Response to a libel:

Refuting “8 Reasons to Boycott Conferences, Seminars, Research Activities, and Other Initiatives Sponsored by

Israeli Universities”

www.informedgrads.org

Our Union leadership should be ashamed to have produced and approved this document.

This is not an indictment of Israeli Academia. It is an indictment of the academic boycott.

“Israel’s universities are open to all students based on merit, and have long been centers for dissent.”1

According to the NGO, Freedom House. According to the U.S. State Department’s 2013 human rights report on

Israel, “there were no government restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.”2

The authors of this document have conjured “facts” to justify an inherently unjust policy of boycotting the

academia of an entire nation. Like the boycott, itself, this document is unbefitting of scholars.

Supporting Palestinian students and academics is a worthy cause, but that will not be the primary impact of the

BDS proposal, if it passes. The beneficiary will be the BDS Movement and its anti-peace, anti-justice, anti-human

rights agenda. The victims will not only include Jewish Israeli scholars, it will include our members, our Union,

and the very people with whom we claim solidarity.

“Those calling for an academic boycott of Israel not only show the depth to which anti-Israel bias is now

entrenched in our ivory towers; they show their ignorance about the boycott's major victims: Israel's minorities,

its Arab Muslims and Christians.” Dr. Qanta Ahmed3

Key points:

- Minority enrolment in Israeli universities is higher than minority enrolment in the University of California

o Citing Israel’s enrolment numbers as a reason for boycott is not only absurd. It is hypocritical.

- Israeli academia has invested huge sums to improve educational outcomes for Arab students

o If we stand in solidarity with Palestinians, we should assist – not boycott Israeli academia.

- The core academic values of freedom of inquiry and expression thrive in Israeli academia.

o Israeli academia stands for our values. Why would we boycott it?

- Israeli academia is condemned for following American and European academic standards.

o If Israeli academia should be boycotted, so too the universities of Europe and America.

- The case for the Academic boycott does not hold up to basic scrutiny

o Perhaps that is why the Union Leadership is only telling you one side of the story

8 Reasons to Boycott Conferences, Seminars, Research Activities, and Other Initiatives Sponsored by Israeli

Universities

The systematically discriminatory and oppressive nature of Israeli universities against Palestinians can be

understood in 8 distinct categories:

(Claims all from here? http://palestinejournal.net/gaza/alternative-infromation-

center_The_Case_for_Academic_Boycott_against_Israel.pdf

1. Israeli Universities are engaged in widespread open discrimination of Palestinian students and applicants:

This is the foundational claim of the campaign for the Academic Boycott. It is demonstrably false.

Israeli universities, targeted for boycotts in this resolution, have been on the front lines advocating for

progressive policies that will end the disadvantages Israel’s minorities face.

A. Israeli Universities are engaged in widespread open discrimination of Palestinian students and applicants:

20% of the Israeli population is Palestinian, yet only 11% of university students are Palestinian.

B. Palestinian applicants to Israeli universities are three times more likely to be rejected than Jewish

applicants. 32% of Jewish applicants meeting minimal requirements are accepted into Israeli universities, while

only 19% of Palestinian students meeting those requirements are accepted.

The Arab minority in Israel is far better represented in the Israeli student body than are African Americans

and Latinos in the University of California

- In 2012, Hispanics / Latinos represented 45% of college-age Californians. Nonetheless, they

represented 17.5% of students at the University of California.4

- In 2012, African Americans represented 6.6% of the California population, over all, but only 3.6% of

students at the UC. 5 African Americans have the lowest graduation rates in the state.

- Boycott American academia before you boycott Israeli academia, if enrolment is your basis of

judgment.

Israel has worked hard to boost educational attainment among its Arab citizens. Israel recognizes the

educational disadvantages its minorities face, and has undertaken strenuous efforts to close the gaps.6

o In 2012, Israel’s Council on Higher Education launched a 300 million shekel ($80 million) plan to

help minority students get to and succeed in college, including an extensive plan for mentoring

them in university and opening information centers in Arab communities to encourage and help

future college applicants. 7 This is a huge investment in Arab students for a cash-strapped

university system.

o Israel encourages Israeli Arab students to attend university, and has initiated programs to help

them adapt to university life. The Beatrice Weston Unit for the Advancement of Students at the

Technion, which mentors Arab students so they can adapt to academia, has helped cut Arab

students’ drop-out rate in half, and is being imitated at other Israeli universities at the urging of

the government.8

o The Council also mandated that Israeli colleges translate their websites into Arabic, set up

workshops for Arab students to improve their Hebrew, and draw up plans for increasing their

minority enrollment or lose government funding. 9

Arab Christians have the highest educational achievement of any group in Israel. In 2011, 64% of Israeli

