their pilgrimage by obtaining a Ḥājj
certificate and how the inclusion of Jerusalem on these certificates could be interpreted.
162 Necipoğlu, p.62. 163 Al-Maqdisī is best known for his treatise The best divisions for knowledge of the regions. 164 Elad, p.65. Probably because they came a long way and a voyage of this magnitude could only be undertaken once in a
lifetime they could not pass on the opportunity to visit the third holiest place of their religion. 165 Tibawi, Abdul Latif. The Islamic pious foundations in Jerusalem; origins, history and usurpation by Israel. London: The
Islamic cultural centre, 1978, p.13. 166 Named after the grandson of the well- known Sufi scholar ’Abū Madyan Shucayb al- Ḥusayn al- ‘Anṣārī
(/1126-1198) from the Maghreb, ‘Abū Muḥammad ’ibn ’Abū Madyan was assigned the duty of supervisor of the waqf by
the Moroccan king. The King also donated a Qur’ān (written by him personally) which is preserved in the Aqṣā Mosque
museum. 167 Tibawi, pious foundations, p.13 168 Ibid; p.35. This was also a way of clearing the Old City of Jerusalem from its Arab inhabitants, as we shall see in the next
chapter. 169 Schaefer, Karl. Jerusalem in the Ayyubid and Mamluk eras. Thesis (Ph. D.)--New York University, 1985.
pp.271-72.
30
2.2 Ḥājj certificates
Until the twentieth century pilgrims were able to obtain a certificate
acknowledging their fulfilment of the pilgrimage, be it the Ḥājj or cUmrah.
The certificate, usually in scroll format, served as evidence. In addition a
substitute certificate could also be obtained in name of those who were not
able to perform the Ḥājj or cUmrah such as those who had passed away or for
other reasons were unable to fulfil this pious duty.170
The oldest Ḥājj
certificates available are from the twelfth century. Unfortunately they are in
poor condition due to a huge fire that took place in the Great Umayyad
Mosque were these scrolls were discovered in 1893.171
It appears that it was a
custom to hang Ḥājj certificates/scrolls in mosques with the aim of informing
people of the fulfilment of this meritorious deed and the earning of the
honourable title of Ḥājji/a.172
In the words of Hjärpe:
‘’Such certificates of visits to holy places constitute quite a common
phenomenon in the religious world. We can regard it as an indication of the
function of pilgrimages as social status symbols: there is a need for written
proofs to be shown to others.’’ 173
Many of these certificates include pictorial representation of Holy Sites in
Jerusalem. The inclusion of Jerusalem in these certificates gives us an idea of
how the pilgrimage to Makkah was connected to Jerusalem.174
One of the
best preserved Ḥājj scrolls, see fig.10175
, dates back to the fifteenth
century.176
It was issued in 836/1432 to a women named Maymūnah,
daughter of Muḥammad ’ibn cAbdullāh az-Zardāli. The scroll, reading
downwards, contains images (simple drawings) of Holy Sites and stations in
Makkah, Madīnah and Jerusalem. Apart from images the scroll also contains
170 Aksoy, Şule, and Milstein, Rachel.‘’A collection of thirteenth-century illustrated Ḥājj certificates’’, in Uğur Derman
Festschrift, Istanbul, (2000):73–134.
, p.102-3. 171 Ibid; p.101. The scrolls are now in the museum of Turkish and Islamic arts Sultan ’Aḥmad in Istanbul, Turkey. 172 Ibid; pp.103-4. 173 Hjärpe, J., A Hajj Certificate from the Early 20th century. Being Religious and Living through the Eyes. Studies in
Religious Iconography and Iconology. Uppsala: 1998, p.197. 174 It is however beyond the purview of this paper to go into great details. For a detailed description and analyses of Ḥājj
certificates and pictorial representations of Jerusalem see for example: “Drawings of the Haram of Jerusalem in Ottoman
manuscripts.” (1994), pp. 62-69. In Scripta Hierosolymitana, XXXV: Aspects of Ottoman History, ed. Amy Singer and
Amnon Cohen, The Magnes Press, Jerusalem, 175 Source: www.blewa.co.uk. The scroll is in the possession of the British Library: Add. MS 27566. 176 The scroll is not shown in its entirety.
Fig. 10 15th
century
Ḥājj certificate
31
the Basmala177
, Qur’ānic verses relating mainly to the Ḥājj, and a ḥādīth (see sandal, at the end of the
scroll).178
Not all certificates contain illustrations, especially the earliest in time (the ones we have
available that is), up to the end of the twelfth century (Seljuk rule 431-707 /1038-1308), contain only
religious texts in calligraphic form.179
From that period onwards depictions of Holy Sites, very simple
in nature, are included.180
During Ayyubid rule depictions of the holy stations of the Ḥājj such as
Makkah, Muzdalifah, Mīna, cArafāt, the Madīnah Mosque and in addition Holy Sites in Jerusalem
were used.181
The quality of these depictions was best during the Ayyubid rule, namely the substitute
certificates issued to Ayyubid rulers,182
to decline under Mamluk rule (second half of the thirteenth
century).183
The Ottomans continued this custom as well. Sulṭān Sulaymān for example had a scroll
issued for himself (951/1544) and a substitute scroll in the name of his deceased son whose substitute
made pilgrimage to Makkah, Madīnah and Jerusalem.184
Both scrolls included pictorial representations
of the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf, with the Dome of the Rock prominently visible, sites that refer to Judgment
Day and, images such as the Scales of Acts on which good and bad deeds will be weighted (to
determine whether one will go to hell or paradise), which was, as mentioned earlier, one of the
strongest associations with Jerusalem for the Ottomans.185
The illustrated scrolls usually consist of
four leaves, see for example fig.11186
: the holy stations (and rites of the Ḥājj), the Kacbah, the Madīnah
Mosque and the Holy Sites in Jerusalem. The fourth part of this scroll contains depictions of ‘at-
thalīth min al-Ḥaramayn’ or the third of the two Ḥarams i.e. Jerusalem.187
This one also includes
symbols of Jerusalem pertaining to Judgment Day, such as the balance (to weigh good and bad
deeds).188
Jerusalem was depicted last in line after Makkah and Madīnah on this scroll which probably
refers to its ranking as third holiest site.189
Moreover, an epigraphic band is placed above the painting
of the Ḥaram that cites Qur’ānic verse 17:1 alluding to Prophet Muḥammad’s Nocturnal Journey to
Jerusalem. According to Necipoğlu: the verse is thus presented as the raison d’être of the pilgrimage
to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, which is visually presented as an amalgam of the schematically
rendered visitation sites and eschatological signs.190
A scroll studied by Hjarpe191
also includes the
Holy Sites of Jerusalem. Hjärpe dates the scroll to somewhere between 1883 and 1917 (start WWI).192
177 Basmalla is short for the phrase: In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. This phrase is used by
Muslims before undertaking any activity. Also, all Qur’ān verses (except for one) start with this phrase. 178 British Library website. 179 Aksoy and Milstein, p.102. 180 Ibid. 181 Ibid; pp.104,106, 110-3. 182 Ibid; p.103. 183 Ibid; p.102. 184 Necipoğlu, p.73. 185 Ibid; pp.73-4. 186 The scroll must be read from the right to the left like the Arabic script. This scroll is dated by Zwemer, F., ‘’Arabia: the
cradle of Islam’’, Studies in the geography, people and politics of the Peninsula with an account of Islam and mission-work.
New York: The Caxton Press, 1900 to somewhere around the end of the nineteenth century. For a detailed description and
analysis of the scroll see the aforementioned article by Zwemer. 187 Ibid; p.203. 188 Ibid. 189 Necipoğlu, p.74. 190 Ibid. 191 Hjärpe, p.203. 192 Ibid; p.198.
32
Unfortunately, the Saudi government
stopped this custom around the 1970/80s as
according to their conservative interpretation
this is regarded as bidca, innovation thus not
permissible. However pilgrims nowadays do
take home photographs of pilgrimage Holy Sites
for themselves and relatives. Those photographs
also include Holy Sites in Jerusalem (see
fig.12193
, bottom left). From the above we can
infer that Ḥājj certificates or scrolls were Fig. 12. 19/20th
century Ḥājj Certificate
Important for pilgrims as they served as evidence of fulfilment of the noble duty of the Ḥājj. The fact
that Jerusalem was included in many of these certificates attests to its important position within the
Islamic faith. Furthermore, from these scrolls information about an administration’s strongest
associations, such as Judgment Day for the Ottomans, with Jerusalem can be derived. In the following
we shall look at another way of marking the Ḥājj, the Ḥājj Paintings, in which we will focus on
Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings.
2.3 Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings
In recent years academic consideration for Islamic folk arts has gradually increased as scholars have
come to realise that much information can be deduced from local culture, practices and beliefs. Interest
in the custom of Ḥājj Paintings is one example of this. It is a practice exercised in traditionally Islamic
193 Source: http://www.christies.com/LotFinder/lot_details.aspx?pos=9&intObjectID=3901702&sid
Fig.11 19th
century Ḥājj Certificate
33
countries such as Egypt, Palestine, Turkey, and Libya. However, as mentioned earlier, academic
research has been focused on Egypt as this is considered the heartland of Ḥājj Paintings. In this section
the Paintings of Egypt are outlined. For this section we shall make extensive use of Campo’s The
Other sides of Paradise (1993). The photographs of Paintings used are from Parker and Neal’s Hajj
paintings, folk art of the great pilgrimage (1995). The Jerusalem Paintings are dealt with in chapter
four, which also includes a comparison between the Egyptian and Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings.
Marking the Ḥājj is a way of celebrating fulfilment of this pious duty as well as informing the
community of it. As we have seen in the previous section, Ḥājj certificates served both aforementioned
goals. The Ummah is large and consists of peoples with various cultural backgrounds. Therefore, the
way the Ḥājj is marked differs among the various societies.
In Morocco for example pilgrims announce their intention to
perform the Ḥājj by placing a white flag on the house which
remains there only to be removed after the pilgrim(s)
return(s). The white colour stands for purity, new beginnings
and is commonly used for all major events in life such as
marriage and birth. In Egypt, the exterior of the house is
decorated with iconic figures and epigraphic formulae
related to the Ḥājj (see fig.13)194
. Depicting important events
in human life is a tradition that can be traced to the pharaonic-era some three thousand years ago.
Furthermore, Egyptians have, since the Middle Ages, played a central role in the Ḥājj as the caravan
departed from there and they were in charge of the Ma’mal (the decorated camel) used to transport the
silk covering, the Kiswah, of the Kacbah. This cloth was made in Egypt and transported with the
caravan leaving from Cairo. This of course was a great honour for Egyptians.195
194 Image from Parker and Neal, p.4 195 In 1926 the Saudis withdrew this privilege from the Egyptians due to a dispute.
Fig. 13 Egyptian Ḥājj Painting
34
The Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings are vibrant, colourful paintings usually present on the exterior of
the house, and sometimes interior walls, with the aim of communicating that a person from this
household fulfilled the noble duty of Ḥājj.196
It is a custom which is mostly followed by villagers and
the rural-urban classes in the area of Cairo and Suez city.197
Sometimes shop owners, many live above
their shop, decorate their shop with Ḥājj Paintings (see fig.14198
).199
The Ḥājj Paintings are made by an
artist or a relative who dares to take the task upon him. Although, nowadays most people prefer to hire
an artist. Due to the limited financial means of Egyptians
Paintings vary in costs200
, sometimes a painter even chooses not
to accept any honorarium for his work.201
Nevertheless, many
pilgrims are prepared to pay a considerable amount of money
for marking this important event.202
The artist commences work
on the murals when the pilgrim(s) leave(s) so that it is finished
before they return. However, this does not mean that a painter
decides what to depict, the family and community have a lot of
influence.203
The pilgrim can even ask the painter to make some
changes upon return.204
Furthermore it is possible that the mural
will be painted over or adjusted when another member of the
same household or the same pilgrim performs the Ḥājj. If a
different member of the family performs the Ḥājj the
commemorative inscription (name of the pilgrim and year of pilgrimage) will include the name of the
previous one(s).205
As mentioned in the introduction a number of European scholars researched
the Paintings, most notably Giovanni Canova (1975), Jean Michot (1978) Campo (1991), and Parker
and Neal (1995). From all these studies Campo’s study is the most academic. Campo researched
thirty-six Paintings collected between 1976-1985. On the basis of his own fieldwork and data from the
studies by Canova and Michot, Campo has made insightful appendixes, consisting of inventories of
the epigraphic formulae and iconic figures, as well as commentaries. Ḥājj Paintings usually consist of
both classes, epigraphic formulae and iconic figures, although they also occur separately.206
These two
groups are subsequently divided into five categories and varying subcategories.
The following list (see Table 1. Epigraphic formulae) is a synopsis of the category
epigraphic formulae, for the extensive list I refer to Campo, pp.170-79. This category consists of five
196 Campo (p.161) has pointed out that Coptic Christians in Egypt used to go on pilgrimage to Jerusalem on Eastern and they
also marked it by placing murals on the exterior of their houses. Pilgrims furthermore earned the honourable title of
Muqaddis (derived from the Arabic name for Jerusalem Al-Quds). 197 Campo, Juan, The Other Sides of Paradise,p.140. 198 Image from Parker and Neal, p.141. Note that pharaonic images are used in the Painting. 199 Campo, p.141. 200 Campo, p.141. 201 Parker and Neal’s Ḥājj paintings, folk art of the great pilgrimage (1995), p.27. 202 As Campo has pointed out many pilgrims believe that God will compensate the expenses they make on behalf of their
religion, p.141. 203 Campo, pp.141-2. 204 Ibid; p.142. 205 Ibid; p.143. 206 Campo, p.146.
Fig. 14 Egyptian Ḥājj Painting
35
main categories and varying subcategories, which are both organized in descending order of
frequency, see Campo Table 3. Inventory of Epigraphic formulae used in Egyptian Ḥājj
Paintings, p.180. Furthermore, Campo provides commentary on individual categories, see Appendix
A: Epigraphic formulae used in Ḥājj murals: index and commentary, pp.170-80.
Table 1. Epigraphic formulae
Category subcategories
I. Allah
1. In the name of Allah, most compassionate and merciful
1.a. Allah is most great!
1.b. There is no god but Allah
II. The Prophet
Muhammad
1. Bless the Prophet!
1.a. Muhammad (or God's
messenger), may God bless him and grant him peace.
1.b. Truly Allah and his angels bless the Prophet.
III. Pilgrimage and Holy
Places
1. God requires people to perform a Hajj to the house if they
are able to do so. (Qur’an 3: 97)
1.a. (Let it be) an acceptable pilgrimage, (may your) sins be
forgiven, and a worthy effort.
1.b. Proclaim the pilgrimage to the people! They will come
to you by even the most treacherous of mountain roads, on
foot and on camels made lean by the journey. (Qur’an 22:
27)
IV. Divine Blessing
1. Enter it securely, in peace! (Qur’an 15: 46)
2. I have no prosperity except through God. (Qur’an 11: 88)
2.a. I trusted in God. (Qur’an 11: 56, 88)
V. Victory over Adversity
1. Truly we have granted you a manifest victory (Qur’an
48: 1)
1.a. If God makes you victorious, no one can overcome you.
(Qur’an 3: 160)
1.b. (Allah) kept his promise by making his servant
victorious, and by making Islam strong alone.
36
The second class, the iconic figures (see Table 2. Iconic figures), is organized in categories and
subcategories in descending order of frequency as well. For these categories commentary is also
provided by Campo, see Appendix B: Iconic figures used in Hajj Murals: index and commentary,
pp.181-91. Campo classifies the iconic figures in the following five categories and subcategories,
which I have amended by adding subcategories based on the photographs in Parker and Neal’s
publication.
Table 2. Iconic figures
Category Campo Parker and Neal
A) Pilgrimage and Holy
Places
1.Transport Vehicles 1. Maqam Ibrahim (p.57, see
fig.)
2. Ka’ba
2.a. Mecca’s Mosque Area &
Ka’ba
2. Mount Arafat (pp.64,67,
71,74, 134)
3. Medina Mosque 3. City of Mina207
(pp.65, 74-5)
4. Mah’mal 4. Stone throwing ritual (p.74)
5. Pilgrims
5. Ka’ba and crowd of pilgrims
(p.128)
6. Prophet’s Minbar
7. Water sellers208
8. Ibrahim’s Sacrifice
B. General Islamic Religious
Motifs
1. New Moon 1. Legend of the Hidjra,209
(p.60)
2. Mosques 2. Imam ‘Ali (pp.62-3) 210
3. Al-Buraq211 3. Zamzami
212(p.56)
4. Supplicants 4. Black banner (p.96)
5. King Sulayman
207 Pilgrims spend the night here in (usually) a white tent, city is also known as city of tents. The stone throwing-ritual takes
place here (see section on the Ḥājj, p. 26). 208 Campo himself did not encounter this particular figure, but has included it in the index based on Canova and Michot. 209 This is a rare depiction; it refers to the event of the escape of the Prophet from Makkah because an influential group of
people from Makkah threatened his life. He was chased into the dessert with his friend ‘Abū Bakr and they hid in a cave. A
spider spun a web across the entrance and two doves made a nest. This made the chasers believe it was impossible that the
Prophet was hiding there as the entrance was undisturbed and they left thus leaving the Prophet and ’Abū Bakr unharmed. 210 ‘Ali is the nephew and son in law of the Prophet. He was the fourth caliph and he and his sons play an important role in
Shī cah Islam. 211What is of particular interest to this research is the depiction of al-Burāq (winged creature that transported the Prophet
during the al-’Isrā’ wa l-Micrāj). According to Campo (p.184) al-Burāq represents the transportation to paradise (Prophet
Muḥammad ) and because Ibrāhīm is believed to have travelled with it to Makkah. 212 A person who distributes water to pilgrims in a leather container.
