REPORT Nº 5 URIHI

CONTENTS page 150 km Frontier Belt. Calha Norte Project.......................................................................... 01 Introduction......................................................................................................................... 05 The PCN in Yanomami territory justifications and consequences ............................................................................................................... 09 Surucucus............................................ ................................................................................12 Couto de Magalhães ........................................................................................................... 22 Map.................................................................................................................................... 24/5 The armed conflict between Yanomami and prospectors which culminated in the death of four Yanomami and one prospector, on 15/08/87. The difficulty in removing the prospectors fromYanomami land .................................................................................26 The selective removal from the Yanomami area of organizations connected to the defense of human rights, among them two missions and the Commission for the Creation of the Yanomami Park (CCPY) ............................................................................28 The actuátion of the CCPY. The emptying of, medical assistance in the Yanomami area with the removal of the CCPY health teams, knowing that FUNAI does not have the capacity for substitution.......................................................................................................................... 32

A preoccupying health picture ........................................................................................... 35 And what of the Yanomami Park? ......................................................................................40 Appendix .............................................................................................................................44 Notice.................................................................................................................................. 47 Editors of this issue: Robin Wright Claudia Andujar Health: Dr. Marcos Antonio Pellegrini, in collaboration with Drs. Ivone Andreatta Menegola and Maria Gorete Gonçalves Selau.

Introduction

Recently, Brazilian and international public opinion was surprised by the news that the Brazilian government is implementing a vast military and economic development program, called the Projeto Calha Norte (PCN), confidentially approved in June of 1985, that covers the entire region of the watershed north of the Amazon and Solimões Rivers, representing about 14% of Brazilian territory. The project was "explained" by the National Security Council as due to the fact that the government priority being given to the project might excite exaggerated domestic expectations as well as unfounded fears in neighboring countries. The secrecy of the project was "justified", at least in its beginning stages" by the fact that many of the issues discussed in the project –such as the reformulation of indigenist policy, the demarcation of the frontiers, and the location of new military installations -are all highly sensitive political themes. The details of the PCN show that some 50,000 Indians who live in the area affected by the project will suffer the effects of measures to be taken as a result of the Project's main goal, which is to occupy the "demographic vacuum" along the 6,500 kilometer border area from Colombia to French Guyana. According to a document prepared by the Catholic bishops of Western Amazonia (Folha de são Paulo, 3.12.86), the PCN, which provides for military occupation and socio-economic development of the northern frontier of the country, will accelerate the process of destruction of indigenous cultures. It is ironic that this Project should come to be implemented exactly in an era of "return to democracy" in Brazil. The culmination of this process is the First National Plan for Development of the Amazon which includes hydroelectric, highway and mineral development projects. The Calha Norte project creates the military basis to implement the Plan. What are the consequences of the PCN for the Indian population and, in particular, for the Yanomami? It is still early to state conclusively, as the PCN is in its first phase of enlarging air strips and setting up bases for military colonies. Nevertheless, the implantation of the project seems to be following a pattern of occupation of the , Yanomami territory , and is already leaving its marks on the fragile state of the Yanomami's health, their equally fragile ecosystem and their economy. Worse still is the fact that there has been no success in containing invasions by prospectors. Since the implantation of the PCN began, in early 1986, with the expansion of air strips, the Indians have been faced with groups of construction workers' who entered the region in a disorderly way and without the necessary health precautions and medical supervision. The impact of this first contact, in remote regions like the Serras of parima and Couto de Magalhães (about 4,000 Indians) is in many ways characteristic of what happens to isolated populations. The workers were unprepared for contact and their interaction with the Indians proved to be uncontrollable, as reported by several eyewitness testimonies presented in this issue of URIHI. In some respects, the implantation phase of the PCN recalls the time of the construction of the Northern Perimeter higway in the early 70's, the consequences of which were quite disruptive to the Yanomami. What of the Yanomami Park in this situation?

In January of 1987, President Sarney gave his word to Senator Severo Gomes, author of Legal Project nº 379/85 for the creation of a Yanomami Park (See URIHI nº 2), that he would create the Park with an area of environmental protection and differential treatment in the border area. His promise, however, remains at direct odds with the intent of the National Security Council not to create indigenous reserves in the frontier area. The likely solution for Yanomami lands will be the creation of "indigenous areas", in accordance with the recent decree nº 94.946 of 23/9/87, in which most of the Yanomami will be concentrated within the boundaries of a national forest or mineral reserves for future developemnt and areas restricted to prospecting. A detailed survey of Yanomami communities, according to General Bayma Denis, is expected to begin in the final months of 1987. Since all of Yanomami lands are located within the 150 kilometer frontier belt, they are in the National Security area. As a result, the regulation of lands will be done in accordance with decree nº 94.945. through this decree, the National Security Council will be included in the interministerial work group that will analyze the demarcations of indigenous lands on the Frontier Belt. Besides that, at the invitation of the coordinator of the work group (a representative of the Ministry of the Interior), representatives of the Federal Territory of Roraima will probally be included in the group as technical advisors. We know, however, that Roraima governrnent agencies are completely against the demarcation of a continuous and sufficiently large area for the Yanomami, or Yanomami Park. In a statement made on local television, in August of 1987, the then Governor of Roraima, Getúlio Cruz, affirmed that the time had come to put an end to the question of the Yanomami Park, that the army would be maintained there, as well as certain areas set aside for prospecting and that foreigners and anthropologists should be taken out of the region. The beginning of the implantation of the Calha Norte Project has left the Yanomami of Surucucus greatly concerned and perplexed. In the beginning of 1987,members of the Army High Command of Amazonia visited Yanomami leaders at Surucucus. They promised that there would be no settlement beyond the number of soldiers anticipated (70 men on the platoon), there would be security for their lands, the prevention of entry by prospectors and other invaders, and respect for their women. The Yanomami, in turn, said that they would accept the soldiers with their leader if he could guarantee that the prospectors and other 'whites' would not be allowed to enter their lands nor bother their women. The Yanomami were adamant in insisting: "if the soldiers bother our women or call other white people to live on our lands, we will fight, adding: "we are many, they can kill us but we also will kill them. lf they use machine guns, we have poison and they won't even know how they die." The solution given to the question of lands was not addressed on this occasion. No doubt, it will be brought up during the survey to be conducted to reso1ve the land question. The nature of Yanomami representation will be important. But before anything else, it will be necessary to find solution to the growing problem of the prospectors who continue invading Yanomami territory. THE PCN IN YANOMAMI TERRITORY: JUSTIFICATIONS AND CONSEQUENCES