Arab Christian students were eligible for a high-school diploma compared to only 48% among Muslim

children, 55% among Druze and 59% in the Jewish education system, and they make up 1.8% of all college

students, about comparable to their percentage of the total population.10

The fact that there are disparities in educational attainment of minorities is not unique to Israel. It is a

challenge faced by other multicultural democracies as well. Indeed, in the U.S., the disparities have not

closed in recent years, with the Black and Latino communities accounting for only 15% of students at four-

year colleges though they make up one-third of the general college-age population,11 and only 6% of

minorities are in faculty positions. 12

Since its founding, Israel has sought to advance Palestinian education, not stifle it, and tremendous strides

have been made which these claims and statistics ignore or misrepresent.

o Literacy of Israeli-Arab adults rose from 42.8% in 1948 to 92.3% in 1998; and the percentage of

Israeli Arab teachers with academic degrees rose from 4% to 47%. 13

o Since 1961, the number of Israeli Arab graduates in higher education has multiplied fifteen-fold. 14

o The percentage of Israeli-Arabs accepted at two-year institutions of higher education grew from

10% in 1991 to 19.2% in 200115, where they comprised 33% of all students, far above their

proportion in the population. 16

o Today, Israeli-Arab students are 20% of the student body of Israel’s high powered Technion

University, and 30% of Haifa University’s student body while 10% of its faculty are Israeli Arabs.17

The Dean of Undergraduate Studies at the Technion is Professor Daoud Bshouty, a Christian Arab

Israeli.18

o At Ben Gurion University, “…Arab and Bedouin scholars and researchers are an integral part of the

BGU faculty. They currently chair departments of social work, electrical engineering, computer

sciences, and Middle East Studies, and direct programs in education, electro-optic engineering,

computer sciences, chemistry, creative writing and comparative literature, and medicine.” 19

C. In 2009, the Carmel Academic Center in Haifa closed its accounting major because, as one of its

administrators was recorded saying, there were too many Arabs enrolling.

The source for this claim is of dubious credibility--the Alternative Information Center [AIC], is a biased,

politicized source that opposes the existence of the Jewish state and spreads conspiracy theories and

propaganda, according to some sources.20 Even the AIC article about the accounting major closing,

cites the Israel Council of Higher Education stating that the Carmel Academic Center “clarified beyond

doubt that the college didn’t open the program due to financial considerations.”21 Given that the

school was founded in 2008, only a year before the AIC article was written, it is entirely plausible

that finances and not prejudice informed their decision.22

The Carmel Academic Center in Haifa is not representative of Israeli academic practices. It is a small,

private, for-profit institution that is not funded by the state of Israel, and was not recognized by

Israel’s Council of Higher Education until 2011, two years after this alleged incident occurred.23

D. In 2007, Tel Aviv University’s medical school created high age requirements for new student enrollment,

which does not affect Jewish students who spend the time before they reach the required age doing required

military service. As Palestinians students do not serve in the army, they are barred from enrolling after their

secondary education. Instead, they are forced to either waste the intervening years until they turn the

required age, or go abroad for medical school.

In fact, Israel encourages Israeli-Arabs to attend medical school. “In Israel’s medical faculties, where

places are highly prized, 22% of all medical students are now Palestinians,” which is equal to their

percentage in the population. In addition, 40% of pharmacology students are Arab.24 The 2013

valedictorian of Technion’s prestigious medical school, where 35% of students are Israeli-Arabs

(though they form only 20% of the country’s population) 25, was an Israeli-Arab woman, Mais Ali-

Saleh.26 Israeli Arab physicians are also well represented at Israel’s prestigious hospitals: In 2013, Dr.

Aziz Darawshe was appointed head of Emergency Medicine at Hadassah Hospital; at Emek Hospital in

Afula, 40% of the staff is Israeli Arab.27Dr. Darawshe denies there is discrimination against Israeli

Arabs in the medical field: “The integration of Arabs into the medical field has been impressive in this

country. In the health system, Arabs and Jews get along excellently….”28

The source for this is claim is Adalah, a highly politicized group that frequently misrepresents Israel

and its policies.29 Indeed, the article cites Israeli medical school officials who dispute Adalah’s claim,

explaining that they raised the minimum age for medical school to 20 (as in Europe, medical students

do not get a university degree before medical school) “to ensure a greater maturity among

applicants,” not to discriminate against Israeli Arabs.30

E. The Israeli Ministry of Health excludes Palestinian graduates from Al-Quds university medical school by

ruling that they are neither Israeli nor foreign, and therefore do not fit any of the categories of candidates

who can take the qualifying exam.