37
6. Qur’an
C. Egyptian Culture 1.Musicians and Dancers -
2.Horsemen and Warriors
3.Women
4.Family scenes
5.Rulers
6.General National Symbols
D. Plants, Trees, and Animals
1. Flowers
1. Deer or gazelle
(pp.xxviii,106, 142)
2. Trees
2.a. Palm Trees
2. Peacock, (pp.43-5)
3. Camels 3. Black geese (pp.45, 106-
same Ḥājj Painting)
4. Birds 4. White geese (pp.122-3)
5. Facing lions with Swords 5. Tiger (p.135)
6. Snakes
7. Scorpions
8. Foxes
9. Fish
10. Crocodiles
E. Designs and Talismanic
Figures
1. Geometric Patterns 1.Mermaid213
(pp.9, 37)
2. Pharaonic Motifs
3. Hands
4. Anthropmorphic Statutuettes
What is remarkable is that living creatures are depicted in the Paintings. As we have pointed out
earlier, this is considered forbidden in (Sunni) Islam. Furthermore, typical Islamic stories such as
’Ibrahīm’s Sacrifice are depicted (see fig.15214
). In addition to the above listed categories, Parker and
Neal photographed very rare depictions such a portrait of a pilgrim’s wife who is breastfeeding her
infant. The reason the woman chose this depiction is to celebrate not only the birth of their child but
also the rebirth of her husband, after becoming Ḥājji.215
Another example of a rare depiction is the one
of Adam and Eve.216
Moreover, fig.16217
(upper left side- blue building with yellow dome on top)
213 Unfortunately Parker does not provide any information on this. Perhaps it is part of some legendary tale. The image
appears on two paintings, See pp.9 and 37. 214 Image from Parker and Neal, p.76. 215 Image from Parker and Neal, p.8. 216 Ibid. 217 Ibid; p.8.
38
shows what I believe is a depiction of the Dome of the Rock.
Unfortunately Parker does not mention anything about this nor have I
found information about it in other literature.
Interpretations
As mentioned in the introduction most European scholars did not
appreciate Ḥājj Paintings as a form of art and deemed it primitive.
Furthermore they failed to analyze the Paintings properly. More serious studies were conducted during
the post-colonial era such as the aforementioned studies by Canova and Michot. However these too
were either too limited or misinterpret the Paintings.218
These studies
for
example fail to acknowledge the role of national identity. Campo’s study is the first to address these
issues and I will use his theory in interpreting the Paintings.
Firstly, we will address the issue of national identity. It is important to note that identity is
fluid since it is subject tot changes in the social context of the individual. There are mainly two
influential contrasting approaches in the study of nations and nationalism; the so-called primordialists
and the modernists. In the modernist view, represented notably by Ernest Gellner ‘’Nationalism is not
the awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it
invents nations where they do not exist.’’219
. The
primordialists on the other hand, such as Anthony
Smith, hold that modern nations were not invented
rather they have pre-modern origins. Smith, who is a
key figure in this field, argues that modern nationalism
is based on a pre-modern ethnic group, ‘’(..) ethnie
(ethnic communities) may (…) be defined as named
human populations with shared ancestry myths,
histories and cultures, having an association with a
specific territory and a sense of solidarity.’’220
Furthermore, it is significant to notice that according to
Sandra Joireman identity is represented by symbols:
‘Symbols guard the borders of collective life. Symbols indicate who is ‘us’ and who is the
other, or as a sociologist might explain it, symbols identify who belongs to the in-group and who
belongs to the out-group, in-groups are those groups with which an individual identifies
psychologically. Out-groups are those groups of people with which an individual has no psychological
affinity.’221
218 See Campo, pp.144-6. 219 Gellner, E., Nations and Nationalism; New perspectives on the past. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1983, p.7. 220 Smith, Anthony., Structures and persistence ethnie, in Guibernau, M (et al.) The ethnicity reader: nationalism,
multiculturalism and migration, (Cambridge: Polity, 1997) p.27. 221 Joireman, Sandra. Nationalism and political identity. New York and London: Continuum Press, 2003. p.6.
Fig. 16 Egyptian Ḥājj Painting
Fig. 15 Egyptian Ḥājj Painting
39
In the following we shall try to interpret the Ḥājj Paintings looking at three important aspects
of national identity namely; culture, religion and politics. These three aspects may overlap. We shall
start with culture. There are many definitions of culture; however, it is generally believed to
encompass language, food, traditions, myths, arts and literature of a people or society. So, the
Egyptians for example form a people as they share the same territory, Egypt. Moreover, they speak a
common language, Arabic. In addition, they have a shared history which for example consists of their
pharaonic heritage, warrior myths and of course the important role of Cairo in Islamic history as ‘umm
ad-dunyā or ‘mother i.e. center of the world’. Cairo was considered the cultural-religious centre of the
Islamic world for a long period. Egyptian culture is represented in many Ḥājj Paintings through
general national symbols such as the Egyptian flag, by depicting Egyptian myths, daily life, and family
scenes (see Table 2. Iconic figures, category C to D). Moreover, Egyptian culture also plays a role in
the epigraphs as they are based on ‘local’ understanding of the Qur’ān and aḥādīth.222
The second aspect of national identity we will discuss is religion. Religion has been a subject
of research and debate from which several definitions and theories have been developed. In general we
can say that religion consists of diverse yet commonly held belief systems from which believers gain
benefits like well-being. Many religions have sacred scriptures, narratives, and symbols that are
intended to teach believers morals or explain the origin and purpose of life. Individuals, who strongly
identify with their religious group, consider their religious group membership as central to their self-
concept, and he or she derives from that membership a sense of personal or collective self-esteem. 223
Religion plays an important role in the identity of Egyptians as they adhere to Islam. Egyptian
Muslims not only belong to the community of Egyptian Muslims but rather to the global Islamic
community, the Ummah. The Ḥājj is one of the most binding factors of the Islamic religion as
Muslims from all over the world come together to perform the same duty. The Ḥājj is considered a
great act of piety in part due to the fact that a pilgrim (usually) uses his/her life savings to fulfil one of
the most important commandments of Islam. Upon returning home the pilgrim is considered reborn
i.e. completely cleansed of his/her sins, and deserving of paradise. Also the Ḥājj acts as an indicator of
a person’s social status within the religious community. In fact Campo argues that pilgrims are
transformed into ‘a near saint’.224
As such their social status has elevated which is evident for example
by the respectful title of Ḥājji/Ḥājja that is bestowed on them. By drawing Ḥājj Paintings on their
homes Egyptian pilgrims make sure that they can claim the new and approved social status. Campo
suggests that the Paintings transform an ordinary house into ‘’a center of blessing like a saint’s
shrine’’.225
As the Paintings remain on the house for quite some time, they serve as a constant
reminder to the community. The fact that most Egyptian pilgrims commission an artist and spend a
fair amount of money on the Paintings attests to this. However, not everybody is a well-wisher, there
are people who are jealous because they are not able to perform the Ḥājj. According to Campo some of
222 Ibid; p.149. 223 Luhtanen, Riia, & Crocker, Jennifer. ‘’A collective self-esteem scale: Self-evaluation of one’s social identity.’’
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol.18, (1992): 302-318. 224 Campo, p.151. 225 Ibid; p.151.
40
the iconic figures and epigraphs used in the Ḥājj Paintings serve to protect the pilgrim from their
neighbour’s evil eye turning the pilgrim’s house into a ‘defensive enclave against evil forces’226
, see
for example Table 1. Epigraphic formulae, category V and Table 2. Iconic figures, category D.
Although the Ḥājj Paintings mark an Islamic event this is not an Islamic prescription and as
Campo has pointed out the Ḥājj Paintings are not perceived positively by all Egyptian Muslims. Some
clergy even deemed Ḥājj Paintings un-Islamic. The first account of such a rejection is by a ninth/
fourteenth century Muslim jurist.227
Nonetheless, others were more appreciative of the custom, such as
a sixteenth century Ottoman jurist who mentioned them in his description of Cairo.228
Furthermore,
Campo has observed that institutional Islam has gained more influence due to media such as radio,
television, magazines, newspapers, 229
and recently increasing use of the internet which could lead the
clergy to ,,(..) suppress local religious beliefs and practices, and impose a more rigid order on Muslim
households than had been the case previously’’.230
Yet, while Ḥājj Paintings are not a prescribed
Islamic duty they do use Islamic symbols and epigraphs such as Qur’ānic verses and aḥādīth.
Furthermore, many epigraphs are used which pertain to the pilgrimage and praise God or/and the
Prophet (see Table 2. Iconic figures, category I-IV). Campo has pointed out that these epigraphs ‘’are
strikingly formularic in character’’231
and include ‘’quasi-canonical liturgical designations’’, for
example the basmala (in the name of God, the most Gracious, the most Merciful) and takbīr (God is
Great) as well as shortened statements from the Qur’ān and aḥādīth. This may make it difficult for the
clergy to dismiss this custom. In addition to religious epigraphs, Holy Sites such as the Kacbah and
Madīnah Mosque are depicted as well as general Islamic religious motifs such as the new moon (see
Table 2. Iconic figures, category A and B).
The third and last aspect of Egyptian national identity represented in Ḥājj Paintings is the
politic aspect. The term politics in general refers to the process by which a (religious) group or nation,
makes collective decisions through, a system of authority, concerning the well-being, rights, prosperity
and safety of the group or nation . Political systems can be considered an outcome of a nation or group
because they seek to promote the interests of a group or nation. Furthermore, Joireman asserts that
ethnicity plays a key role within the interests of a group or nation as ethnicity is the binding factor of a
group or nation . According to Joireman:
‘ethnicity is a critical part of political identity. It can be formed on the basis of a variety of
characteristics from region to religion. Ethnicity is so critical to political identity because we act
politically based on the group with which we identify. At times groups cease to be content within the
political system and begin to agitate for greater group rights or even independence. When this happens
226 Campo, 151. 227 Ibid. 228 Ibid; pp.143-4. 229 Ibid; p.138. 230 Ibid; 231 Ibid; p.147.
41
we say that the group has become nationalist . They have adopted a common political identity and
their ethnicity is no longer just a cultural or social identifier.’232
Campo argues that the reason Ḥājj Paintings are (still) made in Egypt is due to the fact that
some Egyptians are afraid of the threat of meaninglessness. This idea refers to the diminishing value
of the Ḥājj for example because as the number of pilgrims increases the Ḥājj is trivialized by
government bureaucracies and materialism of the pilgrimage entrepreneurs.233
Moreover, the
developments in recent Egyptian history on the social, political and economic level such as the failure
of Arab nationalism (which was led by Egypt), the suffered defeat from wars with Israel
(1956,’67,’73), failing government leadership, and economic underdevelopment have led to discontent
among the Egyptian people.234
Nowadays, over 23 percent of the Egyptian population (some eighty
million) live under the poverty line235
. These dire circumstances led the Egyptian people to rise against
the thirty year old dictatorial regime of President Hosni Mubarak on 25 January 2001. The massive
uprising resulted in the fall of the Mubarak regime on 11 February 2011. It would be interesting to
research how this major event affects future Ḥājj Paintings.
2.4 Conclusion
In sum, a number of conclusions can be drawn from this chapter. First of all, the Ḥājj fulfills a central
role in the religious life of a Muslim. Though only pilgrimage to the house of God, that is the Kacbah,
is ordained in Islam, visits to Madīnah and more interestingly to Jerusalem are/were considered an
increment to the Ḥājj. The inclusion of the Dome of the Rock (and other sites in Jerusalem) on Ḥājj
certificates attests to the important role Jerusalem plays in Islam and the pilgrimage. Furthermore,
Muslims attach great importance to announcing and marking the event of Ḥājj. As we have seen, the
Ḥājj is marked by placing a white flag on the house, decorating pilgrims’ houses with epigraphic
formulae and iconic figures related to the Ḥājj and, by obtaining a certificate which attested to the
fulfilment of this duty. Unfortunately, it is no longer possible to obtain a Hajj Certificate. In addition,
the Paintings elevate the social status of a pilgrim. Besides marking the Ḥājj, the Egyptian Ḥājj
Paintings express the cultural, religious and political aspects of their national identity. As Campo sums
it up:
‘’Thus, while the Ḥājj murals strive to represent coherent visions of reality using authentic Islamic
symbols, they are born in a decentered practical reality that they seek to mask or convert.’’236
232 Joireman, p.17. 233 Ibid; p.159. 234 Campo, p.160. 235 United Nations Development Programme Egypt: http://www.undp.org.eg/Default.aspx?tabid=75. (30 March 2011). 236 Ibid.
42
Before focusing on the Ḥājj Paintings of another part of the Islamic world i.e. Jerusalem, the next
chapter will discuss several aspects of Palestinian identity in order to interpret the Jerusalemite Ḥājj
Paintings.
43
CHAPTER 3: PALESTINIAN IDENTITY
This chapter addresses the essential issue of Palestinian identity and the role Jerusalem has played
therein. It was the Zionist movement which first negated the existence of a Palestinian identity and
therefore, we will start by briefly outlining the recent historical background to the Israeli occupation in
order to understand how Israel came into being and the impact this has had on the indigenous
Palestinian population. For which I, among other sources, make use of Ilan Pappe’s The ethnic
cleansing of Palestine (2006). Second, we will discuss what have been the key components in basic
Palestinian identity. This involves the issues discussed in the previous two chapters such as the role of
Jerusalem in Islam and the Crusades. For this part Haim Gerber’s Remembering and Imagining
Palestine: Identity and nationalism from the Crusades to the Present (2008) and Rashid Khalidi’s,
Palestinian Identity: the construction of modern national consciousness (2010) are much used. Third,
the aftermath of the 1948 war i.e. the Israeli occupation and Judaization policies in Jerusalem and their
effect on Palestinian Jerusalemites are discussed. This part is based mostly on COHRE and BADIL,
Ruling Palestine, a history of the legally sanctioned Jewish-Israeli seizure of land and housing in
Palestine (2005) and newspaper articles. Fourth, the emergence and consolidation of the Dome of the
Rock as Palestine’s national icon is outlined for which Sarah Rogers’ paper ‘The Dome of the Rock as
National Icon in Contemporary Palestinian Painting’ in The open veins of Jerusalem (2005) and my
own photographical material and observations are used. These four aspects will enable us to interpret
the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings which will be discussed in the next chapter. But first let us have a look
at the historical background in order to get a better perspective of the origins of the Israeli occupation
and its effects on Palestinian Jerusalemites.
3.1 Brief historical background
Ever since the Arab Islamic conquest of Palestine in 17/638, Palestine had, with the exception of the
Crusader period (492-583 /1099-1187), been ruled by Muslim administrations, the last being the
Ottomans. However, after approximately four hundred years of Ottoman rule the British occupied
Palestine in 1917 for the Allies and in 1918 Ottoman rule in Palestine definitively came to an end.237
In 1920 the Supreme Council of San Remo Peace Conference consented to assigning the Palestine
Mandate to Britain, to be confirmed by the League of Nations Council two years later. Before these
events happened in Palestine, a Jewish political ideology called Zionism, had emerged in Europe at the
end of the nineteenth century. This movement was established amid the growing anti-Semitism and
pogroms against Jews in Europe (mainly Russia) and strived for the establishment of a Jewish state in
237 In 1916 Great-Britain and France signed a secret agreement called the Sykes-Picot agreement after its two architects,
Francois Georges Picot and Sir Mark Sykes. This agreement entailed that Britain was to rule Iraq, and Trans-Jordan, while
France would rule Lebanon and Syria. Palestine would be appointed an international administrator.
44
Palestine. The founder of this Jewish movement by the name of Theodore Herzl (1860-1904) argued
in his book, ‘Der Judenstaat’(1896), that the anti-Semitism problem could only be resolved if the
Jewish people would have a state of their own.238
As many Jews consider(ed) Palestine their ‘ancient
homeland’239
the members of this movement started promoting the idea of a Jewish ‘return’ to Zion
i.e. Jerusalem hence the name Zionism for this ideology. During the 1890s the World Zionist
Organization (WZO) started actively working towards their goal. As the Zionist movement realised
that it had to persuade world powers to achieve their goal, they tried to gain the support of the German
Kaiser, the Pope and Ottoman Sulṭān cAbdu l-Ḥamīd II (they in fact asked him to sell them Palestine).
While the Zionists failed to acquire Palestine they did gain some influence in the country due to the
fact that the Ottoman administration allowed them to settle and buy land in Palestine. This was very
much to the disliking of the (in the beginning mostly peasant) locals.240
Moreover, the Zionists
managed to influence British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain who advocated on their behalf
with the British government, the major colonial power at the time. Chamberlain’s advocacy resulted in
the following pledge from the British Secretary of State:
(..)His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for
the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it
being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights
of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in
any other country. ’241
Although the term national home is rather vague, according to Pappe the Zionists interpreted it
as a precedent to a state as they actively started preparing for it.242
Furthermore, Pappe argues that this
future state would have to be a Jewish majority country.243
At this time Jews constituted a mere six
percent of the population. In 1922, after Jewish immigration to Palestine this increased to 11%.244
The
Palestinians opposed the influx of Jewish immigrants and realised the potential threat the immigrants
posed to them. During the British occupation they continuously opposed the Balfour Declaration and
increasing Jewish presence and influence in their country. As a result of this several clashes broke out
between Jews and Arabs, in 1929, 1933 and 1936 notably (this is discussed in more detail later on in
the text). In 1937 the Peel Commission proposed to partition the country, giving the Jews the coastal
area and the Galilee, annexing the remainder to Trans-Jordan.245
Both parties rejected the proposal.
238 Herztl, Theodor. The Jewish State. New York: Dover Publications, Inc, 1946, p.69. 239 The Bible, Genesis 15:1-21, speaks of Jews as chosen people and Palestine, which they refer to as Israel, their homeland
promised to them by God. Herzl was considering Palestine or Argentine as the country where a Jewish State could be
established, see Herzl, The Jewish State, pp. 95-6. 240 Khalidi, p.93. 241 Excerpt of the letter which Lord Balfour send to Lord Rothschild on 2 November 1917. This letter came to be known as
the Balfour-declaration. 242 Pappe, The Ethnic cleansing. Oxford: Oneworld Publications Limited, 2007, p.15. 243 Ibid; p.15. 244 Ibid; p.283. 245 Gerber, p.140.