The special interest of the military in theYanomami area, as stated in the text of the PCN, rests on several justifications. The first of these is a perceived threat to national sovereignity represented by a supposed movement to create a separate "Yanomami State". According to the project, "for a long time, pressures have been noted, as much from nationals as foreigners, which seek to establish at the costs of the actual Brazilian and Venezuelan "territory -a Yanomami State." (PCN, p. 5). According to the journal Retrato do Brasil (15.01.87), this argument – patently absurd from an historical an sociological point of view - was taken from an ex-Air Force official and ex-deputy of Roraima, Hélio Campos, who, in 1979, declared that the Yanomami practiced a kind of "tribal socialism" that would be the first step towards the dismembering of their reserves from Brazilian territory. On that basis, Campos contended, the governrnent should not demarcate indigenous lands within a 150 kilometer strip of the frontier and, he added, all Indians living along the frontier should be relocated to the interior. The National Security Council, in fact, supports the non-demarcation of indigenous reserves in the frontier area and fears that the movement to create a Yanomami Park would be the first step toward Yanomami separatism. It is more likely for that reason to support the creation of an archipelago of micro-reserves for the Yanomami, "Indigenous areas", surrounded by mineral reserves or by a national forest for development. A second justification concerns the strategic importance of the area's mineral reserves for, according to the PCN, "one is dealing with a region potentially rich in mineral resources in whicn the presence of an efficient and reliable system of transport is of vital interest for economic preservation." This justification based on the territory's mineral wealth was echoed in an important article published in the Folha de Boa Vista of 12/06/87 which called the Territory of Roraima a "New Mineral Eldorado." According to the article, Roraima contains an enormous mineral province (Grupo Roraima) including over 150 kilometers of gold veins, as well as large deposite of tin and uraniumm. Of the some 850 requests already made to the National Department of Mineral production (DNPM) for mineral research and production in Roraima, over one-third are from multinational corporations or their Brazilian associates. Hence, national contral over minerals and, concurrently, national security, are clearly ,threatened by the activities of foreign companies. While the existence of a mineral province in Roraima is not a new fact (it has been known since the 1970s), the announcement of this "mineral Eldorado" in the press and its direct link to national security and the Calha Norte project leave no doubt as to the real reason behind the need for an increased military presence in the region: to secure Brazilian control over the mineral province. The PCN will thus set up the necessary infra-structure and military protection for the future mineral development of the region. Because the Yanomami area is isolated, the PCN calls for the construction or expansion of airstrips and military bases in 8 areas of Yanomami territory. And because the only population in the area consists of Yanomami, the PCN calls for an increase of military detachments at key points of the territory, as well as assistance and support programs for the Yanomami (see Annex: Summary Description of Special Projects...). The frontier military detachments will function, in practice, as attraction poles for development, being accompanied by the construction of trading posts (COBAL), schools,infirmaries, leisure areas, and radio and television posts. Thus, small

habitational nuclei will be planted in the middle of the Amazon forest amongst Yanomami communities. These nuclei will be followed by the opening up of roads and possibly by the construction of hydroelectrics which will affect dozens of Yanomami communities, still isolated from contact with non-Indians. While it is still early to say what the effects of all of the planned projects will be, in many areas the first phase of the Special projects -the construction or enlargement of airstrips –has already been completed, and the second phase - the construction of militar'y installations, residential and service units -is well underway. What remains to be done is the installation of cornrnunications networks and programs for community development and assistance, projected for completion over the next three years. " The effects of the first two phases have been documented by eyewitness reports in two critical areas: the Serra de Surucucus and Couto de Magalhães. Both areas are important sources of mineral deposits and in both, the works of the military are well advanced. The Serra de Surucucus is a particularly crucial case since it is an area of dense Yanomami population, the majority of whom have, until now, lived in isolation from contact. SURUCUCUS

In April 1986, a team of engineers hired by COMARA (the Comissão de Aeroportos da Região Amazônica, a branch of the Ministry of Aeronautics) led bya work-contractor named Santana of the José Pereira Santana engineering firm of Pará, landed in Surucucus to begin construction of the airstrip. They were followed soon after by between 20 and 40 workers from various parts of Brazil. With the difficulties of constructing a new airstrip on the rough terrain of Surucucus, it was decided to enlarge the already existing FUNAI airstrip by 300 meters. Dynamite was used to level the ground. The workers remained for several months, during which time problems began to arise: various flu epidemics were recorded among the Indians; Santana brought in liquor for the workers and offered fire-arms to the Indians as a trade good; Indians were used as wage laborers in the construction of the airstrip and came from distant regions to work, which created problems of inadequate food supply. By January of 1987, the Yanomami had become informed of the intentions behind the construction of the airstrip and that it would be followed by the occupation of non-Indians of the area. Angered at this and at the continuing invasion of their lands by prospectors, a group of armed Yanomami attempted to expel the workers and airstrip construction team from Surucucus. A military commission visited the area in March to explain the goals of the Calha Norte project to the Yanomami leaders. The military assured the leaders that, besides providing medical and dental assistance, they would not allow prospectors to enter the area, that they had no interest in minerals, and that henceforth relations with the workers and airstrip construction team would be strictly controlled. They announced also that works would begin on the construction of a hydroelectric dam at Surucucus.