In fact, this issue is being resolved. It was never an effort to prevent Palestinians from practicing

medicine. It was caused by the failure of Palestinians and Israelis to negotiate final status issues. The

difficulty was that Al- Quds medical school is partially in eastern Jerusalem, a section of Israel’s

declared capital, and partially in the West Bank, giving it an indeterminate bureaucratic and legal

status. In July, 2012, Israel’s Supreme Court recommended that some way be found to resolve the

conundrum, and in April 2014, an Israeli Jerusalem District Court ordered the Health Ministry to allow

the Al Quds medical graduates to take the licensing exam.31

This conundrum underscores the fact that UAW 2865 should be encouraging greater cooperation and

normalization between Israel and the Palestinians—not boycotts—and taking constructive measures

to urge President Mahmoud Abbas to return to negotiations so that a peace agreement, including

final borders, can be completed. When that occurs, these problems will be resolved.

F. The University of Haifa favors army veterans applying for the University dorms, a policy upheld when

challenged in court, despite the clear disparate impact this has on Palestinian students. In most of the

admissions cases listed above, the university uses military service as a proxy for ethnicity, religion, and

nationality. Since Palestinians do not serve in the military, this creates a disparate impact that effectively

excludes Palestinians without openly saying so.

In fact, it is not unusual for countries to give special educational benefits for veterans who have risked

their lives to defend their countries, including the U.S. (GI Bill32), France,33 Greece,34 and Canada,35

among others.

Israeli-Arab students are not discriminated against in housing allocations. At Haifa University, 35% of

Arab-Israeli students get placement in dorms though they form only 20% of the student body36, and at

Tel Aviv University Israeli Arab students, who make up roughly 20% of the student population, receive

40% of the dorm beds.37

The claim that military service is a proxy for ethnicity, religion and nationality is false. Ultra-Orthodox

Jews are not conscripted, and many Israeli Palestinian/Arabs serve in the IDF. Druze are conscripted

because of their long history of joining the IDF. While other Palestinian Israelis are exempt from

conscription, they nevertheless can and do serve in the military.38 Christian Arabs have begun joining

in larger numbers because they want a stronger connection to Israel,39 and there are Muslim Arabs

who join the IDF as well.40 Furthermore, like ultra-Orthodox Jews, Israel’s Arab citizens can volunteer

to do National Service, an alternative to serving in the IDF which has many of the same benefits as IDF

service. The number of Israeli Palestinian/Arabs signing up for national service is growing

dramatically.41

G. In addition to the more publicized ways that the Israeli state denies access to education to Palestinians from

the West Bank and Gaza (roadblocks, denials of permits, etc.), the Israeli university system is also engaged in

blatant exclusion of Palestinian students from these territories by allowing the military to apply “non-

security” criteria to screen Palestinian applicants to Israeli universities. Palestinian applicants must meet a

host of criteria set by the military, including age, participation in an approved field of study, and documented

support from an Israeli university. The army may use its discretion to disqualify an applicant. Undergraduate

students from the West Bank and Gaza are excluded, only Masters and PhD applicants are considered. Even

after that, they can only be admitted under a rather shocking series of restrictions.42

This accusation ignores all context, particularly the Palestinian terrorist campaign unleashed against

Israel in 2000 when Israelis of all backgrounds were targeted on buses, in restaurants, at dance clubs

and holiday celebrations. Thousands of Israelis were killed or maimed by this onslaught. Between

September 2000 and December 2012, there were 39,000 attempted attacks against Israelis, or nine

per day.43 Israel was forced to implement policies to protect its citizens.

Checkpoints and road blocks were legitimate safety measures put in place by Israel while over 1,000

Israeli citizens were being murdered by Palestinian terrorists during the 2nd Intifada. As terrorism has

subsided, Israel has removed almost all checkpoints and Palestinians can now move relatively freely in

the West Bank according to human rights groups (B’Tselem).44

It is true that checkpoints were set up not just on the line between Israel and the West Bank, but

inside the West Bank as well. The reason for this was simple: there are Israeli civilians living in the

West Bank who have been subjected to countless terrorist attacks.45 They deserve safety and

protection just like all civilians do. It is also true that checkpoints have caused hardships for many

Palestinians. But this is the critical question: which is worse, the hardships created by the checkpoints

or the potential that more Israeli civilians of all religions and ethnicities will be murdered if the few

remaining checkpoints are taken down? That is the choice that terrorists have forced Israel to make.