45
The Palestinians, enraged that their national aspirations were bypassed, turned against the British.246
The British reacted brutally to Palestinian dissidence, while doing little to stop Zionist aggression.247
Moreover, they allowed and even assisted the Zionists in their preparations for an independent Jewish
state.248
However, at the end of the British Mandate the Zionists carried out terrorists attacks on the
British which eventually, in 1947, led the British to turn to the newly established United Nations (UN)
for a solution. The UN proposed to partition Palestine in an Arab and Jewish state (see fig.17). The
cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem were to become corpus separatum i.e. separate enclaves under the
supervision of international auspices and the United Nations. The reason for excluding these two cities
is their transnational religious significance.249 250
Both parties rejected the partition plan. The total
population of Palestine in 1946 was 1,845,600, comprising of 1,237,300 (67%) Arabs and 608,200
(33%) Jews owning some 6% of land.251
As for Jerusalem, statistics
for 1948 indicate that in the city and its sub-districts the Palestinian
population comprised of 215,600 Palestinians owning 40% of the land
in West Jerusalem, 84% of the land in the city’s sub-districts and 90%
of the land in Jerusalem’s Western villages. The Jewish population
comprised of 201,000 people owning 26% of the land in West
Jerusalem, 2% of the land in the Jerusalem sub-districts and 10% of
the land in Jerusalem’s Western villages. In sum the Jewish population
were allocated 55% of the land according to the partition plan when
during that time they comprised only 33% of the population, and
owned a mere 6% of the land.252
The Palestinians objected the plan to
establish a Jewish state on their native soil. This objection was for
example expressed as follows by
by Albert Hourani253
, member of the Arab Office, in his address
to the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry254
(1946):
,, (…) the unalterable opposition of the Arab nation to the attempt to impose a Jewish State upon it.
This opposition is based upon the unwavering conviction of unshakeable rights and a conviction of the
injustice of forcing a long-settled population to accept immigrants without its consent being asked and
246 Ibid. 247 Ibid; pp.141-3., Pappe, p.15. 248 Pappe, p.15. 249 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 (II), future government of Palestine (1947). 250 Supplement to a Survey of Palestine (Jerusalem: Government Printer, June 1947). This was subsequently published as
United Nations map no. 93 (b) in August 1950. The Jews were allotted the most fertile parts of the country contrary to the
Palestinians who had to settle for the mountainous and arid regions. 251 COHRE and BADIL, Ruling Palestine, p.20. 252 Ibid; p.20. 253 The late Albert Hourani was a leading historian on the Middle East at Oxford University. He published numerous works
including ‘A history of the Arab peoples’ (1991). 254 The Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry’s purpose was to consult Palestinian and Jewish representatives on the
problematic issues of Palestine such as Jewish migration in order to make recommendations to the British and American
governments.
Fig. 16 UN plan of partition.
blue: Jewish state, orange:
Arab state.
46
against its known and expressed will; the injustice of turning a majority into a minority in its own
country; the injustice of withholding self-government until the Zionists are in the majority and able to
profit by it.’’255
Nevertheless, the Palestinian opposition was to no avail and after the British withdrew in 1948
a war ensued between Palestinians and Jews which on 14 May 1948 resulted in the Zionists
unilaterally declaring the State of Israel. In addition to the areas allocated by the UN, the Zionists
occupied the western part of Jerusalem ignoring the corpus separatum proposal mentioned earlier. The
Gaza Strip came under Egyptian control and the West Bank and eastern part of Jerusalem under
Jordanian rule. The Prime Minister and Minister of Defence at that time was Ben Gurion. He
unilaterally proclaimed West Jerusalem as an integral part of the newly established State of Israel.
This was formally declared by the Knesset (the Israeli parliament) as the capital of the Jewish state.256
Property that fell under the ‘Custodian of Absentee Property’ law 257
was transferred to the Jewish
state. As under this law the state has the right to transfer refugee property to the state, in effect
dispossessing the rightful Palestinian owner without any compensation. Hostilities between the Jews
and Palestinians (and neighbouring Arab countries) remained and in 1967 another war ensued. This
war lasted for six days and resulted in Israel occupying the remaining parts of historic Palestine ending
Jordanian and Egyptian rule over these territories. In 1967 the Knesset (Israeli parliament) amended
the law that proclaimed West Jerusalem as its capital to include the whole of Jerusalem. So, after
centuries of Muslim rule Jerusalem fell in the hands of the British who occupied it and then gradually
transferred it to the Jewish Zionists who established a new state at the expense of the indigenous
population, who lost the largest part of their native country Palestine.
The question is Why did the British promise a state to the Jews on someone else’s soil? After
all, the British were considered the most liberal colonial state of the time and supported the
independence of the nations they colonised. And what about the Palestinians, How did they perceive
their homeland? And how did usurpation of their homeland affect their identity? Did they have any
national perception? How did the Zionist perceive the native population whose country they claimed
for their own? In order to answer these questions we must return to the beginning of the Zionist
pursuit of a homeland in Palestine.
3.2 National identity
From the outset the Zionists negated the existence of the native Palestinian population, of which one
of the well-known slogans used by this movement was ‘a land without a people for a people without a
255 The Case against a Jewish State in Palestine: Albert Hourani's Statement to the Anglo- American Committee of Enquiry
of 1946. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1 (Autumn, 2005), pp. 80-90. Published by: University of California Press
on behalf of the Institute for Palestine. 256 Hodgkins, Judaization, p.4. 257 The Custodian Absentee law is a law which gives the state the right to transfer refugee property to the state, in effect
dispossessing the rightful Palestinian owner without any compensation.
47
land’. The Zionist perspective was that the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine were to be seen as a
group of Arabs, not worthy of taking into account. This view was shared by the British.258
This for
example is clear from, as Pappe has pointed out, the Balfour declaration that refers to the Palestinians
as the ‘non-Jewish population’ which he rightfully calls ‘a strange reference to the vast majority’259
,
the fact being that some 90% of Palestine’s population was ‘non-Jewish’. As for Palestinian
nationalism, it is claimed, mostly by Israeli scholars, that this was either non-existent, invented by the
British or only emerged as a reaction to Zionism.260
This raises the following questions: When did
Palestinian nationalism first emerge? What were its basic components? How did Palestinian
nationalism develop? As outlined in section 2.3 Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings, there are mainly two
contrasting approaches in the study of nations and nationalism; the so-called primordialists and the
modernists. We will apply Anthony Smith’s primordialist approach. As mentioned previously, Smith
holds that modern nations were not invented rather they have pre-modern origins. Moreover, Smith
argues that modern nationalism is based on a pre-modern ethnic group, ‘’(..) ethnie (ethnic
communities) may (…) be defined as named human populations with shared ancestry myths, histories
and cultures, having an association with a specific territory and a sense of solidarity.’’261
Moreover,
Gerber applies Smith’s approach in his study of Palestinian nationalism.
According to Gerber, there is much evidence of pre-modern sentiments of Palestinian
nationalism. This goes against the two main arguments of Zionists against its early existence namely
that Palestinians wanted to be part of a larger Arab nation/state and that they had no desire for a
sovereign Palestinian state. Second, Palestinian nationalism only emerged to counter Zionism. Gerber
points out that the people who inhabited Palestine262
did have a loose sense of being part of a country
or nation. One key piece of evidence is the reference made to the country they lived in as Palestine or
Jund Filisṭīn (administrative region of Palestine) in Arabic. This specific term was in use from the
seventh century AD (Arab conquest of Palestine) until 1250 (beginning of the Mamluk era). Although
the term was no longer in use from the Mamluk rule onwards, Gerber argues that there are many
primary sources indicating its usage on the socio-local level. Two of the examples he uses are the
Faḍā’il al-Quds literature by the Jerusalemite scholar Mujīr ad-Dīn al-cUlamī(d.926/1519) (mentioned
in chapter two) who uses the term Palestine in clear reference to the country.263
A second example is a
respected seventeenth century mufti by the name of Khayr ad-Dīn ar-Ramlī who issued many fatwa’s
in which he used the term Palestine. As his work was read by many outside the country this indicates
that the term was well-known in and outside Palestine.264
In addition to Palestine, terms such as Holy
258 Gerber, pp.31-2. 259 Pappe, p.13. 260 Gerber, p.36. 261 Smith, A., Structures and persistence ethnie, in Guibernau, M (et al.) The ethnicity reader: nationalism, multiculturalism
and migration, (Cambridge: Polity, 1997) p.27. 262 The area Palestinians referred to as Palestine are the same as the ones drawn by the British Mandate. See Khalidi, pp.28-
30. 263 Gerber, p.49. 264 Ibid; p.50.
48
Land265
and ‘our county’ or ‘the country’ were used.266
In any advent it can be safely concluded
according to Gerber, as well as Khalidi, that the term Palestine was well-known as early as 1908.267
Khalidi draws this conclusion from the press, newspapers with names like Filisṭīn and al-Quds
(established before the British occupation of Palestine) and the numerous articles published in which
the term Palestine or ‘our country’ was used. This increased at the end of the Ottoman era indicating
that this term was indeed known to the readerships of these newspapers at the least.268
Now, we shall go back further in time, to the Crusader rule of Palestine (492-583 /1099-1187),
which according to Gerber has had a major influence on Palestinian consciousness. Gerber goes
against the claims by some scholars that the Palestinians (or Middle Eastern peoples in general) had
forgotten all about the Crusades only to conveniently use it against European colonization after World
War I (1914-1918).269
Gerber, as well as Khalidi, argues that the violent Crusades had left a deep scar
on the memory of the Middle Eastern peoples and Jerusalemites in particular who always feared that
the Crusaders would return, even after their
definitive departure in 1291.270
This is illustrated for
example by the closing of the city gates on Fridays
that being the day the Crusaders invaded Jerusalem
in 1097.271
Gerber even goes so far as to claim that
the Crusades were one of the most important factors
in the formation of Palestinian identity.272
One of the
most interesting arguments Gerber puts forward is
that the Crusades were commemorated in Palestine
annually through the Nabī Mūsā pilgrimage
(fig.18273
). This pilgrimage was centered around the tomb of Prophet Mūsā situated near Jericho. For
this event around thirty special flags, green with gold embroidered letters, containing Qur’ānic verses
relating to the nature of Jesus Christ, were carried by the pilgrims.274
The pilgrimage started at the
Ḥaram ash-Sharīf and was attended by the Mufti, who played the chief role, and representatives of the
Ottoman government.275
The pilgrimage attracted people from all over Palestine, some of whom
assembled in Jerusalem and others joined in along the way to Jericho. All sorts of rituals and
ceremonies were executed at the tomb and battles imitated which could have alluded to the Crusades.
From all this, according to Gerber, this event can be considered as ‘anti-Christian’ i.e. anti- Crusades
because it took place a week before Christian Eastern, which is peculiar because only for this occasion
265 Ibid; pp.51-3. 266 Ibid; pp.53-6. 267 Ibid; pp.165-6, Khalidi, p.152, 154-5. 268 Khalidi, pp, 58-9, 152. 269 Gerber, p.60. 270 Ibid; p.69. See also Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p.589-92. 271 Gerber, pp.66-7. 272 Ibid; p.44. 273 Source: Library of Congress: Reproduction Number:16944: www.libraryofcongress.com 274 Ibid; p.94. 275 Ibid; p.73. This was at least the case in Ottoman times.
Fig. 18 Nabī Mūsā pilgrimage celebrations
49
Muslims used the Christian calendar.276
During this period Christian pilgrims from abroad would
travel to Jerusalem to celebrate Eastern and this was probably seen by the Palestinians as a potential
Crusade.277
In addition ‘’the traumatic episode of the Crusades’’278
as Khalidi refers to it, was the
reason why Palestinians mistrusted Westerners and equated any influence of them in Jerusalem or
elsewhere in Palestine to the Crusades. 279
In this light, the pilgrimage can be interpreted as an attempt
by Palestinians to protect Jerusalem.280
The Nabī Mūsā pilgrimage was probably instituted by Ṣalāḥ
ad-Dīn after the liberation of Jerusalem in 1187 and took place throughout Muslim rule and even
under the British Mandate.281
A second interesting point made by Gerber is that he considers this event a ‘national holiday’
because it was an exclusively Palestinian event demonstrating ‘articulations of Palestinian identity’282
as it gave the participants ‘a loose sense of a common land’.283
He even goes as far as to suggest that
as far as Jerusalem goes ,, (…) the need to guard it against old or new crusades is the real driving force
of Palestinian nationalism.’’284
He argues that this resulted in the Palestinians developing feelings of a
‘chosen people’ carrying the responsibility to guard the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf ‘for the entire world of
Islam’.285
This feeling is still present today, in Gerber’s words:
‘’Ever since the Ottoman period the people of Palestine have felt that it was their fate and
responsibility to stand guard over the Aqsa site for all of Islam. This feeling became increasingly
stronger during the mandatory period, to become today a kind of chosen people’s collective identity.’’
286
This ‘choseness’ was also underlined by the Ottomans who are said to have been favourable to
Jerusalemites ‘out of respect for living near the Haram al-Sharif’’.287
The religious associations of
Muslims with Jerusalem (First Qiblah, al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, third Holy City of Islam and so on
outlined in chapter one and two), were emphasized by the Faḍā’il al-Quds literature which in fact also
contributed to feelings of local patriotism. Although this literature climaxed during the fourteenth
century, the literature was in circulation up to the nineteenth century.288
What is also important to
stress is that Jerusalem (and other Holy Sites in Palestine), as we have noted before, remained a place
of pilgrimage. The Islamic religious associations were time and again reiterated to the British
276 Ibid; p.71. 277 Ibid. 278 Khalidi, p.30. 279 Ibid. 280 Gerber, p.44. 281 Ibid; p.71. 282 Ibid; pp.71-2. 283 Ibid. 284 Ibid; p.44. 285 Ibid; p.9. 286 Ibid; p.10. 287 Ibid; p.69. 288 Ibid; pp.69-70.
50
authorities by the Palestinians to stress their legitimate rights in Palestine.289
So, from the above it
becomes clear that a basic Palestinian identity was present in pre-modern times. This identity mainly
consisted of a loose sense of a country in which Jerusalem, as Islam’s third sacred city, was dominant.
In combination with the traumatic event of the Crusades it was transformed into a sort of chosen
people sentiments aimed at guarding the holy city for future foreign occupation. This is most notably
from the Nabī Mūsā pilgrimage. This basic identity was soon to be influenced by several other factors
as (Islamic) Ottoman rule came to a close with the British occupation of Palestine in 1917.
As mentioned before any western interference in Palestine was denounced and regarded as a
potential Crusade or as Gerber calls it ,, a perpetuation of an old pattern’’.290
So too were the colonial
powers that emerged after World War I. This was for example fueled by the following (alleged)
remark by General Allenby, upon occupying Jerusalem in 1917, ‘the Crusade has come to an end’’291
.
From the Palestinian side comparisons to the Crusades were frequented such as the legendary battles
between the Muslim hero Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn and the Crusaders in Yarmūk and Ḥiṭṭīn in order to promote
the defense of Palestine from the Zionist movement.292
While religion did play a major role in the
emergence of Palestinian nationalism, it would be incorrect to simplify it to mere religious feelings, as
Palestinians had a multiple foci of identity that consisted of local patriotism, referring to city, region,
village or family.293
However, they also shared feelings of Ottomanism, Islam, Arabism and their
common rejection of Zionism.294
Or in Gerber’s words: ‘’Nationalism may be a secular ideology, but
this is really only a matter of formal logic; in real human terms identity can be a multi-faceted affair,
and nationalism is a classic case of this.’’ 295
296
In the twentieth century however, Palestinian
nationalism (of the elite at least) which had been dominated by religion, started shifting towards
secularism. Yet religion and the Jerusalem-centered perceptions remained very strong, especially
under the masses.297
This shift to secularism was due to the establishment of secular schools and
sciences as opposed to the purely Islamic teachings that had dominated education previously. In
addition the emergence of the press played a considerable role in the formation of Palestinian identity.
Although Palestinian nationalism was not fully developed before the advent of Zionism and the British
Mandate, the basis, in which Jerusalem played a key role, was certainly shaped. The Palestinians
feared loosing their homeland to the newly arrived Jews and tensions between the two groups was
growing rapidly. The first clash between them occurred in 1920 during the Nabī Mūsā pilgrimage
events of that year.298
In 1929 clashes between Jews and Palestinians broke out due to a conflict over
the western wall, known to Muslims as the al-Burāq wall and to Jews as the Wailing Wall. This wall
was part of the ’Abū Madjan waqf (mentioned in chapter II) and as a courtesy Jews were allowed to
289 Ibid; pp.110, 177-8. 290 Ibid; p.181. 291 Ibid. 292 Ibid; p.180., Hillenbrand, pp.592-5. 293 Khalidi, p.153. 294 Ibid; pp.145-6. 295 Gerber, p.179. 296 Khalidi, p.65. 297 Ibid; pp.157-8. 298 Gerber, p.94.
51
worship there. However, in August of 1929 Jews wanted to change the status quo.299
The Palestinians
were afraid Jews had intentions to build the Third Temple on the Ḥaram.300
Furthermore they saw it as
their duty to protect the Holy Sites of Islam, pointing out to the British that they were but guardians
and therefore could not allow any changes to the status quo.301
Tensions remained high and the clashes
resulted in over one hundred casualties on both sides.302
This revolt came to be known as the Burāq
revolt or uprising. One person who played an important role in this was the Jerusalemite Ḥājj ’Amīn
al-Ḥusaynī (1897-1974) who was appointed by the British authorities to two significant post; that of
Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and president of the Supreme Muslim Council (1922-37). Ḥājj ’Amīn
opposed the Balfour declaration and worked continuously to convince the British to give the
Palestinians an independent state. In order to secure the Muslim claim to the Ḥaram ash- Sharīf and its
environs he launched the al-Burāq campaign.303
While many historians claim that it was Ḥājj ’Amīn
who incited the revolts, Gerber refutes this and suggests the following:
‘’In fact, the 1929 disturbances stood at the intersection of religion and nationalism: the centrality of
the Haram as the major icon of Palestinian nationalism, and the duty incumbent on the Palestinians to
defend the mosques at all cost, as an obligation thrust upon them by God.’’ 304
Gerber further concludes that ,,(…) riots were spontaneous and the outcome of popular
nationalism’.305
Palestinians were afraid that the Jews, as had the Crusaders done before them, would
desecrate the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf.306
In fact, the Palestinians feared the Jews would usurp their country,
and they saw the Balfour declaration as proof of this.307
Gerber as well as Khalidi attribute a great role
to the (peasant) masses in the fight against Zionism and formation of Palestinian nationalism, going
against the widely held view among academics that modern nationalism was mainly understood by the
Palestinian elites and intellectuals. As Khalidi puts it:
‘’In the pre-World War I period, as afterwards, the literate upper classes were occasionally to show
themselves to be ahead of the rest of Arab society in terms of perceptions, but lagging behind when it
came to action and, with several notable exceptions, (-) can be judged guilty of a certain degree of
failure of leadership- and, at the same time, unwillingness to follow the lead of the fellahin308.’’