For the next few months, several Yanomami groups worked in carrying buckets of sand for the dam construction. This massive operation involved over 100 people carrying 20-liter buckets of sand for about 1 kilometer to the dam site every day for nearly two months, for which they were paid in merchandise (at the equivalent of 10 cruzados per bucket). By May, the military began construction of residential units and installations, as well as expressing the intention of making topographical surveys and improving access to Indian villages. The following are observations of a work team made at Surucucus on some of the social and cultural consequences of these activities, for the Yanomami: "There is still little data collected until now that show the effects of contact for an evaluation of the Calha Norte project. Imprecise health date do not differentiate the different Yanomami groups who, depending on the ease of access to the Post, are becoming involved to greater or lesser degree in living with the new 'foreigners'. Some significant changes can already be noted, as a result of the relations of the 'foreigners' with the Yanomami and the land. From the plane, one can distinguish from a distance a cleared strip and a rectangle on the savannah on top of the Serra. It is the 1,200 meter airstrip and the approximately 200x400 meter area ,that was cleared and levelled for the installation of the military base. The airstrip is bad (as a result of erosion), usable for 650 meters. Frames for the houses have been, in part, constructed. A pre- fabricated house is already being put: it is the headquarter of guard that serves as a prison as well. Now, the number of non-Indias who receive visitors has increased. It is no longer just the Yanomami who come to the airstrip. Among the Indians, the quantity of clothing has changed a great deal. This can be noted by the comments of visitors who, some months ago, referred to the Yanomami as ‘real Indians, naked and all’ and now as ‘ clothed civilized Indians’ or ‘ filthy, depending on the ‘status’ of the observer. When the more isolated Indians arrive, their ‘naked’ bodies again bother and even frighten some ‘non- Indians’. When it rains, it becomes evident how a basic hygienic situation has worsened: the small stream wich supplies water to the Post darknes from the mud and trash spread out over the surrounding areas (a result of the increase of population and the lack of care in conserving the good-natural conditions of the area). Perhaps a more important aspects of the situation is the way in which it is experienced by the Indian.First there is curiosity and admiration. The naturalness of a tractor at work for a ‘foreigner’ is in no way obvious for the Yanomami. The movement, the lights that remain lit throuhout the night without dimming are obviously inexplicable. Everything that the ‘foreigner’ does is new. The Yanomami seek to always observe with details. They come close. Many times they try to converse each one in their language. They succeed in undestanding with gestures. Then begin na unequal relationship, where the Indians feel themselves to be debased, feeling the need for the 'foreigners' things. The white man feels himself to be

superior with personal objects. The Yanomami ask for things, as they always asked for things amongst themselves. It is a cultural fact, inherent to their culture, that regulates political relations and the exchange of favors. Industrial products are introduced, full of the values stipulated by the society that produces them. The prices of indigenous artwork are determined by the dominant society. In Surucucus the exchange of Yanomami artwork for industrial products has taken place since the first contacts with MEVA (Unevangelized Field Missions) in 1961 and later with FUNAI, although, probably, in small quantities. The value of the traded object among local groups and/or individuals is determined by several factors that differ radically from the value given by the dominant society. These include the need felt by the individual, politics of good neighborliness, mutual obligations, etc. The payment of labor by industrial products is apparently well accepted among the Yanomami. The Indians are 'welcomed' as cheap labor for the more heavy work which,according to the work contractor, would not be done by non-Indian workers. Another factor to be remembered is the economic convenience of the cost of food supplied to the Yanomami. It is much less in comparison with the diet of the workers from outside area. However, it is well to note that work in construction has been, until now, sporadic and does not seem to have altered traditional activities. When their curiosity and initial wonder has been overcome (to a certain point) another factor begins to be questioned. What really is the meaning of all of this activity? Previous experiences of unsuccessful contacts with large numbers of 'foreigners' (up to 500 prospector s) awakened a sentiment of fear that turned into violence in the past. Recently, when the Yanomami from Surucucus were told by visiting relatives that many 'foreigners' would come to live on Yanomami land, this sentiment resurged. The coming of the Tisipora-u-theri (a local sub-group of 400 people) to expel the workers was turned around with a promise from the Head of the FUNAI Post that he would call the chief' of the soldiers to explain the reasons for the construction of the 'houses', that is, the Military Village. The postponement of the visit two times made the Indians demobilize. When the meeting took place, few Yanomami were able to come to the Post for the 'talk' that was scheduled at an inconvenient time for the arrival of a representative delegation of leaders. The 'talk' between the military and the Indians, which took place on 06.03.87, seems to have calmed the spirits of the Yanomami, but it did not remove their preoccupation concerning their future. 'Tell them that we will be few: 70 men...', the commander of the Military Command of Amazonia said. Nevertheless, enough 'foreigners' have already come so that it is difficult to count their numbers on their hands."

A second account testifies to the more serious health and social problems resulting from contacts with the airstrip construction team and the unscrupulous activities of "the work-contractor Santana: "Since April 1986, the flow of "whites" into Surucucus has been large; 20 men come one day, 15 more another week, and so it goes, an average of 15 to 40 men traficking and living with the Indians, for the Indians are collaborating in work projects as laborers. The approximately 3,000 Yanomami Indians under the jurisdiction of the old Surucucus Attraction Front (transformed in 1987 into an Indian Post), Indians considered to be the most primitive of the world, are being exposed by the Brazilian Army to disorderly contacts. The lack of observance of the law in force which requires that any and all individuals who enter indigenous areas be vaccinated and subject to medical exam, by COMARA and DOM (Department of Military Construction Work who do not require their work-contractors and subo contractors to respect the law, even though they are aware of this obligation, denotes intentions and interests that dis-respect indiginous life. It is not unknown that the Indian does not have antibodies and that a simple flue can become a lethal pneumonia in a few days; it is not unknown that an outbreak of measles, for example, (which we are all capable of carrying, adults or children) in Surucucus would have scores of victims. These are facts which were widely and insistently exposed to the several generals and coronels on their visits to Surucucus to supervise the works in progress, as well as by the despatches sent to the Army commanders directly connected to the works. These despatches also alerted officials to the dangers of ONCHOCERCIASIS, a filarium transmitted by the black fly, that could be disseminated to other parts of the country, for 80% of the Yanomami of Surucucus and other regions are carriers, and which leads to blindness in its more advanced stages. FUNAI always had at Surucucus a minimum of 3 health agents but, since the beginning of the implantation of the Calha Norte Project, these professionals were transferred, there remaining only one infirmary attendant, exactly when greater attention is needed due to the unavoidable contacts with workers who carry various diseases, as has occurred (malaria, venereal diseases, flu, etc.). These workers, when sick, are treated by the FUNAI attendant and medicated with remedies purchased with money from indigenous income (film-rights gained by the Surucucus Indians), for the Army work- contractors do not have such support and FUNAI doesn't even have money to buy medication.