The fact that Israel has removed checkpoints as terrorism has decreased speaks for itself. Terrorism

means checkpoints. Less terrorism means fewer checkpoints. No terrorism will mean no checkpoints.

Unfortunately, that’s not the reality yet. In 2012 there were 475 recorded attempts to smuggle

weapons into Israel from the West Bank. In 2013 there were over 1,400 attempted attacks against

Israelis in Jerusalem and the West Bank alone.46 The checkpoints that still exist are saving the lives of

Israelis every single day. When terrorism ceases to be a threat to the lives of innocent Israelis, there

will be full freedom of movement in the West Bank.

At the height of the 2nd Intifada, restrictions on non-Israeli Palestinians were put in place to protect

Israelis from terrorism. However, the very academic institutions this resolution proposes boycotting

opposed the policy. Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, as well as the heads of six of Israel's

seven universities, and the education minister, the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, and

Knesset members all signed a petition in 2006 calling for an end to the temporary ban on Palestinian

students from the West Bank and Gaza attending Israeli universities, a policy that had been

implemented at the height of the terrorist attacks against Israelis.47

Israel’s Supreme Court upheld the restrictions imposed by the military, but also granted Palestinians

from the West Bank and Gaza the right to petition the High Court if they were not allowed to attend

university in Israel.

Despite ongoing terrorist threats, Palestinian students and professionals continue to study in Israel.

Omar Barghouti, a Palestinian co-founder of the BDS movement, has been pursuing a PhD at Tel Aviv

University.48

H. Palestinian students are far more likely to be brought before a disciplinary committee compared to their

Jewish-Israeli peers. In 2005 at the University of Haifa, 80 percent of the students called before the

disciplinary committees were Palestinian students where those students accounted for only 25 percent of the

student body.49

Once again, this petition urges boycotting Israeli universities though they have been on the front lines

trying to end the disadvantages Israel’s minorities face. [See above A & B]. The study cited included

this singular example from nine years ago which is not representative of Haifa University’s or other

schools’ policies. Indeed, in September 2014, Haifa University’s disciplinary committee exonerated

three Arab students who had defied a university ban on holding “Nakba” commemorations.50

I. Palestinian student groups are targeted and repressed by universities. At the University of Haifa, student

groups were suspended for peaceful protests. 51

Just the reverse is true. Palestinian students are not repressed by universities. According to the U.S.

State Department’s human rights report, “there were no government restrictions on academic

freedom or cultural events” in Israel in 2013.52 Additionally, the human rights watchdog Freedom

House has stated that, “Israel’s universities are open to all students based on merit, and have long

been centers for dissent.”53

Israel does not limit Palestinian students’ participation in campus activities. For example, in 2012, “a

wave” of Nakba events once again swept across Israeli campuses.54 There is political opposition to

universities sponsoring such events which many see as mourning the fact that Arab states were not

able to destroy the newly declared state of Israel in 1948, just as in the U.S. there would be political

opposition to demonstrations mourning the American victory and Nazi defeat in World War II. Israel’s

Parliament passed the “Nakba Law” in 2011 which stipulates that “events like these may be held on

university campuses as long as the university itself is not responsible for financing them.”55

The source cited indicates that University of Haifa students were not suspended in May, 2014,

because of peaceful protests. They were suspended because they defied a university ban on holding

“Nakba” events which university officials feared could lead to ”public disorder.” However, a Haifa

Court ruled that the students should be reinstated, which the Palestinian human rights group Adalah

called a “lightning-fast victory”56 and in September, Haifa University’s disciplinary committee

exonerated three organizers of the event of wrongdoing. 57

2. Israeli universities are embedded in the state’s discriminatory legal structure:

- Israel does not have a discriminatory legal structure. Israel is a free, democratic society where equal

political and civil rights are widely respected, according to the independent watchdog group, Freedom

House.58 The cherry picked examples in this section distort or misrepresent the situation.

A. Israel’s Absorption of Discharged Soldiers Law, which gives extensive benefit packages including tuition

subsidies and free and preferential access to housing, on the basis of military service or residency in a priority

area, is a discriminatory government policy targeting Palestinians, who do not complete military service. The

use of this military service as a condition for awarding economic benefits discriminates against Palestinian

citizens of Israel on the basis of their national belonging and violates their right to equal access to various

public services.59 The military service clause is thus clearly a work around to give these benefits to anyone but

the Palestinians.