309
299 This was inspired by the Zionist Congress of 1928. 300 Gerber, p.109. 301 Ibid; p.110. 302Ibid; p.109. 303 Ibid; p.111. Ḥājj ’Amīn also tried to gain support from other Islamic countries. See for example: Omar Khalidi, See for
example: Omar Khalidi, Indian Muslims and Palestinian Awqaf, Jerusalem Quarterly 40, winter 2009, p.52-58. 304 Gerber, p.115. 305 Ibid. 306 Ibid; pp.177-8. 307 Ibid; pp.171-4 308 The Arabic word Fellahin is plural for fellah which means farmer. 309 Khalidi, p.141.
52
The existence of nationalism among the masses was also acknowledged (not publicly, only
amongst themselves) by some key Zionist figures such as Chaim Weizmann who at first denied the
existence of Palestinian nationalism and even tried to convince the British that the lower classes would
welcome the Zionists. He was shocked when realizing that not only did the population reject Zionism,
they had strong feelings of nationalism.310
In addition the rebellion by the lower classes against
Zionists buying land and gaining political influence is also evidence of popular nationalist feelings.311
One particular example is the Great Revolt which broke out in 1936 and was aimed at the British
whom the Palestinians blamed for endorsing the Zionist goals. The revolt lasted for three years and the
Palestinian lost as the British army was of course far more superior in terms of weapons and had an air
force at their disposal.312
Nevertheless, to Gerber’s mind this is exemplary of strong patriotism
supporting his argument that their ‘basic identity’ was Palestinian.313
This, however, is not surprising
as the peasants were the first to endure the negative impact of Zionism. The Zionist bought land from
absentee landlords which deprived the Palestinians of the land they had been cultivating for
generations. Although some Zionists allowed them to be tenant-farmers or labourers they were in time
replaced by Jewish immigrants.314
As we have seen above that contrary to the wide held belief that the
elite, namely Ḥājj ’Amīn315
, stirred the docile masses, it is more likely that on many occasions the
masses, driven by popular nationalism, pushed the elite.316
This conclusion also invalidates the claim
of some scholars who have implied that Ḥājj ’Amīn invented Palestinian nationalism.317
A point of
disagreement between Gerber and Khalidi is the issue of the Palestinian leadership. Khalidi argues that
the leadership failed, whereas Gerber argues that the Palestinians were simply up against far too strong
enemies; the British and the Zionist movement who had joined forces.318
Another aspect in the discussion on Palestinian nationalism is that it is claimed that the
Palestinians did not strive after an independent state. This argument is largely based on the fact that
the Palestinians wanted unification with Syria which declared independence in 1918 under King Faisal
(1883-1933) and aimed at creating a Federal Arab state. According to Gerber, the Palestinians saw this
as an opportunity to safeguard their country from Zionist colonisation and only wanted to be part of
Syria to achieve this goal.319
However, France was allotted the mandate of Syria in 1920 subsequently
ending the Palestinian ambition. Even though the Palestinians wanted to be part of the Federal Arab
state, Gerber argues: ‘They never, under any formula, wished to disappear as Palestinians. They
always wanted to preserve their autonomy and govern the country as autonomous Palestine.’’ 320
Furthermore, to Palestinians, and other Arabs as well, there was nothing contradictory about Arabism
310 Gerber, pp.86-7. 311 Ibid; p.97. 312 Ibid; pp.150, 138-9. 313 Ibid;, pp.75, 84-5. 314 Khalidi, pp.98-9. 315 Ḥājj ‘Amīn was accused of inciting riots and fled Palestine during the Great Revolt. 316 Gerber, p.118. 317 Gerber, p.93. 318 Ibid; pp.11-12. 319 Ibid; p.91., Khalidi, pp.166-7. 320 Khalidi, p.79.
53
and Palestinianism, in the words of Gerber: ‘Arabism is the ethnicity, but Palestine is the homeland;
they are two sides of one coin. They are Siamese twins, neither of which can exist without the other.’’
321 Palestinians in fact referred to themselves as Arabs of Palestine.
322 The Syrian option did not mean
that they did not desire a state of their own, but merely a Federal Arab state in which Palestine would
be autonomous.323
As Palestine was considered the heartland of the united Arab state which wished to
restore its past glory.324
In fact, the Palestinians worked hard to convince the British authorities to give
them an independent state as the British had given other countries under their rule independence.325
After the Great Revolt (1936-9) came to an end, the British realised that they could not continue
denying the Palestinians their rights and issued the White Paper. In this document they promised the
Palestinians to limit Jewish immigration and Palestinian statehood. However, they did not put a
timeline on the establishment of a state.326
Nevertheless, the Palestinians did not manage to secure a
state of their own for the simple reason that they were fighting two enemies; the British and the
Zionists.327
When the war ensued in 1948 between 750,000 to 900,000 Palestinians fled their
homeland and many were killed. The Palestinians refer to these events as an-Nakbah, the catastrophe.
It was in this period that Palestinian nationalism decreased substantially for a number of reasons.
According to Khalidi the Palestinians were in shock over loosing their homeland. Secondly, the Arab
host countries monitored them closely as they were afraid of getting into war with Israel.328
Although
many expected (hoped) that the Palestinians would assimilate in the host countries, they did not.
According to Khalidi Palestinians are not perceived as an autonomous entity but always in relation to
Zionism or Israel, while this is not the case for Israelis.329
Quoting Stuart Hall’s claim that: ‘’only
when there is an Other can you know who you are’’ Khalidi argues that the ‘Other’ was always there
for the Palestinian be it in the form of the Ottomans, British and the Zionists which means they always
had self-perception.330
However it cannot be denied that Zionism indeed affected Palestinian
nationalism as it was trying to compete with this other ethnicity for the same land.
In all, we can conclude from the above that a basic Palestinian identity emerged after the
Crusader period which was very much Jerusalem-centered. This identity was strengthened and
influenced by the advent of Zionism which competed for the same territory. The Palestinians
perceived themselves as guardians of Jerusalem and naturally opposed Zionism. The Palestinians
maintained this claim throughout the British occupation. In the following we shall see what
developments followed after the self-proclaimed state of Israel and how its policies influence(d)
Palestinian identity.
321 Ibid; p.86. 322 Ibid; p.168. 323 Ibid; p.170. 324 Ibid; pp.185-6. 325 Ibid; pp.84-5. 326 Ibid; p.161. 327 Khalidi, p. 20. 328 Gerber, pp.190-1. 329 Khalidi, p.146. 330 Ibid; pp.147, 154.
54
3.3 Israeli occupation, peace process, and Judaization policies
After the war of 1948 hostilities between the Palestinians and the newly created state remained and in
1967 another war ensued which resulted in Israel occupying the whole of historic Palestine. In 1964
the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation) was formed which finally made it possible for
Palestinians, who had been represented by Jordan, Egypt and other Arab states, to represent
themselves. Initially its aim was to liberate all of historic Palestine and establish a sovereign
Palestinian state through guerrilla actions against Israeli targets. The Fatah movement,331
led by Yasser
Arafat, managed to get international support for the Palestinian cause. In 1993 the Oslo peace process
was signed by the PLO and Israel in which the PLO recognized Israel and promised to counter
‘terrorism’ i.e. Palestinian attacks on Israeli targets. Israel in exchange recognized the PLO and made
some small commitments (most of which it never executed) and pledged that final status negotiations
would not exceed five years.332
Many Palestinians were disillusioned after the Accords which they
perceived as a huge defeat as they had given up their most important demand: self-determination.
What is more important; issues such as the status of Jerusalem and the right of return of refugees were
not addressed. Even though Arafat made major concessions he always refused to make concessions on
Jerusalem claiming, like his predecessors had done during the British Mandate, that Jerusalem was not
his to hand over to anyone, meaning the Palestinians being merely guardians.333
In 1987 the situation
grew unbearable for the Palestinians resulting in a mass uprising or ‘Intifāḍah in Arabic. Ḥamas an
Islamist Palestinian movement came into being.334
Ḥamas uses the same attachments as did many
generations before them such as the First Qiblah, al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, and in addition the Zionist
occupation of Palestine is equated to the Crusades.335
After the Oslo Accords (1993) Ḥamas’s
popularity increased because of disappointment in the Palestinian leadership. Since then peace talks
have amounted to zero with the Palestinians forced to make more and more concessions during the
negotiations especially on Jerusalem.336
Jerusalem since its occupation in 1948337
has been subject to what is termed Judaization
policies referring to Israel’s aim of making the area more (exclusively) Jewish.338
These policies
331 Fatah is also referred to as the Palestine Liberation Movement (PLO). 332 Gerber, p.195. 333 Ibid; pp.201-2. 334 Ḥamas is an offshoot of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (established in 1928 in Egypt). It was in essence an Islamic
social movement, providing free public services to the people which made them popular. 335 Gerber, pp.205-6., Hillenbrand, p.602. 336 In January the Arabic news channel Aljazeera published secret documents pertaining to the peace process. From these
documents can be concluded that the Palestinian negotiators were ready to make far-reaching concessions on Palestinian
demands, especially on Jerusalem. See: http://english.aljazeera.net/palestinepapers/. 337 See Salim Tamari (editor), Jerusalem 1948: the Arab neighbourhoods and their fate in the war, Jerusalem: Institute of
Jerusalem Studies and Badil Resource center, 2002. 338 While the policies of Israel to make the city more (exclusively) Jewish are usually termed Judaization, Mr Mahdi Abdul
Hadi (Interview with dr. Mahdi Abdul Hadi, director of PASSIA. Interview held on 20 July 2010 in Jerusalem, Palestine)
prefers the term Israelisation as an alternative term. As it is the secular state of Israel, which pursuits these policies. This in
my view is not entirely correct because the state of Israel regards itself as the creation of the entire Jewish people, the laws
governing cultural, educational and memorial institutions define their aims in strictly Jewish terms. All these legislations
55
include de-population, land confiscation, settlement construction, and house demolitions of which
Palestinian Jerusalemites are the victims. While Jerusalem has for centuries been a multi-ethnic and
multi-religious city, Israel has from the outset of its occupation purposely worked to erase its Arab
Islamic character and establish a ‘Greater Jerusalem’.339
After occupying the city the Minister of
Defence Moshe Dayan issued this statement:
"This morning, the Israel Defense Forces liberated Jerusalem. We have united Jerusalem, the divided
capital of Israel. We have returned to the holiest of our holy places, never to part from it again. 340
Israel ever since considers the city to be its ‘eternal and undivided capital’ and aims at reducing the
non-Jewish population to a minimum. This attitude has been reiterated by many politicians such as the
current Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Avigdor Lieberman who stated the following to a group of
diplomats: ‘’(..)‘‘I stand before you in Jerusalem, and confirm Begin's words: the city will remain our
capital and will never be divided.’’ ‘’ 341
Israel claims exclusive ‘historical and religious rights’ over
Palestine and Jerusalem in particular as in the government’s view the religious importance of
Jerusalem is most significant to Jews because ,,only Jews have a religious prescription to live there’’
while Muslims and Christians have plenty of other religious sites that are more important to them than
Jerusalem.342
This claim however has been repeatedly rejected by the international community as it
violates the proposed corpus separatum status.
We shall now focus on some of the Israeli policies executed in the eastern part of Jerusalem
since 1967. One the first actions Israel undertook in Jerusalem was the conduction of a population
census. This census however excluded those Palestinians Jerusalemites who had fled the war or for
other reasons were not present in Jerusalem at that time. This group of Palestinians was automatically
excluded from residency in Jerusalem. While they were given the right to family reunification upon
return, this turned out to be very difficult in practice with the Israeli Ministry of Interior denying more
applications than it approved. This is due to the policy of decreasing the number of non-Jewish
citizens who are seen as a ‘demographic threat’.343
In contrary to the Jewish population, Palestinians
who are registered are not given full citizenship but merely resident status.344
This means that
Palestinian Jerusalemites who have lived in Jerusalem for generations are excluded from living in their
emphasise the Jewish identity of the state and its goals and provide mechanisms for institutionalizing preference for the
Jewish group. Furthermore, the policies Israel executes in Jerusalem are directly related to religion such as the renaming of
Arab areas and street names to Biblical ones. Khalidi (2010;14) for example has pointed out that Israel is trying to impose the
Hebrew name for Jerusalem in Arabic Urshalim as opposed to the Arabic word Al-Quds. These policies are aimed at
delegitimising Muslim and Christian Palestinians’ history and subsequent rights in the city. 339 Hodgkins, Judaization, p.6. 340 Moshe Dayan was the general who invaded Jerusalem in 1967. Source:Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 40th anniversary
of the reunification of Jerusalem: 16 may 2007:
http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Jerusalem+Capital+of+Israel/40th+Anniversary+of+the+Reunification+of+Jerusalem.htm 341 Haaretz.com. Barak Ravid, Lieberman: Jerusalem is our eternal capital, it will never be divided, 24.10.2010,
http://www.haaretz.com/news/lieberman-jerusalem-is-our-eternal-capital-it-will-never-be-divided-1.2845744 342 Hodgkins, Judaization, p.57. 343 Ruling Palestine, a history of the legally sanctioned Jewish-Israeli seizure of land and housing in Palestine, published by
COHRE and BADIL, 2005, p. 124. For Israeli policies on demographics see: Abu Lughod, Janet. ‘The Demographic War for
Palestine.’ The Link, Vol. 19 (December, 1986) 1-14. 344 According to the Law of Entry into Israel (1952) and the Entry to Israel Regulation (1974).
56
own city while Jews, even newly arrived immigrants, can reside anywhere in Jerusalem under the Law
of Return.345
Moreover, registered Palestinian Jerusalemites who travel abroad without a re-entry visa
are denied entry upon return. If they live abroad for a period of over seven years they automatically
loose their residency rights (even if they have a re-entry visa).346
According to Human Rights Center
B’Ttselem, Israel has revoked 13,115 ID cards since 1967. 347
Another measure aimed at increasing the number of Jewish inhabitants is changing and
expanding the boundaries of the city to create a ‘Greater Jerusalem’. Palestinian populated areas were
excluded while the surrounding Jewish settlements were incorporated into the city. In addition twenty
eight surrounding Arab villages were also annexed.348
Jews were/are encouraged to settle in East
Jerusalem, the municipality offers them many advantages such as subsidies and tax exemptions.349
This has resulted in a 75-80% increase in the total Jewish population of Jerusalem since 1967. In 1982
plans were made for the creation of ‘Metropolitan Jerusalem’ which comes down to expanding the
boundaries of Greater Jerusalem through a second circle of settlements.350
These settlements however
are established on land expropriated from Palestinians and considered illegal under international law
as the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, article 49 states: ‘’The occupying power shall not deport or
transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies’’. The issue of illegal
settlements forms one of the main obstacles in the ‘peace talks’. The Israeli Finance Ministry is
authorized to issue expropriation orders as specified in the ’Land Ordinance; Acquisition for Public
Purposes’ law designed in 1943. Moreover, these settlements completely encircle Jerusalem and
connect the Jewish settlements with each other.351
The settlements currently house over 200,000
settlers. Settlements surrounding Jerusalem are confiscating more and more Palestinian land and have
deeply penetrated the West Bank. 352
In order to ‘legalise’ this practice Israel designed a number of
military orders and laws such as Military Order 150 (Absentee Property Law 1967). Under this law
land belonging to Palestinians who were not present during the (previously mentioned) census of 1967
was declared State Land and therefore liable for expropriation. Likewise, if a Palestinian landowner
cannot prove that his/her land has been continuously cultivated the State reserves the right to
confiscate it. The Absentee law is applied even when owners are living on the property concerned as
the State, according to Military Order 321 (1968), has the right to confiscate land for public use such
as infrastructure. In addition many areas are deemed ‘green areas’ which means it is prohibited to
build there. Although almost half of the Eastern part of Jerusalem is deemed ‘Green area’ Israel uses
this land to construct or expand settlements.353
Moreover, the government supports settler
organisations such as Elad en Ateret Cohanim in their efforts to overtake Arab neighbourhoods in
345 Ruling Palestine, p.125. 346 Ibid; p.129. 347 B’Tselem, an Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, Revocation of Residency in East
Jerusalem. Statistics on Revocation of residency Rights, 2009, www.btselem.org 348 Ruling Palestine, p.125. 349 Ibid. 350 Ibid; p.136. 351 Ibid; p.134. 352 Ibid; pp.134, 141. 353 Hodgkins, Allison, Israeli settlement policy in Jerusalem: facts on the ground. Jerusalem: Passia, 1998, p.118-19.
57
East-Jerusalem (and elsewhere in the West Bank).354
The international community has urged Israel
several times to stop all building activities in occupied land, Israel remains devious. The current Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated that as far as his government is concerned ,, (..) building in
Jerusalem is like building in Tel Aviv (…)’’.355
Another effective method in reducing the non-Jewish population of Jerusalem is the
demolition and house expropriation of ‘illegal’ houses or houses that allegedly belong to Jewish
owners. In order to provide in their housing needs Palestinian Jerusalemites build new houses or add
floors to existing ones. However, building permits are very expensive as they are based on Israeli
average income which is many times higher than that of Palestinians. Apart from the high costs,
permits are rarely issued to Palestinians due to the Israeli license and permit system which applies only
to Palestinian residents. The applicants must provide extensive proof of a minimum of seven year
residency by means of paid water bills, electricity bills, telephone bills, municipal taxes, road and
sewage levies, and landownership payment and documentation.356
Furthermore, since 2002
Palestinians are only allowed to build on eight percent of Arab East-Jerusalem.357
Because of these
restrictions Palestinians are forced to build without a permit.
These ‘illegal’ houses are subsequently demolished, while the
authorities nearly do nothing to provide in the housing needs
of Palestinians. In fact since 1967 not a single Palestinian
community has been established.358
Only ten percent of the
Jerusalem building permits were issued to Palestinians.
According to B’Tselem some 3,000 Palestinian houses were
demolished since 1967.359
Currently the Shaykh Jarrāḥ 360
and
Silwān neighbourhoods are being subject to house demolitions
and expropriations. The houses that are expropriated have
Israeli flags on them which Palestinians perceive as provocative
and a threat to their presence in the city. One of the most visible
ones is the house former PM Ariel Sharon confiscated in the Old City (fig.19). Furthermore, renting
from Jews is limited, especially after prominent Israeli rabbis, who are very influential among devout
Jews, recently passed a ruling barring Jews from selling or renting properties to the gentiles i.e.