I always refer back to the 'health' question because I understand it as a tactic against the indigenous population who, once contacted, will always have the presence of whites and with them, the most varied types of diseases. Every Indian has already experienced an epidemic and knows that these, diseases of the whites only the whites can cure.

It serves to pacify, to make it necessary to be welcome. Other problems that have occurred at Surucucus: 1. The offer of payment to Indian workers in the form of 'firearms' without the knowledge of FUNAI, by Mr. Santana of COMARA. Upon finding out, the head of

the FUNAI post prohibited the transaction at the moment when it was to be undertaken. Since the Yanomami conduct inter-group warfare, arms would be fatal. 2.At the Waikas Indian Post, the same Mr. Santana Traded firearms with local Indians (Maiongong),for gold, also without the knowledge of FUNAI. Upon finding out, FUNAI confiscated the arms through a joint action with the federal police. 3. There has been consumption of alcoholic beverage at Surucucus by Mr. Santana, despite na explanation of its prohibition by law and internal norms of FUNAI. Besides his own drinking, Santana served liquor to his own workers and to FUNAI workers. On several occasions, he loudly declared that he would not stop drinking, clamig that the coronel in command of the Air Force Plane brought liquor for him and that he would even go to FUNAI in Boa Vista and let them know that he would be bringing in liquor to Surucucus. 4. At the Paapiu Indian Post (Serra de Couto de Magalhães), work officials were removed from the area, for they had been prospecting, among them elements of COMARA/Ministry of Aeronautics. There are still other facts wich, although they appear to be of minor importance, have serioous conseguences, interfering negatively in the FUNAI/ Indian relationship. In daily activities the FUNAI official in the area is having to overcome various problems caused by the non- compliance of special norms, since one is dealing with a people who are considered to be in a ‘primitive’ stage, until now with still uncontacted groups. 1. At BÝLÝSI-THERI, the Yanomami village closest to the Surucucus Attraction

Font, there occurred an attack of the Mosywafé-theri, their enemies, who live three days from the Surucucus Post. The Indians were standing in long frontal lines with immense staffs exchanging words when suddenly a helicopter flew over them and hovered above their weapons. Amidst the nose of the helicopter’s potent engine, the Moxiwafé withdrew in confusion and were pursued by their enemies. At this, the helicopter manoeuvred to a better angle and the crew witnessed the scene: 3 Moxywafé in front anda group of BÝLÝSI behind with clubs. The Moxywafé terrified by the violently swaying trees in front of the bridge that they would have to cross, the wind, the dust and the loud noise, stopped and were overcome and clubbed by the BÝLÝSI. The result: several deep headwounds, broken arms and ribs, several lacerations, and the near death of one Indian- the crew witnessed it all- including the taking of a Moxywafé woman who tried to assist a Kinsperson in sever destress.

All this could have turned out very differently... 2. Distribuition of food left- overs. When the Indians request it, or out of

generosity,left-overs of meals are given to the Indians. This scene is repeated daily with the number of request increasing; and if one gives food to one person, one must give it to all. When the situation became unsupportable, the FUNAI staff was called to avoid confusion since no Yanomami at Surucucus speaks or understands Portuguese. The situation turned around and the image of the FUNAI worker, who wouldn’t allow the Indians to take anything that wasn’t from FUNAI, was damaged. The event occurred several times and one couldn´t interfere because, based on what has happened with the prospectors, the confusion creates aggression and violence.

3. Present or trading of used clothes. On giving an Indian child a used set of clothes, one could be bringing disease to the Indians. The Indians are adapted to their natural habitat, have their sources of food, their preventive health measures, their methods of curing Indian diseases, their systems and hierarchies. The white man did not create the Indian but can exterminate them even without knowing it. A naked child, as is natural with the Indians in any season, avoids many sicknesses. When he uses clothes without disinfecting them periodically, it creates an environment for the fixing and propagation of worms, flu and scabies, all of which are fatal principally in children, for there are no periodic and systematic health visits to villages due to lack of logistical support and personnel.

The Surucucus Attraction Front has for years assisted several Yanomami groups who are mutual enemies. This work has been done by the sertanista Francisco Bezerra de Lima, who enjoys a great respect from the Indians and who has been in contact with the Yanomarni people for 20 years, 10 of these being in several regions and missions and the last 10 at Surucucus. To maintain the equilibrium and to get access to groups who are enemies of the villages closest to the Surucucus Attraction Post for health treatments, trade of manufactured items for tools, or emergencies, one must have, besides a knowledge of the language and cultural factors that determine their wars, a great deal of sensitivity and dedication, practicing impartiality and not granting privileges, besides having to always be on par with the inter-group dynamic. With the disappearance of medication and the FUNAI health staff since the beginning of the military detachment's works at Surucucus, exactly when they were most needed, it has become difficult to maintain control over the health situation of the Indians." COUTO DE MAGALHÃES

Problems similar to those at Surucucus were observed in December 1986 at the Paapiu Indian post in the region of the Serra de Couto de Magalhães. There, projects include the construction of an airstrip and community development programs. "We observed several irregularities in the interaction between the "civilized" people and the Indians possibly due to their ignorance of Yanomami customs and practices. We also observed an intense trade in clothes and trinkets for craftwork and gold (according to information from the Indians and the FUNAI workers), with no mediation from the Head of the Post, which algo involved several FUNAI workers. There was a complaint made that a group from COMARA, led by a sergeant who should have been setting a metereological baloon, went to prospect in the area. The man in charge of COMARA said that he had no knowledge of the case, but the individuals who were prospecting were removed from the area by the Head of the Post. " Visiting the maloca near the Mahanuutheri post, we noticed a large number of new"civilized" hammocks,

flashlights, batteries, new pots, records and tapes, salt, underwear, dresses, shorts, blouses, pants and shoes, which shows the intense trade occurring there. Many Indians wanted to trade clothes for gold with us. Many times they offered us gold.

Many workers went out to hunt in the area with shotguns from COMARA and the post, sometimes accompanied by an Indian.

The machines working from 5 a.m. to 11 or 12 at night made our stay uncomfortable from the noise and the sensation of invasion that they created.Game diminished a great deal in the area around the airstrip because, according to the Indians and "whites", of the intense noise of the machines. Vats leaking diesel oil gave the place an air of filth and pollution. In general, the Indians of Mahanuu are beginning to appear like the old ways found in more contacted areas: ragged,confused, wanting the technological magic of the nabé. Once again, it needs to be said that the indiscriminate entry of the "civilized" people into the area, with no health controls, is lethal to the health of the group, not to mention the cultural problem which, even though indirectly, affects the health status of the groups."