As noted above, it is common for progressive democracies to give benefits to veterans. (See the GI

bill, in the United States, which has helped many of our colleagues, students, and teachers attend the

UC). Furthermore, this is not inherently discriminatory against Palestinians (see above regarding the

inclusiveness of the IDF as well as the various non-Arab populations that don’t serve in it).

B. Tel Aviv University offers additional scholarships for students who served in military action during the latest

assault on Gaza, which resulted in the death of over 2,100 Palestinians. The university wished “to express its

appreciation by helping [the soldiers] continue their studies.” 60

This claim implies that Tel Aviv University was rewarding Israeli soldiers because of the number of

Palestinians killed in Gaza. This is patently untrue and ignores all context. Hamas began a new assault

against Israel in June, kidnapping and murdering three Israeli teenagers, and then firing barrages of

rockets at Israeli civilians, forcing Israel to launch a military operation to protect its citizens and

restore quiet on its southern border. Hamas, whose charter and leaders call for the murder of Jews

and obliteration of Israel, had also constructed cross-border attack tunnels to infiltrate and conduct

mass terror attacks. Israelis across the political spectrum wanted this threat eliminated, with over

95% of Israelis supporting Israel’s operation to restore quiet on the border.

The death of any innocent civilian is unacceptable, but unfortunately, Hamas systematically used

human shields, leading major news outlets and former President Clinton to declare that Hamas had a

“crass” strategy “to force Israel to kill Palestinian civilians.” Palestinian human rights leader Bassam

Eid lamented that “Hamas paved the road for the death of our people.”

In addition, Hamas rejected numerous ceasefires which could have stopped the bloodshed, and did

everything possible to put innocent Palestinians in harm’s way. On the other hand, according to

independent experts the policy of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) is to safeguard, not target

Palestinian civilians during times of war, including during Operation Protective Edge:

“The Israeli Defense Forces did more to safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat zone than any

other army in the history of warfare.” –British Colonel (ret) Richard Kemp, former commander of

British forces in Afghanistan61

C. When the Israeli government violates international law by building settlements in occupied territory, Israeli

universities follow along. Ariel University, granted university status in 2012 by Major General Nitzan Alon,

the Head of the Israeli Defense Force's Central Command, is entirely built in the illegal mega-settlement of

Ariel, deep inside Palestinian land.62 63

Settlements are politically contentious both inside Israel and in the international community, but they

do not violate international law according to numerous legal experts and scholars. These include

former Dean of Yale Law School Eugene Rostow, premier international law Professor Julius Stone,

Professor David M. Phillips, and Professor Eugene Kontorovich.64 The United States government nly

labelled settlements illegal for a short time, between 1979 and 1981 but stopped labelling them illegal

after 1981, and the Foreign Minister of Australia challenged the “settlements are illegal” claim earlier

this year as well.65 Lastly, it is important to note that signed international agreements between Israel

and the Palestine Liberation Organization do not prohibit Israeli settlements.66

According to former Dean of Yale Law School Eugene Rostow, “Jews… have a right to settle in the

territories under international law… The Jewish right of settlement in the area is equivalent in every

way to the right of the existing Palestinian population to live there.”67

Ariel and its university were built on public land that Palestinians want for their future state. If this

resolution encouraged both parties to return to the negotiating table, it would go a long way to

supporting efforts for peaceful coexistence and resolution of outstanding issues, such as future

borders. Instead, this resolution promotes the anti-peace, anti-justice, anti-human rights agenda of

the BDS Movement – namely the elimination of Israel and the violation of Jewish rights to self-

determination.

3. Research in the service of the occupation:

Israel has sought to leave the West Bank and Gaza multiple times since 1967, most recently in peace

offers in 2000 and 2008. Unfortunately, Palestinian leaders repeatedly said no. Today, Israel has no

presence in Gaza which is controlled by the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas. It is true that Israel has

a civilian and military presence in East Jerusalem and parts of the West Bank, but 40% of the West

Bank is governed by the Palestinian Authority (PA) and 95% of West Bank Palestinians live in this PA

controlled territory.68The only way to constructively address this issue is to encourage both sides to

compromise, and negotiate a peace agreement based on mutual recognition and mutual respect. BDS

does the opposite by delegitimizing and laying all of the blame on Israel, while doing nothing to hold

Palestinian leaders accountable. Despite the rhetoric, BDS does nothing to promote peace, justice, or

human rights.