Palestinian Arabs. According to Rabbi Yosef Scheinen, “The land of Israel is designated for the
354 Figures from B’Tselem, www.btselem.org. 355 BBC News online, by Jeremy Bowen, Hillary Clinton warns Israel faces 'difficult' choices,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8579766.stm, 22 March 2010. 356 Ruling Palestine, p.131. 357 Ibid; p.127. 358 Ibid. 359 B’Tselem, Statistics on demolition of houses built without permits in East Jerusalem,
http://www.btselem.org/english/Planning_and_Building/East_Jerusalem_Statistics.asp 360 See for more details: http://www.sheikhjarrah.com
Fig. 19 House confiscated Sharon.
Author’s photograph.
58
people of Israel’’.361
In effect, the Judaization policies in Jerusalem, which can be termed racist as they
only apply to non-Jews, are infringing on Palestinians’ basic rights. They are entitled to these rights as
taxpayers. More importantly these policies have forcefully reduced the Palestinian Jerusalemites to a
minimum in a city they have lived in for generations.
In addition, during 1993-2000 (‘Oslo-era’) Israel, in order to consolidate its grip on Jerusalem
and the West Bank, instituted a checkpoints and military closures policy to control the movement of
Palestinians. This prevented Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank (except those with permits) to
enter Jerusalem (and Israel proper). Besides, it created ‘internal closures’ in the Occupied Territories
making it very difficult for Palestinians to travel even within these territories. While these measures
are claimed to be taken for security reasons, little attention is given to the fact that it makes the lives of
Palestinians extremely difficult. Many Palestinians find it unbearable being denied entry to the holiest
site (Ḥaram ash-Sharīf) in their country, especially for the Friday sermon and religious holidays.
361 Ha’aretz newspaper, by Barak Ravid and Chaim Levinson , Netanyahu slams top rabbis' call to forbid renting homes to
Arabs, 7 December 2010, http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/netanyahu-slams-top-rabbis-call-to-forbid-renting-homes-
to-arabs-1.329384. While PM Netanyahu condemned the rabbinical ruling and even called it racist, no measures were taken
against the state employed rabbis.
59
Moreover, in 2002 Israel started the construction of a 670km long brick wall. The Wall starts
at the northern and southern borders of ‘Greater Jerusalem’. Israel claims the wall is a security
necessity and therefore refers to it as “the Security ‘Fence’, while the Palestinians call it the
“Apartheid Wall”, the United Nations has termed it ‘The Barrier”. The Wall is not constructed on the
1949 armistice line, known as the “Green Line” and its route includes illegal Jewish settlements
located deep inside the West Bank, which de facto makes them part of Israel. This way more
Palestinian land is expropriated leading to the reduction of the
Palestinian population of Jerusalem and access to it for Palestinians
living outside this territory. In 2004 the International Court of Justice
in The Hague deemed the wall illegal and a violation of human
rights.362
However, apart from condemnations no concrete steps have
been made by the international community to stop Israel from its
many violations of international law. The Wall has turned Palestinian
land into ghettos as it cuts off economic and social-cultural exchange
with other Palestinians and the outside world, thus increasing their
isolation. Another issue which has led to many riots is the
excavations Israeli archaeologists conduct under the al-Aqṣā Mosque
and surrounding areas hoping to find remnants of the ancient Jewish
Temple.363
The digs are in violation of the Oslo Accords (1993).364
The Ḥaram ash-Sharīf is considered the holiest site in Jerusalem by Jews and Muslims alike. As
mentioned before however, Israel places the importance of the site for Jews above that of other
religious groups. Muslims fear that Israel will destroy the Ḥaram to build the Third Temple. There are
indeed several Jewish extremist groups who pursue this goal. Two of such groups are the Gush
Emunim, an underground Jewish messianic, political organisation that wishes to confiscate all of the
‘ancient land of Israel’365
. Another group is the Temple Mount and Land of Israel Faithful Movement
whose goal is the following:
‘’(…) is the building of the Third Temple on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem in our lifetime in
accordance with the Word of G-d and all the Hebrew Prophets and the liberation of the Temple Mount
from Arab (Islamic) occupation so that it may be consecrated to the Name of G-d.’’366
362 The Humanitarian Impact of the West Bank Barrier on Palestinian Communities, United Nations (March 2005), a report to
the Humanitarian Emergency Policy Group (HEPG), compiled by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA) and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the occupied Palestinian
territory. (i.e. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child). 363 See Nadia Abu al-Ḥājj, Facts on the ground: Archaeological practice and territorial self-fashioning in Israeli society, 2001 364 According to the PLO Negotiations Affairs Department this is a violation of UNESCO rules. See: http://www.nad-
plo.org/listing.php?view=facts_jerusalem. (12 May 2011). 365 Temple Mount Faithful, website: http://www.templemountfaithful.org/ (10 January 2011). In 1990 this group provoked
riots on the Haram when they said they were going to lay a cornerstone for the Third Temple. 366 Official website of Temple Mount Faithful, http://www.templemountfaithful.org/ (10 January 2011).
Fig. 20 Replica of Salāḥ ad-
Dīn’s minbar. Author’s
photograph.
60
In 1969 the al-Aqṣā Mosque was damaged by an arson attack by a Christian extremist, hoping
to hasten the coming of Christ, which destroyed the minbar (pulpit) of Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn.367
Nowadays a
replica of the minbar of Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn (fig.20) is present in the al-Aqṣā Mosque.368
On 28 September
2000 former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon made a visit, backed by 1000 security men, to the Temple
Mount which was perceived as a provocation by the Palestinians. He stated: “The Temple Mount is in
our hands and will remain in our hands. It is the holiest site in Judaism and it is the right of every Jew
to visit the Temple Mount”. 369
This visit sparked the Second ’Intifāḍah termed the Al-Aqṣā ’Intifāḍah.
This ’Intifāḍah lasted for nearly five years and claimed the lives of 5500 Palestinians and 1100
Israeli’s. Although the Palestinian Muslim ’Awqāf authorities formally are in control, this is only
symbolical as Israel reserves the right to enter whenever it prefers to. In recent years many clashes
have broken out around the site between Israeli security forces and Muslim worshippers.
To tighten the grip on the Old City many measures are taken to Judaize it. For example a new
synagogue was built in 2010 and plans are made to build a courthouse on the historic Muslim
cemetery Mamilla, mentioned in chapter two, which would mean the graves of some 1500 people will
be desecrated. Israel claims that all three religions have equal access to the Holy City; however this is
not true as Israel over the past decades has placed tighter restrictions on the freedom of movement of
Palestinian residents from the West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem. Furthermore, Palestinian living abroad,
non-Palestinians and people with an Arab/Islamic background have great difficulty entering Israel, as I
have personally experienced.
In addition to limitations to the physical presence of Palestinians in Jerusalem a number of
measures have been taken to limit expressions of Palestinian national identity. I shall name a few
below. After 1967 Israel designed the ‘’Order Regarding Prohibition on Incitement and Hostile
Propaganda Actions (West Bank Region) (No. 1010), 5727 –1967’’.370
Under this law, which is still in
effect in Jerusalem, it is forbidden to use the four colours of the Palestinian flag (black, red, green and
white). In 2009 Jerusalem was designated to be Arab capital of culture371
, however Israel prevented
and sabotaged most of the celebrations. No festivities were allowed in Jerusalem and they were forced
to hold the celebrations at Bethlehem.
How have all these policies influenced Palestinian identity? In order to answer this question
the theory of Joireman on political and economic oppression as a critical factor in identity, briefly
outlined in section 2.3 Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings, will be applied. Joireman argues that political or
economic oppression can become a critical factor in identity. In her words:
367 The minbar was commissioned by Nūr ad-Dīn who died before the conquest of Jerusalem. The minbar was a gift from the
sultan Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn after he conquered Jerusalem in 1187 CE. 368 Al Jazeera English website- Al-Aqsa mosque gets new rostrum-, 27 January 2007,
http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2007/01/20085251294248611.html (10 January 2011). 369The Guardian online newspaper. Rioting as Sharon visits Islam holy site, 29 September 2000,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/sep/29/israel. (10 January 2011). 370 Order Regarding prohibition and hostile propaganda, translated by Btselem from Hebrew into English, see:
http://www.btselem.org/english/Legal_Documents/19670827_Order_Regarding_Prohibition_of_Incitement_and_Hostile_Pro
paganda.pdf (10 January 2011). 371 This is an initiative of the Arab League under the UNESCO. Every year a different Arab capital is chosen to celebrate the
different Arab cultures.
61
‘Nationalism is intensified by the politics of exclusion. Any time a group of people feels particularly
targeted for ill-treatment or oppression, there is a likelihood that their identification will turn from
ethnic to national identity: in other words their identity will become politicized. If one group in a
society is set apart for unequal treatment, either economically or politically, then the boundaries of that
group become clearly defined. Thus, they define themselves as something else outside the dominant
group’.372
This subsequently turns nationalism into a ‘politicized’ ethnicity or ‘an ethnicity with a political
agenda’.373
This is the case for Palestinians as the state of Israel is created on the basis of an ethno-
religious identity i.e. Judaism, excluding those who do not belong to this group, in this case the
Palestinians (and non-Jews in general). This has led the Palestinians to take up arms against Israel and
two mass uprisings or ’Intifāḍah (1987-1993, 2000-2005) against Israel to end the occupation and gain
independence. This has turned their struggle against Israeli occupation and for self-determination to a
critical factor of their identity.
What can be inferred from the above is that Israel from its inception has been in deterrence of
the UN (i.e. international community) by for example ignoring the proposed corpus separatum status
for Jerusalem by illegally occupying the city, implementing policies which infringe on basic human
rights of Palestinians. The discriminatory Israeli policies moreover, have led many to term Israel an
ethnic state, and even an apartheid state equal to former South-Africa.374
In addition, while engaging in
so-called peace negotiations aimed at creating a viable independent Palestinian state, Israel at the same
time created “facts on the ground” which in turn have led to the disconnection of Jerusalem with the
West Bank and Gaza Strip ending the chances of a viable Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as it
capital. This in effect has politicized Palestinian identity, turning their political situation of oppression
and denial of an independent state as a core factor of their identity. As said previously, symbols are an
important way of expressing one’s identity. In the following we will look at the usage of the Dome of
the Rock as a symbol of national identity.
3.4 The Dome of the Rock as national icon of Palestine
‘’A nation is an abstraction. That is, it has no material form. Yet from the rise of nationalism, the
nation has always been represented visually.’’ 375
372 Joireman, Nationalism and political identity, p.11. 373 Ibid. 374 See for example two books by Uri Davis, Israel: an Apartheid State, 1987 and Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the
Struggle Within, 2004. Also see, the report of the Russell Tribunal on Palestine, “Are Israel practices against the Palestinian
People in breach of the prohibition on apartheid under International Law?”(5-7 November 2011):
http://www.russelltribunalonpalestine.com/en/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/RToP-Cape-Town-full-findings2.pdf. 375 Beth Baron, ‘Nationalist iconography: Egypt as Woman’’ Rethinking nationalism in the middle East, eds. James
Jankowski and Israel Gershoni (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p.105. cited in Sarah Rogers,‘The Dome of
the Rock as National Icon in Contemporary Palestinian Painting’ in The open veins of Jerusalem (2005), p.184.
62
This has also been the case for Palestinians, despite the fact that they lack self-determination.
However, the Palestinians, especially after 1967, did manage to create a representative body, which
used the same tools as other nations such as a national flag (since 1964) 376
Moreover, the symbol of
The Dome of the Rock has emerged as national icon of Palestine, representing religious, cultural and
political aspects of Palestinian identity. It is important to
understand why the Dome of the Rock became the
national icon of Palestine. As we have seen from what has
been discussed above, Palestinian identity has been
dominated from the outset by Jerusalem as the third
holiest city of Islam and most holy city of the Palestine.
After the Crusades this became even more so. However,
this raises the question why did the Dome of the Rock
become the symbol of Jerusalem in the first place as it is
the al-Aqṣā Mosque which is of more religious value? As
we have seen in chapter two, it was customary to use the
Dome of the Rock as a symbol of Jerusalem and the Holy Land of Palestine in general, for example on
Ḥājj certificates. I have asked many Palestinians to explain the choice for the Dome of the Rock.
According to one of the interviewees named Sahira the reason the Dome of the Rock is used as a
symbol for Jerusalem is because most people find this building more beautiful than the al-Aqṣā
Mosque, also it is situated on a platform which makes it an eye catcher and therefore favoured over the
Aqṣā Mosque.377
However, interviewee cAlī explained that most Muslims believe that the term masjid
(used in verse 17:1, see 1.1 religion) refers to the entire Ḥaram ash-Sharīf not just a mosque, so
therefore he did not find it important whether the al-Aqṣā Mosque or Dome of the Rock is used as a
symbol for the Ḥaram i.e Jerusalem.378
What is also interesting is that many Jerusalemites I spoke to
refer to the Dome of the Rock as the aṣ-ṣakhrah Mosque because nowadays it is also used for prayers
(see 1.2 History). Many even believe that it was intended to be a mosque from the beginning (see also
1.2 History). Furthermore, Muslims globally use the Dome of the Rock as the primary symbol for
Jerusalem. The image occurs on for example paintings, calendars and books.
What is interesting to know is when was the Dome of the Rock first used as a nationalistic
symbol of Palestine? The first photographical evidence I found is a photograph (see fig.21379
) of the
previously mentioned Mufti Ḥājj ‘Amīn al-Husseini taken in 1931. This photograph shows Ḥājj ’Amīn
on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf with a delegation from India holding a Palestinian flag with the Dome of the
Rock (downwards, centre). Now, I have found other photographs in the online photographical
database of the Library of Congress380
, however, it is not clear whether the flag includes the Dome of
376 The flag was adapted by the Arab Revolt against the Ottomans (1916-18). 377 Interview with Sahira, Jerusalem, 14 July 2010. 378 Interview with cAlī, Jerusalem, 2 May 2010. It is noteworthy that some Muslims confuse the Dome of the Rock for the al-
Aqṣā Mosque. 379 Source: Omar Khalidi, Indian Muslims and Palestinian Awqaf, Jerusalem Quarterly 40, winter 2009, p.55. 380 Library of Congress: www.loc.gov
Fig. 21 Ḥājj Amīn (centre) with Indian
delegation.
63
the Rock. A literature search proved futile. Furthermore, I have
inquired after this with some Palestinian scholars in Jerusalem who
were not able to help. This issue deserves
being researched.
We will now focus on some of the ways
depictions of the Dome of the Rock
are used by Palestinians. Firstly,
images of the Dome of the Rock are used by political groups such as the
Fataḥ and Ḥamas who among other things use it in their logos and usually
have a huge image of the edifice
prominently visible during press conferences. Another example is
the depiction of the Dome of the Rock in the logo for Jerusalem
Arab capital (fig.22381
) by the Palestinian Authority. Furthermore, an
image of the Dome of the Rock is used in logos of universities such
as the Al-Quds University (est. 1984 in Jerusalem and banks (for
example fig.23). Also, the Dome of the Rock is used by some
companies as a trademark or their Palestinian food products. One
example is the al-Reef real estate company that uses the Dome of the
Rock with the subheading Qudsona meaning Our Jerusalem in
Arabic (fig.24).
Another important way of expressing national identity is through arts. According to Sarah
Rogers the Dome of Rock is used as a focal point in Palestinian paintings which382
,, (…) stresses the
Arab presence in Jerusalem’’383
In Rogers view the frequent usage
of the Dome of the Rock serves two goals; expression of national
identity and resisting the political situation.384
That is the danger of
losing the city to Israel which, as we have outlined in the previous section, works actively at Judaizing
the city. The inclusion of the Dome of the Rock in paintings significantly increased after 1967
occupation. One of the well-known Palestinian paintings is the one of Sulaymān Mansūr titled Camel
of Hardship (1974), fig.25385
. In this painting the
Dome of the Rock is dominantly present (centre of glass eye). This is interpreted by Rogers as
follows:
‘’If Jerusalem is the symbol of the Palestinian nation, then the
Dome of the Rock as the symbol of Jerusalem becomes the ultimate
381 Source: http://www.alquds2009.org/english.php 382 Rogers, Open veins, p.179. 383 Ibid; p.180. 384 Ibid; p.181. 385 Source: http://virtualgallery.birzeit.edu/media/photo?photo_id=12669
Fig. 22 Logo Jerusalem
Arab capital 2009
Fig. 23 Logo of the Bank of
Palestine. Author’s photograph.
Fig. 24 Logo of Palestinian food
product. Author’s photograph.
64
symbol of the Palestinian nation in both the physical landscape of
Jerusalem and in the psychological landscape of the Palestinian’’386
Apart from paintings on canvases, the Dome of the Rock is also very often included in graffiti
on walls, which has become common in Palestine (and other
countries in the Middle East) and is considered a form of folk art. In
Gaza for example this practice started during the first ’Intifāḍah of
1987 when Israel effectively controlled the media in Gaza. Having
no other means of communication at their disposal Gazans started
using walls as a means of communication, writing and painting the
information they wanted to distribute.387
These graffiti walls include
many depictions of the Dome of the Rock. During my visits to
Jerusalem I have noticed that new and old houses as well contain a
(glazed or stone) commemorative tile with an image of the Dome of
the Rock and sometimes al-Aqṣā Mosque (fig.26). These tiles are
usually in colour and sometimes in the stone colour of the house.
This can be interpreted as another way of visually claiming
presence. So, it is reasonable to conclude that the Dome of the Rock
has become the national icon of Palestine representing
religious, cultural and political aspects of Palestinian
national identity. Furthermore, this icon is used to
make Palestinian presence visible in an environment
which is hostile to this identity.
386 Ibid; pp.185-7 387 Gröndahl, M., Gaza graffiti: messages of love and politics. Cairo: the American University in Cairo Press, 2009, p.10. See
this book for examples of graffiti.
Fig. 26 Commemorative tile on house (built in
2000). Author’s photograph.