At the same time, invasions by gold prospectors into the Yanomami territory continue, with several thousand of them now workingilegally on Yanomamí lands. In mid-April, in the upper Apiau region, the reported pressure of about 400 prospectors, among them, according to some Yanoman uniformed men, flying in by helicopter and bringing construction material (such as parts of tractors) to clear the forest for an airstrip and a village and to open up roads leading to other regions, aroused the Indians' fears of a new para- military invasion by prospectors, as happened in Surucucus in 1985. This fact was called to the attention of the highest authorities: however, not much was done and the invasions continue. The thousands of prospectors who grow in number each day have not been removed, despite the fact that Senator Severo Gomes personally informed President Sarney about the situation, who promised to find a solution.

THE ARMED CONFLICT BETWEEN YANOMAMI AND PROSPECTORS WHICH CULMINATED IN THE DEATH OF FOUR YANOMAMI AND ONE PROSPECTOR, ON 15/8/87. THE DIFFICULTY IN REMOVING THE PROSPECTORS FROM YANOMAMI LANDS. In May 1987, Davi Kopenawa Yanomami expressed his concerns to President Sarney on the growing invasions of the Yanomami area, and requested that effective measures be taken to prevent the disappearance of yet another indigenous people who have the right to live. The President responded in June(87) that he was aware of

the problem and that government agencies are working intensely to propose solutions, based on a real knowledge of the situations , and directed at acting in an energetic way against invasions of the Yanomami area. However, both FUNAI and the military claimed that it was impossible to undertake such a task. In the Yanomami area, the situation seems irreversible (in seven different regions, along the Uraricaa,Cauaburis, Mucajai, Novo and Apiau rivers and at the Serras da Mocidade and Uratanin). In July' 87, the Federal Police prohibited the airlifiting of food supplies to the gold mines in the Yanomami area, but the lawyer of the Association of Prospectors obtained a suspension of this prohibition in Boa Vista (RR). In August '87, according to the most plausible version of the conflict, a group of Yanomami Indians from the Mucajaí region which was prospecting at Couto de Magalhães and had left the mine to visit their kin on returning found their camp occupied by prospectors. On 15/8/87, the Yanomami returned to the camp seeking to resolve the question ("not being painted black for war", according to what Davi Yanomami recalled) , and were met with rifle and gunshots. Three Yanomami fell dead on the campsit itself and the fourth a short distance away. Late the police found the body of one dead prospector.A wounded prospector was taken out to Boa Vista. According to a Civil Police official, who was at the scene of the incident and was present at the autopsy of the Indians' bodies, "... the scene was one of the most shocking and revolting, with the bodies of the poor Indians totally mutilated. Gunshots, knifewounds, clubbings and a true picture of human perversity." (Folha de Boa Vista, 28/8/87. On 25/9/87, with the support of the Army Air Force (2 helicopters), Federal Police and FUNAI, a massive removal of prospectors began from the Apiau, Upper Catrimani, Couto de Magalhães and Nov areas. On 5/10/87, the helicopters stopped. There was news of the return of the prospectors to the area. Two hundred prospectos returned to the Serra of Couto de Magalhães, in Roraima, from whence they had been removed after the Army and the Federal Police intervened in the area due to the conflict with the Yanomami on the 15th of August, according to the Jornal do Brasil of 30/10/87. The Cambalacho gold mine, where the prospectors returned to occupy their old camps, was totally unprotected .

On 6/11/87, FUNAI requested from the interim governor, General Roberto Klein, the use of helicopters to remove the prospectors.

THE SELECTIVE REMOVAL FROM THE YANOMAMI AREA OF ORGANIZATIONS CONNECTED TO THE DEFENSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS, AMONG THEM TWO MISSIONS AND THE COMMISSION FOR THE CREATION OF THE YANOMAMI PARK (CCPY) On 20/8/87, FUNAI sent to the CCPY office in Boa Vista the decision to suspend CCPY activities in the Yanomami area, stating that it would immediately occupy the

space created by this action in the assistance given to the Indians. The two doctors of the CCPY in Surucucus were informed of the suspension by radio communications to the Head of the FUNAI Post, and left the area, leaving behind a flu epidemic with serious pulmonary complications that was also spreading through the areas of Paapiu and Mucajai. They were not substituted by FUNAI, despite the appeals of the Head of the Post for substitutes. On 26/8/87, the CCPY doctor and field advisor at the Couto de Magalhães region also abandoned their work, at FUNAI's request, and returned to Boa Vista. Both have malaria. The visit of the CCPY health staff to the Paapiu, a conflict area, was cancelled at the request of FUNAI, despite its being a priority area for epidemiological alert due to the disorderly contact which it was experiencing and which made it a "gateway" for epidemics. Also in August, 1987, missionares were taken out of the area, from the Catrimani Mission (Diocese of Roraima) and the Mucajai Mission (Evangelized Field Missions), despite the serious cases of malaria which affected the Yanomami of the Catrimani area. We believe that the sudden removal of the CCPY from the Yanomami area even during the active period of the CCPY's agreement with FUNAI for health assistance (agreement 013/86, with termination date in June of 1988) has two levels. At the local level, social tension was created by the occupation of indigenous lands by non-Indian prospectors and by the demand of a small but significant dominant class, to eliminate at all costs what it considers as an "obstacle" to the type of development it wants to create. In the case of Roraima, the xenophobia is old and several more recent factors have become part of it: the criteria that guide the large projects for occupation and development of Amazonia, that do not take into account the risks of a devastating desequilibrium of the environment and the disorganization and extermination of the indigenous populations, that have taken place in a terrifying way; the way that discussions are going on about the chapter on indigenous rights of the new Constitutions; the secret policy of the National Security Council, that recommends to the government "energetic actions" to remove "pressures" on the Indian questions and the recent conflict between Indians and prospectors that culminated in five deaths. Thus, a situation is created, the specific objective of which is to eliminate the external enemy who conspires to "undermine the national territory". On another level, there is a relationship to the general policy of the Calha Norte project, which is that of taking out of its area of actuation also persons and groups who are not part of the project. No doubt, a definition of whether the health staff of the CCPY will be allowed to continue its work is connected to the question of Yanomami lands. In the region of the Upper Rio Negro (to the west of the Yanomami area), where similar problems exist the government was successful in working with the mining companies interests against the prospectors. Several Tukano Indian leaders are convinced that through the economic exploitation of their lands by Paranapanema, one of the largest mining ,companies in Brazil, they will be able to gain through more social beriefits (hospitals,schools, road construction, electricity, etc.).