The examples below are misleading. University research and Israeli military policies are not designed

to serve the “occupation.” Rather they are used to protect Israeli civilians from extremist terrorist

groups, such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which oppose a two state solution and the very existence of

a Jewish state, and use systematic terrorism to prevent a peaceful solution to the conflict. There were

39,000 terrorist attacks against Israel between the outbreak of the 2nd Intifada and 2013—almost 7 a

day. Israel’s military is designed to protect Israeli civilians of all backgrounds from this terrorism and

from other serious regional threats.

Ironically, many of the projects developed methods to protect the lives of Israelis of all ethnicities

(such as Iron Dome and robotic devices), and others refined weaponry and security measures that

seek to minimize harm to innocent Palestinian civilians while targeting terrorists who have wreaked

havoc on Israelis and Palestinians alike.

A. Israeli universities work closely with both the Israeli Defense Force and the private sector devoted to

developing military technology. Technion Israel Institute of Technology has extensive ties to military and

defense research and development (R&D) and actively contributes to the oppression of Palestinians. Their

research collaborations include the development of “autonomous systems” (e.g., drones and robotic

weaponry) with Israel Airspace Industries, one of Israel’s large defense corporations.69

- See counterpoints above.

Other instances of Technion military R&D include the militarization of the Caterpillar C9 Bulldozer, equipping

the machine with armor plating and a remote operation feature, which enabled the Israel Defense Forces

(IDF) to demolish approximately 25,000 Palestinian homes since 1967. Technion also has a close working

relationship with Elbit Systems, known for their border control devices and the apartheid Wall that

confiscates Palestinian lands in the West Bank, and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, Israel’s largest

government-sponsored weapons manufacturers.70

The above paragraph distorts the issue of demolitions.

o The armored plating does not constitute “militarization”. It is not and cannot be used as a

weapon. The plating is protective: it simply protects bulldozer drivers from attacks by terrorists.

o No source is given for the claim and baseless implication that Israel intentionally and arbitrarily

demolished 25,000 Palestinian homes over the last almost 50 years. Even anti-Israel groups admit

that two-thirds of structures demolished between 2009 and 2012 were not residences.71

o Israel does not have a policy of arbitrarily demolishing Palestinian houses and neighborhoods. No

family anywhere should lose their home arbitrarily or unjustly. What Israel does is demolish

illegally built Palestinian and Israeli structures.72 Israel demolished far more Jewish than

Palestinian structures in Jerusalem between 1993 and 2001.73 In 2013, Israel demolished a higher

percentage of illegal Jewish buildings in the West Bank.74 Meanwhile, Palestinian leaders have

gone on record saying that it is part of their policy to build homes and structures illegally. There is

evidence that criminal organizations have engaged in illegal building as well.75 This has created a

major problem: 27,000-30,000 illegal structures have been built in East Jerusalem alone. 76

Palestinian officials and criminal organizations must be held accountable for building homes and

structures illegally and then selling or renting them to Palestinian families.

o Another way that homes and structures have been destroyed is when terrorists use civilian homes

and structures to conceal tunnels, store weapons or launch rockets and other attacks against

Israel. According to international law, when a civilian structure is used for these types of military

purposes, it becomes a legitimate military target.77 Terrorists are responsible for putting Israel in a

position where it cannot protect its civilians from violent attacks without targeting buildings in the

Gaza Strip.

o The Palestinians themselves are investing in, not divesting from Caterpillar. Caterpillar’s

distributor in the Palestinian Authority (PA), the Palestinian Tractor & Equipment Company,

recently sold a number of Caterpillar tractors to the PA Ministry of Local Government78 (for

pictures click here). Caterpillar equipment has been used in the construction of Rawabi, a

Palestinian city which will house 40,000 Palestinians when it is completed. It should also be noted

that in 2010 the Palestinians built more total homes than Israel did.79 So Israel is by no means

prohibiting the development of Palestinian infrastructure.

In numerous cases Israel has actually worked to solve Palestinian housing problems. It has taken

the increasing population of Palestinians in East Jerusalem into account and set aside enough

residential land to accommodate their housing needs through 2030.80 Israel has also announced a

plan to build over 1,000 homes for Palestinians in the West Bank, invest in infrastructure there,

and retroactively legalize some illegal Palestinian buildings.81 Israel helped build Palestinian

homes in the past as well. Between 1967 and 1989, it sponsored the building of thousands of new

houses in the Gaza Strip.82 So this idea that Israel’s policy is to arbitrarily demolish Palestinian

homes and harm Palestinian civilians for no reason is simply false.