Fig.25 Camel of hardship(1974)
by Sulaymān Mansūr
65
3.5 Conclusion
In sum, we can draw a number of conclusions from this chapter. First, contrary to wide held belief the
inhabitants of Palestine shared a common identity well before the advent of Zionism or British
occupation. This identity emerged after the Crusades which had a great impact on the Palestinians and
Jerusalemites in particular. This Palestinian identity was largely Jerusalem-centered due to this city’s
ranking as the third sacred city of Islam. Moreover, the Islamic associations with Jerusalem; First
Qiblah, al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, and Judgment Day, dealt with in chapter one and two, have been
strongly imbedded in Muslim Palestinian identity. In addition, the Jerusalem centered feelings led to
the Dome of the Rock becoming the national icon of Palestine, representing religious, cultural and
political aspects of their identity. Usage of this icon increased after the Israeli occupation of East
Jerusalem in 1967, which infringes on the basic human rights of Palestinians, such as freedom of
residence, movement, and expressions of national identity. Moreover, the Judaization policies have led
to a decrease in Palestinian presence, physically and visually, in Jerusalem, to which Palestinians
respond by visually laying claim to the city predominantly using the Dome of the Rock. In the next
chapter we will focus attention on another source of expressions, the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings
which we will try to interpret with the above discussed background in mind.
66
CHAPTER 4: JERUSALEMITE ḤĀJJ PAINTINGS AND PLATES
As their co-religionists in Egypt many Jerusalemites mark the return from Ḥājj of their loved ones
through Ḥājj Paintings. Furthermore, in addition to Ḥājj Paintings Jerusalemites use commemorative
Plates which, we from now on will refer to as Ḥājj Plate. The Jerusalemite Hajj Paintings and Plates
consist of epigraphs and iconic figures. No academic research to date has been done on the
Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings, although Ḥājj Paintings are very much present in Palestinian populated
areas. Campo (1995) only makes mention of the existence of Palestinian Ḥājj Paintings which contain
depictions of the Dome of the Rock present in the West Bank.388
Hillenbrand (2000) makes mention
of the Paintings but interprets them incorrectly. In this section I will present my interpretations of the
Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings I collected in 2010. I have collected photographical material of thirty-one
Paintings (many include a commemorative Plate) and sixteen separate Plates i.e. forty-seven houses
are researched. These Ḥājj Paintings/Plates are collected from four neighbourhoods in Jerusalem: the
walled Old City, Silwān, al-Bustān, and Shaykh Jarrāḥ. The reason for focussing on these specific
neighbourhoods is to ascertain whether the Israeli occupation policies, discussed in the previous
chapter, influence the choice of iconic figures in the Ḥājj Paintings, as these neighbourhoods are most
affected by these policies. Also, I conducted twenty interviews with (relatives of) owners of decorated
houses. In addition I spoke to Shaykh ’Ibrāhīm ṣabrī, Jerusalem Judge of the Islamic Sharica Court of
Appeals, who has an office on the Ḥaram compound and Old City shopkeeper ’Aḥmad who sells Ḥājj
Plates during the pilgrimage season.
We will interpret these Paintings using two sources of information. First of all, the data
collected from the photographs of Ḥājj Paintings/Plates are organized in a catalogue. The appendices
contains two main classes, epigraphic formulae and iconic figures.389
These classes are organized in
indexes of categories and varying subcategories with a commentary to give insight. What is more, I
have compiled an inventory list of all the categories (and subcategories) of the epigraphs and iconic
figures used in the Jerusalem Ḥājj Paintings/Plates. This provides insight in which epigraphic
formulae and iconic figures are used, their meaning, and the frequency they are used in.
Secondly, I use the information I collected from interviews conducted with Jerusalemites on
issues related to this subject. Obviously, their perspectives are crucial in properly interpreting the
Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings and Plates. The collected information will be placed against religious,
cultural and political aspects of Palestinian identity which we discussed previously. For this part I will
also use relevant photographical material which I collected in Jerusalem and on the Internet.
Furthermore, a comparison is made between the Egyptian Paintings and Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates.
However, we will start with a brief description of the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates.
388 Campo, p.140. 389 I use the same classification as Campo, see 2.3 Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings.
67
4.1 Description
The Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings are (graffiti) murals drawn on the façade and sometimes hall way of
ordinary houses to indicate that someone from that household performed the pilgrimage to Makkah.
Furthermore, Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings often include a Plate which contains a commemorative
inscription, epigraphs relating to the Ḥājj, and images of Holy Sites such as the Kacbah and the Dome
of the Rock (see fig. 27 and 28, p.69-70). Additionally, the Ḥājj Plate is hung above the doorpost.
Contrary to Egypt, the Jerusalemite Paintings are placed by relatives of pilgrims who use cardboard or
paper to make shapes and spray them creating images of the Kacbah and Dome of the Rock for
example. In addition to marking the event it is also a way of welcoming pilgrims home. This is
indicated for by the welcome text which is present on almost every Ḥājj Painting/Plate researched. On
the overall the Paintings are amateurish, especially in comparison to their Egyptian counterparts.
As for the Ḥājj Plates they are nowadays made of cardboard while in the past, in the early
1990s at least, they were made of steel. The Plates can be purchased during the Ḥājj period at
‘religious’ shops that sell them in addition to their fixed assortment (for example religious
books/CDs). There are no stores that solely specialize in s Ḥājj Plates because it is a once a year event.
The Plates are approximately 100cm by 50-70cm. There are several depictions one can choose from. A
choice can be made from the following depictions or a combination of any of these: the Kacbah, the
Madīnah Mosque, the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqṣā Mosque. Customers choose the text i.e.
epigraphs, usually the name of the pilgrim (or pilgrims when more people of a household perform the
Ḥājj), the year of pilgrimage and a verse from the Qur’ān referring to the duty of Ḥājj. The family
hangs the plate above the doorpost. The plate remains there until the Ḥājji/a decides to remove it
(usually a long period after the Ḥājj). It is not clear when the phenomenon of Ḥājj Paintings and Plates
started in Jerusalem. The oldest Plate I have photographed is dated 1987. However, all interviewees
indicated the 1970s as the starting point. Moreover, several (seven) interviewees recounted that in the
old days, before 1967, people used to put a white flag on their houses and an olive branch. The white
flag symbolises purity and the olive branch refers to the following passage in the Qur’ān (95:1-3): “By
the fig and the olive, and the Mount of Sinai, and this secure city”. The fig and olive in this verse are
believed to be metaphors for Jerusalem. The olive refers to the Mount of Olives (Jabal az-Zaytūn).
Mount Sinai is were Moses received the Ten Commandments (tawrāh). The secure city is believed to
refer to the Holy City of Mecca.390
In the following we shall compare the Egyptian Paintings to the
Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates to ascertain the similarities and more interestingly the differences.
390 Al-Khateeb, p.93. offers the same explanation.
68
Fig. 27 Ḥājj Painting and Plate containing image of the Dome of the Rock.
Author’s photograph.
69
Fig. 28 Ḥājj Plate containing image of al-Aqṣā Mosque. Author’s photograph.
Fig. 28 Ḥājj Plate containing image of the Kacba. Author’s photograph.
70
4.2 A comparison: Egyptian and Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates
A number of interesting conclusions can be drawn from a comparison between the Egyptian and
Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates. On the overall the Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings are more sophisticated
than the Jerusalemite Paintings. This is due to the fact that the Egyptian Paintings are usually drawn
by professional artists whereas the Jerusalem ones are made by relatives who are amateurs in this
regard. Moreover, in Egypt a long tradition of pictorial representation exists going back to the
pharaohic era. While in Jerusalem this is a relatively new phenomenon, starting in the 1970s. Another
notable difference is that Jerusalemites, contrary to Egyptians, use Ḥājj Plates in addition to or as a
replacement for Ḥājj Paintings. On the basis of the classes in which both Paintings have been
organized, epigraphic formulae and iconic figures, a number of conclusions can be deduced.
In the following we will address the similarities and differences. We will start with the class
epigraphic formulae. For the commentary on the epigraphs of the Egyptians Ḥājj Paintings I refer to
Campo (1991), pp.170-80, for the Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates see the catalogue (pp.83-92). In
general Egyptian Paintings contain more categories and subcategories, epigraphs as well as iconic
figures. In total we can distinguish six categories (God, the Prophet, Pilgrimage and Holy Places,
Divine Blessing, Victory over Adversity, and Welcome). Each category contains a variety of
subcategories.
The first category is God. In the Egyptian and Jerusalem Paintings the following subcategories
occur though in varying frequency: Allāh, basmala, takbīr, kalima, Allāh jall Jalāluh, tasliyyah. In
addition, Egyptian Paintings contain five more subcategories, see Campo pp.170-79.
The second category is The Prophet. The name Muḥammad as a separate unit is not used in
Egyptian Paintings while in the Jerusalemite Paintings it is used frequently, almost always on the left
side, on the right side the Arabic name for God, Allāh is written. Furthermore, praises such as
‘’Muḥammad (or God's Messenger), may God bless him and grant him peace’’ and ‘’Muḥammad is
the Messenger of Allah’’ occur in both paintings.
The third category is Pilgrimage and Holy Places. The Egyptian as well as the Jerusalemite
Paintings contain verses from the Qur’ān which refer to the Ḥājj. In the Egyptian Paintings four
different verses occur, whilst in the Jerusalemite Paintings only two are used. However, the two verses
used in the Jerusalem Paintings also occur in the Egyptian Paintings. The first and most frequently
used verse is ‘And pilgrimage to the House is incumbent upon men for the sake of Allah, (upon) every
one who is able to undertake the journey to it’ (Qur’ān 3:97), the second is ‘And proclaim among men
the Pilgrimage: they will come to you on foot and on every lean camel, coming from every remote
path’ (Qur’ān 22:27). In addition, the phrase: ‘(Let it be) an acceptable pilgrimage, (may your) sins be
forgiven, and a worthy effort’’ (or abbreviated form) is used second most in again both Jerusalemite
and Egyptian Paintings. Finally, the phrase Happy cĪd/Holiday exclusively occurs in (only one)
Jerusalemite Paintings.
71
The fourth and fifth categories Divine Blessing and Victory over Adversity only occur in the
Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings. The category Welcome only occurs in Jerusalemite Paintings. The epigraph
‘welcome home pilgrims to the sacred House of God’ are present in almost all Ḥājj Paintings/Plates.
The second class, iconic figures, consists of five categories, that is to say; Pilgrimage and
Holy Places, General Islamic Religious Motif, National Culture, the fourth is Plants, Trees, and
Animals, Designs and Talismanic Figures, and General Decorative Motifs. There are more Egyptian
categories in this class as well.
The first category is referred to as Pilgrimage and Holy Places. Only the Egyptian Ḥājj
Paintings depict means of travel and rituals pertaining to the Ḥājj. Moreover, a depiction of the
ma’mal, which is a typical Egyptian Ḥājj feature, is also included. Furthermore, Egyptian Paintings
depict living creatures while Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates do not. The Kacbah occurs in varying
forms in both Egyptian and Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates and is the most depicted iconic figure. The
second most depicted Holy Site in Egyptian Paintings is the Madīnah Mosque; however, in the
Jerusalem Paintings the Madīnah Mosque comes third. In the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings, the Dome of
the Rock comes second. This is striking as the Dome of the Rock and to a lesser extent the al-Aqṣā
Mosque, exclusively occur in Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates.
The second category is the General Islamic Religious Motif. Egyptian as well as Jerusalemite
Paintings/Plates include symbols such as the New Moon, Qur’ān, and black banner. In addition,
Egyptian Paintings include a number of other subcategories such as living creatures such as
supplicants and King Sulaymān. However, living creatures do not occur on the Jerusalemite
Paintings/Plates, with the exception of birds, but these are stylized. Perhaps that is the reason why the
heavenly creature al-Burāq is not included in the Jerusalem Painting while this is a significant
creature, linked to the Nocturnal Journey of the Prophet Muḥammad to Jerusalem (see 1.1
Religion). Note that although al-Burāq occurs in Egyptian Paintings it symbolizes a heavenly
means of travel only and is not intended to represent a specific link to Jerusalem.
The third category is National Culture. The Egyptian Paintings depict elaborate scenes in
which legends and warriors play an important part. This is not the case in the Jerusalem Ḥājj
Paintings/Plates, probably due to the religious prohibition on depiction of living creatures. As for the
general cultural symbols such as the national flag, this is included in Egyptian as well as Palestinian
Paintings.
The fourth category refers to Plants, Trees, and Animals. Both the Egyptian and Jerusalemite
Paintings/Plates contain images of flowers and palm trees. Additionally, the Jerusalemite
Paintings/Plates contain the olive branch. As for animals, only birds occur on both Paintings and this is
the only animal depicted on Jerusalem Paintings, while up to eleven other animals such as snakes and
fish occur on Egyptian Paintings.
The fifth category, Designs and Talismanic Figures, is an Egyptian category and consists of
four subcategories such as geometric patterns and pharaonic motifs. The Egyptian subcategory
geometric pattern is classified as a separate category for the Jerusalemite Paintings.
72
The sixth and last category is General Decorative Motifs. This category merely occurs in the
Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates and consists of three subcategories; dots, stars, and candle(s).
In sum, we can say that there are a number of similarities and differences between the Egyptian
and Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings. Foremost, they not only mark fulfilment of a religious duty; they
express the cultural, religious and political aspects of national identity, as all these three elements are
represented in the epigraphs and icon figures in the Paintings/Plates. Ultimately, Ḥājj Paintings/Plates
highlight the elevated social status of the pilgrim. Additionally there are six main differences, 1)
Egyptian Paintings are far more sophisticated as these are drawn by artists whereas the Jerusalemite
ones are drawn by amateurs, 2) Jerusalemites use commemorative Plates in addition to Paintings, 3) A
fixed set of epigraphs, although not necessarily all used in a singular Painting/Plate, occur in
Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates, whereas Egyptians use a variety of epigraphs such as Qur’ānic verses
and aḥādīth, 4) Egyptian (sub)categories are more elaborate. However, there is one category unique to
Jerusalem Paintings, the welcome message, 5) depictions of living creatures and scenes of Ḥājj rituals
and cultural scenes only occur in the Egyptian Paintings, 6) the last and most striking difference
between the Egyptian and Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates is the usage of depictions of the Dome of the
Rock and the al-Aqṣā Mosque.
4.3 Interpretations
As mentioned in the introduction, the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings have not been researched to date.
Therefore, I will base my interpretations on my own fieldwork consisting of photographs of Ḥājj
Paintings and Plates; the data is collected in a catalogue (see appendix, pp.83-92) and interviews with
other Jerusalemites. This data will be placed against religious, cultural and political aspects of
Palestinian identity which we discussed in the previous chapters. We will start with the religious
aspect.
The religious aspect
Performing the pilgrimage to Makkah is one of the greatest events in the life of a Muslim. According
to (all) the Jerusalemites interviewed, Jerusalemites consider religion of great importance to them
because they live in the third holiest city of Islam. They feel privileged and compare Jerusalem and
Makkah to a family tie or in the words of interviewee Muḥammad ‘’Jerusalem and Makkah are like
brother and sister’’.391
Therefore, undertaking this important pilgrimage is of great value. However in
comparison to other Muslims, they have to challenge the Israeli policies which restricts travel for
Palestinian Jerusalemites and Palestinians in general (see 3.3 Israeli occupation, peace process, and
Judaization policies). In January 2008 for example Palestinian pilgrims were not allowed to return to
391 Interview with Muḥammad , Jerusalem, 13 July 2010.
73
Gaza. They were trapped at the Egyptian side of the Rafaḥ border under pressure of Israel.392
The
former Egyptian authorities were well-known for aiding Israel in its blockade of Gaza; see also 2.3
Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings. Due to the limited travel possibilities many Jerusalemites feel isolated from
the rest of the world, namely the Islamic world, as many (seventeen) have expressed to me. Therefore,
the Ḥājj is a way of connecting with the rest of the Islamic world and feeling part of the larger Muslim
community.
Ḥājj Painting/Plate serve as a public commemoration of fulfilment of the meritorious duty of
Ḥājj. Pilgrims are granted great respect when they return home as they are considered reborn, cleansed
from all sins and, worthy of paradise, they are given the honourable title Ḥājji/a. Furthermore, the fact
that pilgrims have challenged the restricted travel policies of Israel to fulfil a religious duty increases
the prestige of their new social status. There are two epigraphs used in Paintings/Plates which refer to
this. The first is the epigraph is ‘(Let it be) an acceptable pilgrimage, (may your) sins be forgiven, and
a worthy effort’ ( . وسعياا مشكوراا . وذباا مغفوراا اا حجاا مبرور ). This is very important as it is used on
almost all Ḥājj Paintings/Plates researched. The second is the welcome epigraph i.e. ‘welcome home
pilgrims to the sacred House of God’ ( بيت هللا الحرام بحجاجوسهلا أهلا ) (abbreviated forms and one
slightly different form also occur) and is present in almost all Ḥājj Paintings/Plates. As mentioned
earlier this epigraph does not occur in Egyptian Paintings.
In total I have distinguished five categories and varying subcategories which I will discuss
here in brief, I refer to the catalogue (see pp.83-92) for an overview of all the categories and
accompanying commentary. I will also provide Arabic scripts of the epigraphs in parentheses. The
first category, God, contains six subcategories, three short and three long epigraphs in praise of God.
The Arabic word for God is Allāh ( ), occurs on all but one house. The second epigraph is the
phrase Allāh is most Great! (هللا أكبر), which occurs nine times. The third epigraph is Allāh, Mighty
and Glorious is He!, (هللا جل جلله ). This epigraph only occurs twice. The first long epigraph in this
category is the formula In the name of In the name of Allah, most compassionate and merciful,
. This formula is also referred to as the basmala and occurs on thirty-three
houses. Second is the epigraph Shahādah or there is no god but God and Muḥammad is his
Messenger, (ل اله ال هللا محمد رسول هللا). The third epigraph is At your service, o Allah at your
service!, (ليبك اللهم لبيك) which occurs only twice. This epigraph overlaps with the category
Pilgrimage and Holy Places discussed below. On the basis of the frequency in which they occur in
the Paintings we can say that the epigraphs Allāh and the basmala are the most important religious
epigraphs used.
The second category Pilgrimage and Holy Places consists of four subcategories which relate
392 Al-Jazeera, ‘Ordeal over for Gaza pilgrims; Hundreds stranded in Egypt after Ḥājj return home through Rafaḥ crossing’, 3
January 2008, http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/01/200852514858578916.html, (15 July 2011)
74
to the Ḥājj. The most frequently used epigraph in this respect is the abovementioned (Let it be) an
acceptable pilgrimage, (may your) sins be forgiven, and a worthy effort,
( . وسعياا مشكوراا . وذباا مغفوراا حجاا مبروراا ) The second epigraph is a verse from the Qur’ān, 3:97,
which is related to the Ḥājj:
على ٱلناس حج ٱلبيت من ٱستطاع إليه سبيلا وهلل
And Ḥājj (pilgrimage to Makkah) to the House (Ka’bah) is a duty that mankind owes to Allah.