It was also promised to them that their territories would be demarcated, creating indigenous colonies within an area of national forest. In June, 1987, the President of FUNAI signed a decree to allow mineral exploitation in indigenous areas, anticipating compensation to the Indians through royalties payable to FUNAI. The decision, however, was later blocked by the Minister of Mines and Energy, until the mining question is defined in the new Brazilian Constitution. It is clear that the indigenous question has gotten out of FUNAI's control, for all decisions related to land questions of the PCN are made by high officials of the National Security Council. According to the Secretary General of the Council, studies are being developed to incorporate Yanomami lands in a special project which includes economic development and mineral exploitation. One could say, therefore, that "the Yanomami are a national security question. New legal concepts are being sought that incorporate new definitions of land occupation and indigenous rights that by-pass existing legislation and that will be introduced as special measures for frontier areas. The terms proposed for such special measures are "national forest reserves","indigenous colonies" and "indigenous areas" for recently-contacted populations, terms that do not exist in the present Indian Statute. It is clear that these new legal concepts, if accepted by indigenous leaders and sanctioned by the National Security law, seek to accomodate the policy of the PCN and, over the medium/long range, will open the way to economic development and to the occupation of "empty spaces" of the northern frontiers of the country. Finally, one must remember that the PCN is not only a question of a strictly controlled military presence, as was put by the Yanomami -leaders of Surucucus this past February, for the Special Projects are intended to open the area to create the means by which the Yanomami territory and its resources become accessible to economic development. The means to achieve this end for recently-contacted populations will be special programs that explicitly seek their acculturation. Much of the future of the Yanomami will depend on their capacity to understand the measures of the PCN faced by an eventual extrativist project, mining companies, or other form of economic development project. No doubt, within a short time they will be faced with some negotiation proposal that the government will present to them. Taking into account the social structure of the Yanomami, can it be representative? what will be their measure of understanding of the "white" world? How just can these negotiations be for the Yanomami?

THE ACTUATION OF THE CCPY. THE EMPTYING OF MEDICAL ASSISTANCE IN THE YANOMAMI AREA WITH THE REMOVAL OF THE CCPY HEALTH TEAM, KNOWING THAT FUNAI DOES NOT HAVE THE CAPACITY FOR SUBSTITUTION

A non-profit organization, a civic society founded and directed by Braziliam, with no political or religious affiliations, with its center in São Paulo, and which has for ten years petitioned the Brazilian government, through documents and actions,for the creation of the Yanomami Indian Park, in a continuous area, and works for the removal of prospetors from the same area, the CCPY has succeeded in mobilizing and getting the support of liberal sectors and progressivists within the government, in Congress, in universities and among intellectuals, in favor of "the Yanomarni. At this moment when a new Constitution is being prepared for the country, there is strong pressure to open up indigenous areas to mining by private companies and also by conservative elements who would like to put an end to the question of the Yanomami park. Since 1981, the CCPY has continuously provided hea1th assistance to Yanomami communities, through agreements signed with FUNAI in February 1984 (004/84) and in June 1986 (013/86), the latter still being in effect, which have demanded of the CCPY a large commitment of human resources and materials. The CCPY is even supported by a contract with the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, which accompanies and collaborates as much in the exchange of information as in serological tests for the evaluation of immunization induced by vaccination. The CCPY health staff works in isolated areas where there is no other kind of health assistance, as il the remote communities of the Surucucus and Couto de Magalhães regions and also in priority areas with high incidence of malaria, and also provides on-site dental treatment. The dedication and technical-professional profile of the health staff recruited and contracted by the CCPY (doctors, dentists, and field advisors)over these seven years has guaranteed a more-than reasonable performance, despite enourmous and incalculable difficulties and exertion that the field work demands in that area. During this period, the CCPY health team has recorded the growth of epidemics, mainly flu, and the alarming spread of other pathogenic agents resulting from pernicious contacts of all types with members of our society. Despite the precarious health situation in the Yanomami area, FUNAI currently has only three medical doctors, two of whom work in the indigenous area, and none of whom speak Yanomami. The removal of the CCPY health personnel, who have many years of work experience, in a differentiate work that includes the presence of a field adviso who speaks the Yanomami language perfectly, represents a grave threat to the thousands of Yanomami Indians living in Brazil. Since the beginning, the CCPY has been concerned with the vital question of communication with the Indians, motivating and stimulating the interest of the organization's working members in knowledge of the Yanomami language and culture, including the promotion of and participation,in courses and meetings, bringing together specific literature, etc. For all these reasons, the continuity of vaccine coverage and health assistance have begun to be demanded by the communities assisted.

THE COMMISSION FOR THE CREATION OF THE YANOMAMI PARK (CCPY) BELIEVES THAT THE REMOVAL OF THE PROSPECTORS MUST NOT BE NEGOTIATED WITH THE HEALTH OF THE YANOMAMI. It is difficul't to accept having been forced to leave the Yanomami area knowing that FUNAI does not have the means to assist isolated areas which represent a large portion of the Yanomami population. It is known that the state of health of the Yanomami who live near the gold mines is disastrous, with 28% infant mortality rates among children up to 4 years. The risks to Yanomami health are growing, due to outbreaks of flu, and the spreading of tuberculosis and benign malaria.