Most liberal democracies, like Israel, have border controls, and the U.S. recently bought Elbit systems

for its own border control.83

Israel’s security barrier cannot be termed an “apartheid wall”. It is a security barrier built at the height

of the 2nd Intifada to separate terrorists from their intended victims---Israelis of all ethnicities and

religions--and is similar to barriers built around the world to protect civilians from terrorism, from the

“peace walls” in Belfast to the barriers between India and Kashmir.

No privately owned Palestinian land was “confiscated” to build the barrier: Land used for the barrier

remains the private property of the owner. Israel offered compensation to owners for the use of their

land, budgeted $540 million to ease the lives of people adversely affected by the barrier, and

replanted 60,000 olive trees.84 Palestinians can file suit in Israeli courts, and have done so successfully

on numerous occasions. It has moved the barrier away from the villages of Bil’in, Azzun, Nebi Alias,

and others.85

Israel uses weapons to safeguard its citizens. In addition, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) set new,

high standards of humanitarianism during warfare, according to independent experts, including

Palestinians.

o “The Israeli Defense Forces did more to safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat zone than any

other army in the history of warfare.” –British Colonel (ret) Richard Kemp, former commander of

British forces in Afghanistan86

o In the history of warfare, this [Israel’s] kind of systematic warning—direct, specific, double-

layered—is unprecedented.” Will Saletan in Slate.

o “Israel's use of individualized, specific warnings by phone and text goes far beyond what the law

requires….” Laurie Blank, clinical professor of law and director of the International Humanitarian

Law Clinic at the Emory University School of Law.

o “Why don’t [Syrian forces] learn from the Israeli army which tries, through great efforts, to avoid

shelling areas populated by civilians in Lebanon and Palestine? Didn’t Hezbollah take shelter in

areas populated by civilians because it knows the Israeli air force doesn’t bomb those areas?”

– Faisal al-Qassem, Anchor at Al-Jazeera.

o During Operation Protective Edge, “Each and every [Hamas] missile constitutes a crime against

humanity, whether it hits or misses, because it is directed at civilian targets.” In contrast, ““Many

of our people in Gaza appeared on TV and said that the Israelis warned them to evacuate their

homes before the bombardment. In such a case, if someone is killed, the law considers it a

mistake rather than an intentional killing because [the Israelis] followed the legal procedures.”

– Palestinian Representative to the UN Human Rights Council, Ibrahim Kraishi.87

B. Bar Ilan University in the Tel Aviv district has housed research for the development of unmanned vehicle

algorithms for the military. It is also the academic sponsor for Zefat College which has a special program that

trains members of the Israeli secret service (the Shin Beit), an organization that has been regularly found to

use violent methods of interrogation and torture.88

In 1999 the Israeli High Court of Justice ruled that using any physical means during interrogations is

illegal, and the human rights group B’Tselem reported that since then, Palestinian reports of such

abuse “decreased dramatically.”89

The sources cited are dated, and indicate that in both the EU and Israel, the question of when

moderate physical coercion was legal and acceptable, as in the case of a “ticking bomb”—when a

person might have information about an imminent terrorist attack that could save lives—was still

being debated.

C. Biblical archeology is exploited to legitimize Israeli occupation and dispossess Palestinians. Archaeological

research and digs are used as tools to revive the biblical landscape and support the creation of a new Israeli

landscape in continuity with the old Jewish one. 90 The situation is especially serious in East Jerusalem, where

there are concrete municipal plans to remove 60,000 residents of the Palestinian village Silwan and replace

them with an archeological park. People who have been living in villages for generations are removed from

their homes because Israel has defined their village as an archeological site.91

Biblical archeology and historical evidence document the 3,500 year Jewish presence in the land of

Israel.92 This research is of great importance to scholars and to those interested in the history of

Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, and in the history of the region. Europeans began this archeological

work in the 19th century93 and after the 1967 War, Israeli scholars accelerated this work. But they do

not just excavate Jewish-related sites: Israeli archeologists and the Israeli Antiquities Authority have

carefully excavated and preserved pre-Biblical, Jewish, Christian and Muslim sites and those of other

people such as the Philistines to promote scholarly study of the past. 94

The archeological finds do support Jewish history, rights, and the historical continuity of a Jewish

presence in the land. Unfortunately, many Palestinian leaders have sought to deny Jewish millennial

history in the land, from Yasser Arafat who denied the Jewish Temple had been in Jerusalem to

current leaders such as the Al Quds Foundation. 95

In fact, Silwan, considered the original site of King David’s royal city, is filled with invaluable artifacts.