The inventory shows that this verse is most used, thirty-one times. The second Qur’ān verse used is
verse 22:27:
امر يأتين من كل فج عميق وعلى ڪل وأذن فى ٱلناس بٱلحج يأتوك رجالا
And proclaim among men the Pilgrimage: they will come to you on foot and on every lean camel,
coming from every remote path.
However, this verse is only used twice. The last epigraph in this category, which occurs only once, is
Happy Holiday (عيد الحى). This refers to the Holiday which is celebrated after the Ḥājj, the cĪd al-
Aḍḥā. From this we can conclude that the epigraph (Let it be) an acceptable pilgrimage, (may your)
sins be forgiven, and a worthy effort is the most popular epigraph in Jerusalemite Ḥājj
Paintings/Plates.
The third category is The Prophet Muḥammad. This category consists of three epigraphs 1)
Muḥammad (محمد ), 2) Muḥammad, may God bless him and grant him peace ( محمد صلى هللا عليه
The first epigraph occurs thirty .(محمد رسول هللا) and 3) Muḥammad is the Messenger of God ,(وسلم
times and is therefore the most important, the second, occurs twelve times and the third epigraph only
occurs once. The inclusion of the Prophet’s name and references to his Prophethood is not surprising,
as the Prophet Muḥammad is considered the last Messenger of God and above all, the conveyer of
Islam.
Now, we shall take a closer look at the second class: iconic figures. The iconic figures are
organized in six categories and varying subcategories. Category A organizes the Holy Sites depicted,
which consists of four categories and subcategories 1) the Kacbah, 2) the Dome of the Rock, 3)
Madīnah Mosque, and 4) al-Aqṣā Mosque. Do take into account that there are subcategories within
subcategories as well, for example the Kacbah is depicted alone, with minarets, surrounding area, and
with minarets and a crowd of pilgrims. Some Ḥājj Paintings or Plates include more than one of these
categories. However, for this general comparison we use the total number in which the main icon in a
subcategory occurs, which includes all the subcategories within as mentioned in the example. Note
75
that due to this the total numbers may not correspond with the number of houses researched. For a
detailed overview I refer to the Catalogue.
The inventory shows that the Kacbah is the most depicted Holy Site, sixty-three times. The
second most depicted Holy Site is the Dome of the Rock, fourty-nine times. The Kacbah is depicted
only fourteen times more than the Dome of the Rock. Furthermore, in some cases the Dome of the
Rock is the most prominently depicted Holy Site in the Painting or Plate. The Madīnah Mosque
comes third; it is depicted merely fourteen times, while this is the second most important sacred city
of Islam, which is considerably less than the Dome of the Rock. Last, the al-Aqṣā Mosque is depicted
only four times. The inclusion of the al-Aqṣā Mosque and the Dome of the Rocky will be discussed in
more detail below.
Category C organizes the five general Islamic motifs used in the Paintings/Plates, 1) new
moon, twenty-two times, 2) an image of the Qur’ān, depicted five times, (3) the green banner, only
once, and (4) black banner, depicted five times.
The most striking depictions in the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates are the Dome of the
Rock and al-Aqṣā Mosque, as the Ḥājj is centred around Makkah and Madīnah primarily. I
interviewed ’Aḥmad (shop owner in the Old City) who sells religious items such as books and CDs
and in addition Ḥājj Plates. He makes several Plates customers can choose from. Most of them include
an image of the Dome of the Rock. The majority of customers, his estimate is 95%, choose a plate
which contains the Dome of the Rock, be it prominently visible or in the background.
As mentioned previously, symbols are an important way of expressing one’s identity, in other
words symbols indicate who is ‘us’ and who the ‘other’ is. The main question here is: Why do
Jerusalemites include depictions of the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqṣā Mosque in their Ḥājj
Paintings/Plates? As we have pointed out in 3.4 Dome of the Rock as national icon of Palestine, the
Dome of the Rock emerged as national icon of Palestine, representing religious, cultural and political
aspects op Palestinian identity. As we have concluded from the previous chapters, Jerusalem has a
great religious significance as Islam’s third sacred city. Another important aspect is that the city was
connected to the pilgrimage to Makkah because it was recommended to put on ’iḥrām from Jerusalem.
The importance of Jerusalem is illustrated by its usage on Ḥājj Certificates (see section 2.2 Ḥājj
Certificates). One of the interviewees, the 78 years old man ’Abū Aḥmad (14 July 2010), remembers
that before the Israeli occupation (1948) it was common practice for people all over Palestine and
neighbouring countries to start the Ḥājj from Jerusalem because it was considered a virtue to put on
‘iḥrām from Jerusalem before heading to Makkah. According to him the Moroccans in particular were
accustomed to doing so.
Moreover, the link between Makkah and Jerusalem is described by all interviewees as a
‘special’ connection. In the words of interviewee Muḥammad ‘Jerusalem and Makkah are like brother
and sister’.393
All interviewees indicated that this is due to the special status Jerusalem has as the third
holiest site of Islam and that it is related to the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, the First Qiblah and Judgment
393 Interview with Muḥammad , Jerusalem, 13 July 2010.
76
Day. Furthermore, to use the words of Sahira: ‘Jerusalem has always been a place of pilgrimage’. In
addition, pilgrims would either leave for Ḥājj from Jerusalem or they would visit Jerusalem and al-
Khalīl (Hebron) on their way home. In Jerusalem and Hebron they would perform a prayer.394
I
interviewed Sānā395
, who went on Ḥājj and cUmrah several times. According to Sānā Jerusalemites
who return from Ḥājj or cUmrah visit the ’Ibrāhīmī mosque, named after Prophet ’Ibrāhīm who is
believed to be buried in this mosque and is
related to the Ḥājj (see 2.1 The Ḥājj).396
However, to Sānā’s knowledge no special
rituals are performed in Jerusalem nor Hebron
pertaining to the Ḥājj, people simply perform a
prayer. However, not many Jerusalemites go to
Hebron anymore due to the checkpoints and
closures. Moreover, Palestinian residents of the
West-Bank and Gaza are not able to visit
Jerusalem because of the restrictions of movement imposed by Israel (see 3.3 Israeli occupation,
peace process and Judaization policies).
Though all interviewees indicated that Qur’ānic verse 17:1 is the most important
Qur’ānic verse relating to Jerusalem, this verse is not included in the Paintings/Plates researched. The
reason for this, according to the interviewees, is that this link is well-known by Jerusalemites (and
Muslims in general) and therefore not included in the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates.
Though the Dome of the Rock is very much depicted, not all Ḥājj Paintings include symbols
of Jerusalem. For example, I interviewed Ḥājja Fatima, whose Ḥājj Painting only depicts the Kacbah
on her request. Fatima explained to me that in her opinion the Ḥājj is only about the Kacbah, and that
while she does understand the Ḥājj link to Jerusalem she did not feel the need to depict the Dome of
the Rock or Aqṣā Mosque. She wanted to keep it ‘simple’ meaning that she only wanted to depict the
‘centre’ of the Ḥājj i.e. the Kacbah.
397
As mentioned in the section Egyptian Ḥājj Paintings, some clergy reject the custom of Ḥājj
Paintings. I discussed this issue with Shaykh ’Ibrāhīm ṣabri, Jerusalem Judge of the Islamic Sharica
Court of Appeals. In his view, and he was quite sure that his view was shared by other clergy, there
was nothing un-Islamic about the Paintings. Although he did point out that it is not a prescribed
custom in Islam, he deemed it a permissible local custom. He pointed out that this was, to his
knowledge a relatively new custom (1970s), as he remembers that pilgrims used to mark the event of
Ḥājj by marking the house of the pilgrim with a white flag and olive branch for which he gave the
same explanation as I described earlier in this chapter.
394 Interview with Sahira, Jerusalem, 14 July 2010. 395 Interview with Sahira, Jerusalem, 14 July 2010. 396 Interview with Sanaa, employee of PASSIA. Jerusalem, 20 July 2010. 397 Interview with Fatima, Jerusalem, 21 July 2010.
Fig. 31 Business sign Ḥājj agency. Author’s photograph.
77
In sum, the Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates represent authentic Islamic symbols i.e. Holy Sites
such as the Kacbah and Madīnah Mosque that refer to the Ḥājj and general Islamic motifs. In addition
the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqṣā Mosque, which are also authentic Islamic symbols as they
represent Islam’s third sacred city, are also included represent Jerusalemite local religious identity,
which is largely centered around Jerusalem. Furthermore, authentic Islamic sources are used as
epigraphs namely verses from the Qur’ān relating to the Ḥājj and phrases in praise of God and His
Messenger. Additionally, the epigraphs highlight the elevated social status of the pilgrim. In the
following we will address the cultural and political aspects of the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates. As these two
aspects overlap regarding the Paintings/Plates, we will deal with these two aspects simultaneously.
The cultural and political aspects
‘’The Dome of the Rock has become a symbol of our
identity. The usage of the Dome of the Rock does not
only stand for the building of the Dome of the Rock, it
symbolises the whole Al-Aqṣā Ḥaram. In the broader
sense it has become the symbol of Palestine. It is not only
used in Ḥājj Paintings but in everything’’. 398
According to interviewee cAlī attention for the Dome of
the Rock increased after 1967 when Israel occupied the
eastern part of Jerusalem.399
All interviewees related they
are very worried about the developments taking place in Jerusalem. The overt actions of the Israeli
municipality to Judaize the city, for example by settlement construction and restrictions on the
physical and visual presence of Palestinians, trouble them greatly (see 3.3 Israeli occupation, peace
process and Judaization policies). When asked what they feared most, the majority (eighteen) of the
interviewees answered the “destruction of the Ḥaram”. Second (fourteen) most feared by the
interviewees is the danger of losing their house as confiscation and demolition of houses continuous to
this day. So do demonstrations against this policy held by Palestinians and non-Palestinian
sympathisers as I have witnessed myself in for example Shaykh Jarrāḥ and Silwān (these protests
mostly take place on Friday). cAlī, stated that he would have no place to go as he cannot afford a house
in Jerusalem because rent has skyrocketed in recent years. This, he said, would mean that he would be
forced to leave his beloved Jerusalem where his family has lived for generations, while the Israeli
government is confiscating Palestinian land to build settlements where Jews from all over the world
are more than welcome to live in. The settlements are regarded as major threat as they increasingly
398 Interview with cAlī, Jerusalem, 2 May 2010. 399 Ibid.
Fig. 29 Palestinian pilgrim, right side,
wearing‘Iḥrām cloth.
Fig. 30 Palestinian pilgrim, right side,
wearing‘Iḥrām cloth
78
usurp Palestinian land creating Jewish enclaves which prevent East Jerusalem from becoming the
capital of a future Palestinian state.
79
Another interesting issue was raised by Muḥammad, which is shared by many (sixteen) other
interviewees, about the usage of the Israeli flag. He said ‘’ It is as we are surrounded by the Israeli
flag, everywhere I look these days I am confronted with the blue and white’’.400
Muḥammad
complained that Palestinians had no way to counter this ‘threat’ to their presence as it is forbidden to
use cultural symbols such as the Palestinian flag. The only symbol available to Palestinians is the
‘religious’ symbol of Dome of the Rock. Muḥammad and many other interviewees indicated that by
depicting the Dome of the Rock Jerusalemites attempt to make the Israelis realise that Palestinians are
also residents of Jerusalem and that they are not planning on leaving. As Sahira put it ‘’We are the
children of this land’’401
and that they have the right to live in Jerusalem. One of the interviewees
named Khālid pointed out that Palestinians need to “protect” the Dome of the Rock because the
Israelis “claim” it as a Jewish symbol for example by using it for tourist promotion.402
Furthermore,
most interviewees stated that it is their ‘job’ to protect the Holy City of Islam. When asked whether
they see the Dome of the Rock as a symbol of their identity, most of the interviewees responded
affirmatively as representing the religious, cultural and, political aspects of their identity. However,
most remain that it is a religious symbol primarily. Some (three) even reject the notion that the Dome
of the Rock is a political symbol. One example of this is interviewee ’Aḥmad 403
who showed me a
photograph of his wife and himself wearing an ‘iḥrām cloth. The cloth contained a logo of the Dome
of the Rock and a circle around it with the colours of the Palestinian national flag (black, red, green,
and white). ’Aḥmad said he received the ‘iḥrām cloth from the Ḥājj agency (organizes transport,
accommodations etc.) in Palestine were he ‘booked’ his Ḥājj in 1993. When asked why this was used,
he said that it served to indicate that he is from Palestine and that the image of the Dome of the Rock
and the Palestinian national colours referred to Palestinians’ religious, national and cultural aspects of
identity. Unfortunately, ’Aḥmad did not allow me to take a photograph as his wife was also in the
photograph which made him feel uncomfortable about it. Fortunately, I was able to find a similar logo
on the Internet which is dated 2007 (fig.30404
). I asked other interviewees whether they used an ‘iḥrām
400 Interview with Muḥammad, Jerusalem, 13 July 2010. 401 Interview with Ranja. Jerusalem, 14 July 2010. 402 Interview with Khālid, Jerusalem, 2 May 2010. 403 Interview with ’Aḥmad, Jerusalem, 14 July 2010. 404 The photograph is copied from Fady Adwan’s blog PalestineFreeVoice Image,
http://palestinefreevoice.blogspot.com/2007_12_01_archive.html (21 July 2010).
80
cloth with Dome of the Rock logo on it. Most (thirteen)
confirmed receiving it from their Ḥājj agency. As a
matter of fact, some of the Jerusalem Ḥājj agencies use
depictions of the Kacbah and Dome of the Rock on their
business sign (fig.31). Unfortunately, it was not possible
to conduct an interview with one of the staff members to
inquire about this.
In addition to the multifaceted symbol of Dome
of the Rock, another cultural aspect of Palestinian
identity which is for example represented by the colours
of the Palestinian national flag; black, red, green, and
white is also present in some of the Paintings. Though
they occur in limited frequency it is important to take
this data into account. For instance, I took a photograph
of a poster of Jerusalem, called Doors and Gates of
Jerusalem, in a Palestinian bookshop (see fig.32). This
photograph was taken in the Old City. What is notable
about this particular poster is that it contains a
photograph of a Ḥājj Painting that in addition to the
Dome of the Rock includes the Palestinian flag (on top of the house) and the four colours of the
Palestinian flag (surrounding the arch). A second example contains a couple of striking elements (see
fig.33). The first one is the Arabic word ṣāmid, ,صامد which means resistant or steadfastness, the
letter lām resembles, though subtly, the map of historic Palestine (down). In addition the word is
drawn in the four colours of the national flag. The left side of this part of the Painting reads
Fig. 32 Jerusalemite Ḥājj Painting and
Plate.
81
lā ’ilā الى,ل , meaning ‘no to’, however no other text is present to indicate what no is being said to.
On the right side it says Ḥāj al-Bustānحى البستان, or Long live al-Bustān (name of the
neighbourhood). Additionally the Painting also includes several depictions of the Dome of the Rock. I
believe these texts and the inclusion of the map of historic Palestine convey a political message, for
which cultural symbols (note that the Dome of the Rock represents overlapping aspects of identity, in
this context it also represents the religious aspect as we have established earlier) are used, as a reaction
to the political situation i.e. the threat of house confiscation and demolition by the Israeli authorities.
As we have discussed previously (3.3 Israeli occupation, peace process and Judaization policies)
settlers, with the help of the Israeli authorities, have confiscated several houses in this neighbourhood.
What is more, Palestinian cultural symbols such as the Palestinian flag or its colours are therefore
forbidden. Those who dare to use them are likely to get in trouble with the Israeli authorities. Such as
was the case in 2009 when Jerusalem was designated
Capital of Arab Culture. Balloons in the four national
Palestinian colours to be released to celebrate the
event by schoolgirls were confiscated by Israeli
police.405
In conclusion, we can infer from the above
that the cultural and political aspects of Palestinian
identity are represented primarily by the Dome of the
Rock and the Palestinian flag (or its colours). The
Dome of the Rock represents the Palestinian nation
and serves as a way of making presence visual or
claim it in turn politicizing this symbol. The political
aspect, however, is not acknowledged by all
interviewees, perhaps only subconsciously. The colours of the Palestinian flag, although its usage is
limited, only three times, also represent the nation i.e. culture as well as its political aspect. However,
it would be fair to suggest that the limited usage of the Palestinian flag colours is due to the Israeli
restrictions.
4.4 Conclusion
Two sources of information have been used to research the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates, the
Ḥājj Paintings/Plates and the interviews with Jerusalemites. We have placed this information against
religious, cultural and political aspects of Palestinian national identity outlined in chapters one to
three. Furthermore, we have drawn a comparison between the Egyptian and Jerusalemite
Paintings/Plates revealing a number of similarities and differences.
405 Al Jazeera, ‘Israel stops Jerusalem celebrations’, 21 March 2009,
http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2009/03/200932116227172756.html, (15 July 2011)
Fig. 33 epigraphs on part of a Ḥājj Painting.
Author’s photograph.
82
On the overall we can say that there are two most important similarities between the Egyptian
and Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings, namely both include the classes epigraphic formulae and iconic
figures. Also, the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates highlight the elevated social status of the pilgrim as they are
considered reborn i.e. cleansed of all sins. In addition, Jerusalemite social status is specifically
enhanced as they live in the third sacred city of Islam and because they have to challenge the Israeli
travel restrictions. In contrast, there are five main differences between the Egyptian and Jerusalem
Paintings: 1) the usage of depictions of the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqṣā Mosque in the
Jerusalem Paintings/Plates, 2) Jerusalem Paintings include a Ḥājj Plate, 3) Egyptian Paintings include
depictions of living creatures, 4) Egyptian Paintings are far more sophisticated and, 5) the Egyptian
and Jerusalemite Paintings contain epigraphic categories which are unique, for example the welcome
epigraph is unique to Jerusalem Paintings.
Jerusalem throughout its history has been a place of pilgrimage and linked to the pilgrimage to
Makkah and Madīnah. Furthermore, Jerusalemites consider(ed) themselves guardians of the sacred
city and its shrines for the entire Muslim community. The interviews reveal that this is still the case.