A PREOCCUPYING HEALTH PICTURE An important fact which occurred in 1986, from the epidemiological point of view, was the increase in circulation of non-indigenous elements in the area of the Surucucus Post from April on, with the arrival of workers to improve the airstrip, the first phase of the implantation of the Calha Norte Project. Sixteen months afterwards, we can now evaluate what has happened during that time. The average monthly total of cases attended increased 60% after April 1986. The greater demand for medical assistance is no doubt due to the worsening of the health situation. Outbreaks of flu became more frequent and intense, with the monthly average of cases attended increasing from 58.5 to 108.4 in the periods verified. The flue outbreaks are responsible, in large part, for the increase in the demand for health treatment, given the great weight that flu has in the monthly lists of cases attended. Related to the outbreaks of flu is the 366% increase in cases recorded of otitis/otalgia, which are complications of respiratory infections caused by virus, as

well as the increase of mortality. Known mortality in the communities closest to the Surucucus Post: Year Nº of Yanomami

1985 2 1986 10 1987(to july) 19

The Surucucus Post is responsible for attending 3,500 Yanomami (most isolated) of the Serra de Parima, but which succeeds in assisting around 800 Indians, although in a precarious manner. Malaria in the Erico River Reqion The drama lived by the populations of the Uraricaa River (malocas at the Erico Post and the commnunity of Campo Verde), illustrates a possible case of decimation by malaria. Introduced by prospectors, malaria found in the first gold mine a favorable environment for dissemination: type of dwelling, formation of

breeding-grounds for anopheles in the mine pits, in the panning of gold. Poorly guided health treatment done at the

gold mines favors the proliferation of P. falciparum strains resistant to common anti-malarial medicine.

The nearness of the gold mines, which are found within the interdicted area, the frequent circulation of Indians through the mines, or of prospectors who invade the indigenous area, going up river in search of fortune, has made malaria a serious threat to the indigenous population. Among the 180 inhabitants of the communities of Erico and Campo Verde, 15 deaths were recorded during 1985/86, which represents 8.3% of the population. All of the deaths were of children. Ten of these deaths, or 66%, were due to malaria. Two of these cases were infanticide and one of child abandonment probably as a result of social destruturation due to the nearness of the gold mine -the parents of the child had been working for a long time with the prospectors and the mothers did not take care of the newborn. One of them was a child of a prospector. The other two cases died of unknown causes, but probably were the result of malaria. Children less than a year old face their fifth malaria. Their parents renew their search for medication from the "civilized" people, for they don't believe in treatment in the face of the constant rescidive cases which culminate in profound anemia. Tuberculosis in the area of the middle Mucajaí River

Following the same route as other morbid agents, the Koch bacillus algo enters the area through the colonization fronts. The region most affected is the area along the middle Mucajai River, with 65 cases recorded after permanent contact with ranchers of the lower Mucajai River and colonists of the Apiau project. It is important to remember that the Yanomami most affected and who suffer most the conseguences of tuberculosis are those who left the Apiau area, that is, those who come from the Apiau region included in the project of the same name and who today live on the middle of the Mucajaí River. The region with the second highest incidence of tubercu1osis is the Palimiu, on the middle Uraricoera River, with 21 cases. This population maintains relations with local groups of the Cutaíba River and with the "Maitá" and Potomatheri, isolated populations of the Serra do parima. In 1981, during the vaccination campaign on the Parima, three cases were detected and taken for treatment at the Indian House in Boa vista, from these isolated regions. At the Ericó Post, from 1986 on, there is no

notification and an expected increase of the number of cases, although there were no means to investigate transmission and respiratory symptoms. According to these data, the incidence of tuberculosis is 24 cases in 10,000 in 1986 (the expected incidence for the Brazilian population in 1983 was 5.2 in 10,000), among the 6,500 Yanomami of the Federal Territory of Roraima.There is an average of 11 baciliphers per year in this area and the disease tends to invade more central and populous regions such as Toototobi,Paapiu and Surucucus, darkening the prospects for survival from indiscriminate contact, as much of communities in direct contact as of those in indirect contact with the surrounding society. Onchocerciasis in the area of the Serra do Parima The filariasis, known algo as river blindness, is responsible for thousands of cases of blindness in other parts of the world (Africa, Central and South America), given the seriousness and irreversibility of the ocular lesions caused by o. Volvulus in late phases of the disease. The methods of treatment and prevention are ineffective at the present time. Among the Yanomami, in several regions of the Serra do Parima, onchocerciasis has a high incidence of occurrence, affecting up to 100% of the adult population -Indians, missionaries and FUNAI officials (Moraes, 1978). Other known risks It is within this health picture, succintly put, that most of the known risks are contained for a recently contacted population such as the Yanomami. The uncontrolled entrance of groups of people such as prospectors, construction workers and others, put the Yanamami under the imminent risk of contracting whooping-cough, measles, diphtheria,which at any moment could spread throughout the area, despite the fact that the CCPY has succeeded in providing a good vaccine coverage among the Yanomami of the Federal Territory of Roraima between 1981 and 1987, at the FUNAI posts and among communities closest to the posts. We left in proccess af vaccination 700 Yanomami at the Serra de Couta de Magalhães, 250 in the Ericó River area, 75 at the Demini Post, 130 on the middle Mucajai River, etc. There exist, however, large population areas, accessible only by helicopter, ta vaccinate, still uncovered. The increase in cases of measles which has taken place in Roraima over the past year leaves us apprehensive as to the future, bearing in mind the past experience in the Catrimani region, where a 50% mortality rate was verified, with notices of the disappearance of entire communities during the construction of the Northern Perimeter highway. AND WHAT OF THE YANOMAMI PARK? The major preoccupation of the CCPY is to know what is in store for the Yanomami people in the Calha Norte Project. It is feared that there may be an occupation of