Moreover, the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates include authentic Islamic epigraphs, such as Qur’ānic
verses relating to the Qur’ān and symbols such as the Kacbah. The frequency in which the Dome of the
Rock is depicted and considering that in many Paintings/Plates it is the most prominent iconic figure,
attests to its importance. Also, the Dome of the Rock not only represents the religious aspect of
Palestinian national identity it also represents the cultural and political aspects. Since the occupation of
1967 Palestinians have used the icon as a cultural and political symbol. This is due to the fact that the
Israeli occupation and Judaization policies threaten the presence of Palestinian Jerusalemites.
Additionally, Jerusalem is exclusively claimed by Israel as its ‘undivided’ capital; even the Dome of
the Rock is represented by the Israelis as an icon of “Jewish” Jerusalem.
Finally, some Jerusalemites challenge Israeli Judaization policies by using the Palestinian
national flag and/or its four colours; black, red, green, and white in Ḥajj Paintings/Plates. On one of
the Ḥājj Paintings, surprisingly, shows a depiction of the map of Historic Palestine. This could be
interpreted as challenging Israel’s ‘right’ to exist.
In sum, we can say that the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates serve three main purposes: 1) it marks the
important event of Ḥājj, 2) it highlights the elevated social status of a pilgrim, and 3) it serves to
represent the religious, cultural and political aspects of Palestinian national identity to visually claim
presence in their (ancestral) city from which Israel is trying to eradicate them. This is supported by
the fact that Jerusalemites started this custom shortly after the 1967 occupation of East Jerusalem. In
the following we shall present the last part of this thesis, the overall conclusions.
83
CONCLUSIONS
The aim of this thesis has been to introduce the Ḥājj Paintings and Plates of Jerusalem, Palestine, into
the field of religious folk art as these Paintings/Plates have not been researched academically to date.
Though some academics such as Campo (1991) and Hillenbrand (2000) have mentioned their
existence. A total of forty-seven Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings and Plates were researched for this thesis.
At first glance the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates merely seem to mark the event of the Ḥājj.
However when researched properly a number of interpretations can be drawn from them in the field of
Palestinian national identity when focussing on religious, cultural, and political aspects of this identity.
Furthermore, we have compared the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates to their Egyptian counterparts,
which we discussed in chapter two, revealing a number of similarities and differences. The most
important similarities are that both contain epigraphic formulae and iconic figures referring to the Ḥājj
such as the Kacbah and Qur’ānic verses. Additionally, the Ḥajj Paintings/Plates highlight the elevated
social status of pilgrims as fulfilment of the Ḥājj is considered a most meritorious deed. The main
differences are that only the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings/Plates contain an epigraph to welcome
pilgrims home. However, the most striking difference is the depiction of the Dome of the Rock and (to
a lesser extent) the al-Aqṣā Mosque in Jerusalemite Paintings/Plates.
I have used two sources of information in interpreting the Jerusalemite the Ḥājj
Paintings/Plates namely the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates and interviews with Jerusalemites. I have placed
this information against religious, cultural, and political aspects of Palestinian identity discussed in
chapters one to three.
In this regard we can say conclude that Jerusalem has a significant status as Islam’s third
sacred city, which it maintained under Islamic rule. The three most important Islamic associations with
Jerusalem being the al-’Isrā’ and al-Micrāj, the First Qiblah, and Judgment Day. Furthermore,
Jerusalem under Muslim rule became a place of pilgrimage and was even part of the Makkah
pilgrimage. Therefore, Holy Sites in Jerusalem, mainly the Dome of the Rock, were included in Ḥājj
certificates in addition to primary Holy Sites in Makkah and Madīnah.
Due to its significant status, Jerusalem became the centre of basic Palestinian national identity.
This was intensified when the city fell into crusader hands, resulting in the development of a sort of
“chosen” people’s identity wherein the Palestinians consider themselves ‘guardians’ of Jerusalem, not
only for themselves but for the entire Muslim Community (Ummah). The Israeli occupation is
therefore often equated to the Crusader occupation. The ‘obligation’ to guard Jerusalem from this new
enemy has become a central aspect of contemporary Palestinian national identity.
This new enemy i.e. Israel has since its occupation of Jerusalem launched a number of policies
aimed at Judaizing the city, in effect severely reducing the presence of Palestinian Jerusalemites.
Subsequently, these policies have led to an increase in usage of the Dome of the Rock as a symbol of
Palestinian national identity by, among others, political organisations and in Palestinian arts. We have
named many a number of examples of how Palestinians try to claim Jerusalem religiously, culturally
84
and, politically through visual representation. As a result, the symbol of the Dome of the Rock
transformed from a religious symbol into a religious, cultural and political symbol.
With regards to the Ḥājj Paintings/Plates this is supported by the fact that shortly after the
1967 occupation of East Jerusalem; Jerusalemites started marking the Ḥājj with Paintings in which the
Dome of the Rock occurs. Additionaly, some Jerusalemites challenge Israeli Judaization policies by,
for example, using their national flag and/or its colours, which is forbidden under Israeli law. One Ḥājj
Painting even includes a depiction of the map of Historic Palestine which could be interpreted as
challenging Israel’s legitimacy.
I refer to the appended catalogue for detailed data on the Jerusalemite Ḥājj Paintings and Plates.
85
CCAATTAALLOOGGUUEE
JJEERRUUSSAALLEEMMIITTEE ḤḤĀĀJJJJ PPAAIINNTTIINNGGSS AANNDD
PPLLAATTEESS
86
TTAABBLLEE OOFF CCOONNTTEENNTTSS
INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 87
APPENDIX A: Epigraphic formulae used in Ḥājj Paintings and Plates:
Index and Commentary ........................................................................................................... 88
APPENDIX B: Iconic Figures used in Ḥājj Paintings/Plates:
Index and Commentary ........................................................................................................... 91
APPENDIX C: Inventory list of category A and B ..................................................................... 94
87
IINNTTRROODDUUCCTTIIOONN
This catalogue contains detailed information on the Jerusalem Ḥājj Paintings and Plates researched in
Jerusalem in 2010. The Jerusalem Ḥājj Paintings are often accompanied by a commemorative Plate
which includes epigraphic formulae related to the Ḥājj and images of Holy Sites such as the Kacba and
the Dome of the Rock. However, some people choose to solely use a Ḥājj Plate. In some cases the
Painting had faded severely which complicates the analysis and forced me to solely use the
information from the Plate. This research is based on 31 Ḥājj Paintings (Plates included) and 16
individual Ḥājj Plates, in total 47 items, which are collected from four neighbourhoods in Jerusalem:
the walled Old City, Silwān, Buṣtān, and Shayk Jarrāḥ I have added a Ḥājj Painting with Plate in the
Old City which I photographed from a poster called Doors and Gates of Jerusalem.
The Paintings and Plates are divided into two semiotic classes: epigraphic formulae and
iconic figures. For this I use a similar approach to that of Campo (1995). The epigraphs and iconic
figures that occur in the researched Ḥājj Paintings/Plates are presented in two appendixes which
contain an index and a commentary. The indexes are categorised by category and varying
subcategories, listed in order of frequency. The accompanying commentary aims at giving more
insight in the reasons for their usage. In addition, I have compiled an inventory of all the epigraphs and
iconic figures that occur on the Ḥājj Paintings and Plates researched. Often a figure or epigraph is used
several times on a Painting or Plate. However, I have only counted these once irrespective of how
many times an epigraph or figure occurs on a Painting or Plate. Furthermore, when a Painting has an
accompanying Plate the epigraphs and figures are counted separately.
AAPPPPEENNDDIIXX AA
EEPPIIGGRRAAPPHHIICC FFOORRMMUULLAAEE UUSSEEDD IINN ḤḤĀĀJJJJ PPAAIINNTTIINNGGSS AANNDD PPLLAATTEESS:: IINNDDEEXX AANNDD CCOOMMMMEENNTTAARRYY
Table 1.
Category Subcategories - Arabic script
included
Commentary
I. God 1. Allāh
هللا
Allāh is the Arabic name for God.
1.a. In the name of Allāh, most
compassionate and merciful
حيم ن ٱلر ـ حم بسم ٱهلل ٱلر
This common formula is very important as it precedes all but one verses of the Qur’an.
Furthermore it is used extensively by Muslims when beginning something in written
documents and speech. The formula is referred to as the Basmallah.
1.b. Allāh is most Great!
هللا أكبر
This formula is called Takbīr. It is used to proclaim God’s greatness such as in prayers and
during Ḥājj rituals.
1.c. Allāh , Mighty and Glorious is He!
هللا جل جلله
This phrase is used to praise God.
2. There is no god but God and
Muḥammad is his Messenger
محمد رسول هللال اله ال هللا
This phrase is known as the Shahādah and consists of two parts. The first part is known as
the Tahlīl or Kalimah. This formula also occurs on the green and black banners of Islam. It
occurs as one formula or two separate ones in the Ḥājj Paintings. See inventory list.
3. At your service, o Allāh, at your
service!
ليبك اللهم لبيك
Proclaiming the Talbiyyah is required to enter the state of ‘iḥrām for the Ḥājj. Pilgrims
continue using this formula during their stay in Makkah. While this is a very important
formula it only occurs twice on the Ḥājj Plates.
89
II. Pilgrimage and
Holy Places
1. (Let it be) an acceptable pilgrimage,
(may your) sins be forgiven, and a
worthy effort.
. وسعياا مشكوراا . وذباا حجاا مبروراا
مغفوراا
This formula is expressed to pilgrims who return from the Ḥājj. It is commonly used in
Ḥājj Paintings and Plates in full or in abbreviated form.
2. And pilgrimage to the House is
incumbent upon men for the sake of
Allah, (upon) everyone who is able to
undertake the journey to it (Qur’an
3:97)
على ٱلناس حج ٱلبيت من ٱستطاع وهلل
إليه سبيلا
This verse from the Qur’an states that the Ḥājj to the House, referring to the Kacba in
Makkah, is a duty for all Muslims, if they are able to. The verse is not used in its entirety;
only one-third of the verse is used. This verse occurs on almost all Ḥājj Paintings and
Plates.
3. And proclaim among men the
Pilgrimage: they will come to you on
foot and on every lean camel, coming
from every remote path (Qur’an 22:27)
وعلى وأذن فى ٱلناس بٱلحج يأتوك رجالا
امر يأتين من كل فج عميق ڪل
This verse speaks of the divine commandment Ibrahim received to call on the people to
perform the Ḥājj.
4. Happy cĪd
عيد الحى
The cĪd al-Fiṭr is an Islamic religious holiday which celebrates the end of the Fasting
month of Ramadan, the cĪd al-Aḍḥā is celebrated at the end of the Ḥājj and commemorates
the sacrifice of Ibrahim. This text occurred in only one painting. It is written in a cloud
with raindrops.
III. The Prophet
Muḥammad
1. Muḥammad
محمد
The name of the prophet Muḥammad is frequently used in combination with that of Allāh,
Allāh on the right side and Muḥammad on the left side. Sometimes it is written in a rosette.
1.a. Muḥammad, may God bless
him and grant him peace.
محمد صلى هللا عليه وسلم
This formula is known as the tasliyyah is commonly used when the name of
Muḥammad is used to invoke blessings on him.
1.b. Muḥammad is the Messenger of This is the second part of the Shahādah (see I.2.). It also occurs as a separate unit.
90
God.
مد رسول هللامح
IV. Welcome
1. Welcome home pilgrims to the
Sacred House of God
بيت هللا الحرام بحجاجوسهلا أهلا
The formula ’Ahlān wa Sahlān bi- l-Ḥujāz bayt ’illāhi l-Ḥarām (or abbreviated form) is
commonly used in Ḥājj Paintings and Plates. The expression ’Ahlān wa Sahlān is used in
daily speech and is a form of politeness.
1.a. Welcome visitors of the
Compassionate
ن ـ حم أهــلا بضيوف ٱلر
The formula ’Ahlān bi- ḍuyūf ar-Raḥmān is used to welcome pilgrims home from visiting,
the ar-Raḥmān (Compassionate), meaning Allāh.
V. Political expressions Long live al-Buṣtān
حى البستان
Be resistant
صامد
No to
الىل
Buṣtān is a neighbourhood in Jerusalem. The word Ṣāmid derived from the verb Ṣamada
(resistance or steadfastness) means be resistant. The left side of this part of the Painting
reads lā ’ilā, الىل , meaning ‘no to’, however no other text is present to indicate what no is
being said to.
I believe these expressions are linked to the situation in this neighbourhood as several
houses in this neighbourhood have been confiscated by settlers. And more houses will
probably follow as the settlers are supported by the Israeli authorities.
91
AAPPPPEENNDDIIXX BB
IICCOONNIICC FFIIGGUURREESS UUSSEEDD IINN ḤḤĀĀJJJJ PPAAIINNTTIINNGGSS//PPLLAATTEESS:: IINNDDEEXX AANNDD CCOOMMMMEENNTTAARRYY
Table 2.
Category Subcategories Commentary
A Holy Sites
1. Kacba
The Kacba is the centre towards which Muslims direct their prayers. The Ka
cba is
situated in the Masjid al-Ḥaram or Sacred Mosque. It is the most important place to visit
during the Ḥājj.
1.a. Kacba with minaret(s)
1.b. Kacba and surrounding area
1.c. Kacba with minarets and crowd of
pilgrims
2. Dome of the Rock
The Dome of the Rock is an iconic octagonal building situated in Jerusalem on the
Ḥaram ash-Sharīf or Noble Sanctuary.
2.a. Dome of the Rock and surrounding
area
3. Madīnah Mosque
The Madīnah Mosque also referred to as Mosque of Medina houses the tomb of Prophet
Muḥammad. As well as Makkah it has a surrounding Ḥaram area. Furthermore, it is an
important city because the Prophet migrated to from hostile Makkah and where he was
able to preach Islam freely. Most pilgrims visit the Madīnah Mosque because they
believe it to be spiritually fulfilling.
3.a. Madīnah Mosque and surrounding
area
4. al-Aqṣā Mosque and surrounding area
It is usually depicted without its surrounding area which includes the Aqsa Mosque,
also the most important building on the precinct.
4.a. al- Aqṣā Mosque
B Plants, Trees, 1. Palm Trees Depictions of palm trees serve as decoration but can also refer to the palm trees present
92
and Animals on the Ḥaram ash-Sharīf and in Makkah and Madīnah.
2. Flowers
Flowers are depicted for embellishment. Flowers have long been used in Islamic
decorative arts.
3. Birds
Birds that fly over the Ḥaram, Makkah/Madīnah or Jerusalem are believed to carry
divine blessing.
4. Olive branch
In the old days Palestinians (and other Muslim peoples) used to put a white flag on the
roof of the house and an olive branch to indicate that a person from that household has
performed the Ḥājj. The white stands for purity, alluding to the pure status a pilgrim
gains after the Ḥājj. The olive branch refers to refers to the following passage in the
Qu’ran (95:1-3): “By the fig and the olive, and the Mount of Sinai, and this secure city”.
The fig and olive in this verse are believed to be metaphors for Jerusalem. The olive
referring to the Mount of Olives (Jabal az-Zaytūn).
C General Islamic
Religious Motifs
1. New Moon
When the new moon appears a new month or year of the Islamic calendar starts. The
New Moon has become an Islamic symbol, the crescent is placed on domes of mosques
and it is also depicted on flags of countries such as the Turkey, Tunisia and Pakistan.
2. Qur’ān
Some of the Ḥājj Plates include a depiction of the Qur’an in book form. It is believed to
be blissful if one recites from the Holy Book.
3. Black banner
The black banner with the Shahāda inscribed in white is used in battle.
4. Green banner
The green banner has the Shahāda inscribed in white. Green is considered the colour of
Islam and therefore used for banners.
D General
decorative motifs
1. Dots
Dots are used in different colours to embellish a Painting.
2. Stars
Stars are used as embellishment.
3. Candle(s)
Candle, only occurs in two paintings, probably to embellish, although it could also be a
reference to the light of God mentioned in this verse: “Allah is the light of the heavens
and the earth; a likeness of His light is as a niche in which is a lamp, the lamp is in a
glass, (and) the glass is as it were a brightly shining star, lit from a blessed olive-tree,
neither eastern nor western, the oil whereof almost gives light though fire touch it not--
light upon light-- Allah guides to His light whom He pleases, and Allah sets forth
parables for men, and Allah is Cognizant of all things’’.(Qura’n 24:35)
93
E Geometric
Designs
1. Rosette (with Allāh written in it)
Geometric patterns such as the rosette are used in Islamic decorative arts.
2. Rosette (with Muḥammad written in it)
F Cultural-
political symbols
1. Colours of the national flag
The Palestinian flag consists of the colours red, black, white, and green.
1.a. The national flag
Though the Palestinians officially do not have a state, they do have a national flag.
However, under Israeli law it is forbidden to raise the Palestinian flag or even use its
colours in Israel and Jerusalem. A depiction of the Palestinian flag occurs on one
Painting and on three Paintings it was integrated in the Painting, though in a subtle way.
2. Map of Palestine
The map of Historic Palestine is used by many Palestinians (and others) as they believe
that Israel has no legitimacy, it is their homeland. Depictions of this map are widely used
by Palestinians and other Arab Islamic countries, only three countries (with Muslim
majorities) acknowledge the state of Israel namely Jordan, Egypt, and Turkey. Although
political relations between Israel and these countries have cooled down the past two
years due to political developments in the region.
AAPPPPEENNDDIIXX CC
IINNVVEENNTTOORRYY LLIISSTT OOFF CCAATTEEGGOORRYY AA AANNDD BB
A) Epigraphic formulae B) Iconic Figures
Category Ref.No. Occurences Category Ref No. Occurences
I 1 44 A 1 20
a 32 a 18
b 8 b 24
c 2 c 1
2 1 2 32
3 2 a 17
3 7
a 7
II 1 46 4 3
2 31 a 1
3 2
4 1 B 1 20
2 17
3 12
4 7
III 1 29
a 12
b 1 C 1 22
2 5
IV 1 38 3 1
4 5
VI 1 1
2 1 D 1 15
2 13
3 1
E 1 7
2 5
F 1 3
a 1
2 1
95
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Fig.1 Source: http://ownerlessmind.blogspot.com/2011/06/kamadhenu-and-al-buraq.html
Fig.3 Source: http://otraarquitecturaesposible.blogspot.com/
Fig.5 Source: http://www.atlastours.net/holyland/dome_of_the_rock.html
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