their lands by prospector colonization, organized by prospecting associations or by mining companies. Or that there may be some kind of negotiation for the creation of national areas that do not attend to the needs of the Yanomami. A solution, however, came to meet the hopes of all those who defend the Indian cause: President Sarney, in January of 1987, announced that he decided to create the Yanomami Indian Park by Decree. Special treatment will be given to 60 kilometers along the border where an area of permanent environmental protection will be created. The announcement, however, revealed a curious contradiction which has developed in the government's position regarding Indian reserves in the Calha Norte Project's area. In June of 1985, President Sarney approved the National Security Council's doctrine concerning the Calha Norte project. This was nevertheless kept secret; even though the CCPY met with the General Secretary of the Council, General Bayma Denys, in August, to discuss the need for the park and the problems of continued invasions of the territory, no mention was made that the PCN was already being put into effect. General Bayma Denys made it clear, however, that the CSN was against the creation of an Indigenous park in a frontier area. By December, 1985, President Sarney authorized the setting up of an interministerial work group to implement the PCN, with priority being given to implementation in the frontier area. Among the 6 preferential areas of the frontier where programs would be immediately put into effect, was the Yanomami area. That same month, Senator Severo Gomes presented to the National Congress Legal project 379/85, for the creation of the Yanomami Park, in accordance with the FUNAI proposal of 1984. In fact, in early 1985, Deputy Marcio Santilli had presented the same FUNAI proposal directly to President Sarney who passed it on to the then Minister of Interior. As nothing was done by Interior, Senator Gomes sought to draw the attention of the Sarney government to its importance by presenting it as a legal project in Congress. A year later, in January 1987, Senator Gomes found the appropriate political moment to discuss the project with Sarney. In an interview on 14 January 1987, the President declared his decision to create the Park by Decree. On the same day, General Bayma Denys declared ,to the Senator that the government had no interest in renewing the construction of the Northern Perimeter highway, during the Sarney government. Following his interview with Sarney, Gomes called a collective press conference to announce the position of the government on the Yanomami question: Representatives of UNI, ABA, CPI/SP and the CCPY participated and agreed to mobilize a campaign to request pro-Indian organizations and individuals in Brazil and abroad to show their support for the creation of the Park. Nearly 300 telegrams were sent in 5 days. General Bayma Denys, meanwhile, announced at the Third Meeting of the High Commission on Church and Government that there will be no demarcation of indigenous reserves within the 150 kilometer strip of the frontier throughout the country. At most, forest reserves would be demarcated on the frontier strip to protect the habitat of the lndians. If this is the case, the 150 kilometer strip cover all of the area of Senator Gomes' project, there being nothing left for the Yanomami park. In February, Senator Gomes requested a new audience with the President and again, the President affirmed his decision to create the Yanomami Park with a special area

along the frontier. On the same day, the Senator was informed by General Bayma Denys that a strong lobby had been formed by the Association of Prospectors and the politicians of Roraima against the realization of the President's promise. Since then, the issue has remained at a standstill. Despite Sarney's renewed promises -including a formal letter to Davi Kopenawa (on 19.06.1987) assuring the Yanomami of the government's intent to protect and demarcate indigenous lands -no action has been taken to that effect. In any event, it is clear that in all respects, the PCN differs radically from Senator Gomes' proposal for an indigenous and ecological reserve in the region, for the Park proposal precludes the possibility of development as proposed by the PCN and the government's Plan for Development of Amazonia. The PCN was presented to and agreed upon by Sarney in June of 1985. Both the PCN and the Park proposal were known to the President in January of 1987 when he made his promise. lt is difficult to know exactly what President Sarney had in mind when he committed himself to the creation of the Yanomami Indian Park. High officials of the government claim that they are now working on a solution, but the difficulty seems to be how to satisfy all interests involved. It may very well also be that the government is waiting until the question of mining in indigenous areas is settled in the Brazilian National Constitutional Assembly. Should the question be resolved in a way favorable to the interests of the mining lobby, then the words of Chief Seattle, North American Indian leader of the past century, will once again hold true: "The white man has made many promises but there is only one that he has kept: he promised to take our lands, and he took them."

APPENDIX SUMMARY DESCRIPTION OF THE CALHA NORTE SPECIAL PROJECTS THAT WILL AFFECT THE YANOMAMI AREA AIRPORTS Construction and/or enlargement of existing airstrips. Place Anticipated date of completion

Surucucus (RR) 1986 -1987 Ericó (RR) 1986 -1987 Auaris (RR) 1986 -1987 Maturacá (AM) 1986 -1987 Paapiú (RR) 1986 -1987 Uaicás (RR) 1986 -1987 Apiaú (RR) To be confirmed Lower Mucajaí (RR) To be confirmed

INSTALLATION OF A NETWORK OF FIXED RADIO POSTS To offer conditions for communications among the P1attoons and the upper command.

Place Anticipated date of completion

Ericó (RR) 1988 Auaris (RR) 1987 Surucucus (RR) 1987 Maturacá (AM) 1987 ORGANIZATION OF SPECIAL FRONTIER BATALLIONS AND COMMANDS (AMAZONIA -5th ; RORAIMA -2nd) .Construction of provisional, wooden pre-fab installations (barracks) for the Special Frontier Plattoans(Ericó, Auaris and Surucucus). .Construction of pavillions for headquarters of representatives of federal agencies (DAI/SEAC,DPF,FUNAI, Receita Federal). .Construction for a COBAL trading post. .Implantation or improvement of basic infra- structure (schools, infirmary, community entertainment). Place Anticipated date of completion Maturaca (AM) 1987 Ericó (RR) 1990 Auaris (RR) 1990 Surucucus (RR) 1990 PROJECT FOR DEVELOPMENT OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES .Strengthen the operational structure of FUNAI units. .Provide goods and services to attend to the basic needs of indigenous communities. .Promote greate access to indigenous areas, today in complete isolation by land and air. .Improve socio-economic conditions of indigenous communities, through the application of financial resources in high priority sectors, providing them with the means to attend to basic necessities in the fields of health, education, transportation, community development and education. Place Anticipated date of completion Roraima: Indian House 1987 -1990 Indian Post Apiau 1 1987 -1990 Indian Post Mucajai 1987 -1990

Indian Post Uaicas 1987 -1990 Indian Post Erico 1987 -1990 Indian Post Paapiu 1987 -1990 Indian Post Surucucus 1987 -1990 Amazonas:

Indian House 1987 -1990 Indian Post Maturaca 1987 -1990 Indian Post Maia 1987 -1990 Indian Post Cauabori 1987 -1990

NOTICE WITH THE PROLONGED SUSPENSION OF THE CCPY' S HEALTH STAFF WORK IN THE YANOMAMI AREA, WE ARE IN THE PROCESS OF PREPARING A HEALTH DOCUMENT, THE PRODUCT OF WORK UNDERTAKEN AND DATA COLLECTED OVER THE LAST SIX YEARS, WHICH WILL EVALUATE THE HEALTH SITUATION OF THE YANOMAMI IN BRAZIL. THIS ISSUE WILL BE PREPARED BY THE CCPY HEALTH STAFF, WITH THE COLLABORATION OF THE ANTHROPOLOGIST BRUCE ALBERT.