Since 1967 when only 4 structures were in the area, it was zoned as a park as it had been for

centuries. Subsequently, it experienced massive illegal building. Israel’s plan to expand the City of

David National Park entails destroying 22 of the existing 88 illegal structures, legalizing the remaining

structures which are on the east side of Silwan, and compensation for those evicted so they can find

alternate housing in Silwan. 96 In addition, zoning laws would be changed to allow for building of

1,000 new housing units, new public buildings and schools and improvements in the neighborhood’s

infrastructure. 97

4. Cooperation of Israeli Universities with the Israeli army, secret services, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs

A. Several universities have special programs for military and secret service personnel. For example, Tel Aviv

University offers an MA in “Security Studies”, designed for officers of all branches of Israel’s military-

industrial complex. At Haifa University, Israeli soldiers can learn on a specially developed academic track

to obtain a Master’s degree in five years. 98

B. The participants of the joint military-Hebrew University “Talpiot” program, intended for science students

who will later be integrated into the army’s research & development units, wear uniforms throughout

their years of study and live in a special army base located on the university’s campus.99

C. Hebrew University competed for and won funding from the IDF for a military-only medical school facility

designed to produce military physicians. 100

Points A, B, &C: The fact that Israeli universities cooperate with Israel’s army, secret services and

Ministry of Foreign Affairs is not unique. Most countries have this kind of integration. The U.S.

also has army medical schools and programs.101 Indeed, it could be argued that the IDF has been

called the most moral army in the world, according to outside observers [see 3 B above] precisely

because of this close connection between the military, universities, and civil society.

D. Israeli universities and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sponsor and fund Israeli government propaganda.

Termed “Hasbara Fellowships,” the programs claim to be fighting against “anti-Semitism and the

delegitimization of Israel” while in reality, each participant receives $2,000 in return for publishing

comments and messages on social networks for five hours per week that justify the occupation.102 During

Cast Lead, an Israeli university, IDC Herzliya, went so far as to set up a “war room” to produce and send

propaganda in support of the assault.103

Combatting anti-Semitism and the delegitimization of Israel can in no way be construed as

justifying “occupation”—unless one regards all of modern Israel as “occupied.” One would

certainly hope that UAW 2865 also opposes anti-Semitism and the delegitimization of the Jewish

state, and instead supports mutual respect and recognition so that both the Jewish and

Palestinian people can realize self-determination and coexistence.

In fact, the “war room” was set up to issue facts to counter the propaganda that the terrorist

group, Hamas, was issuing on a daily basis. This propaganda is part of a long term strategy in their

war against the existence of the Jewish state.104

E. An example of the academy’s ideological support for violations of international law is the Dahiya

doctrine. This doctrine was developed at Tel Aviv University’s Institute for National Security Studies. It

calls for the wholesale flattening of a neighborhood as a “message” to the other side (a collective

punishment that clearly targets civilians). Dahiya refers to a neighborhood in Lebanon subjected by Israel

to this strategy.105 106

This summary misrepresents the Dahiya doctrine. Shaken by Hezbollah’s three-week war and

massive rocket attacks against Israel in 2006, Israeli strategists tried to develop military policies

that would reduce the number of Israeli casualties, shorten the wars, and prevent terrorist groups

from continuing wars of attrition against the Jewish state. The plan does not call for intentional

attacks on innocent civilians. Rather, it calls for swift and decisive attacks against Hamas and

Hezbollah strongholds instead of pinpoint attacks on rocket launchers, including, theoretically,

“the 160 Shiite villages that have turned into Shiite army bases, and we shall not show mercy

when it comes to hitting the national infrastructure of a state that, in practice, is controlled by

Hizbullah.” 107

Israel’s military operations against Hamas in Gaza certainly did not entail intentionally attacking

innocent civilians. Indeed, as noted above, in its wars against Hamas, “The IDF did more to

safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat zone than any other army in the history of

warfare,”108 testified British Col. (ret.) Richard Kemp, testimony to the UN October, 2009. During

Operation Protective Edge this summer, Israel warned civilians of impending attacks so they could

move to safety,109 set up a field hospital to treat wounded Gazans,110 ensured the transport of

over 5,000 truckloads of humanitarian goods despite frequent firing on the crossings,111 and

treated hundreds of Gaza civilians in Israeli hospitals.112

F. The majority of the members of the academic tracks and the administrative boards in the Israeli post-

secondary institutions are reserve soldiers, members of the army personnel, or the general security113

Israel is a small country with only 8.1 million people, and since its founding, it has had to fend off

larger conventional armies and terrorist groups bent on its destruction. Israel has conscription

and a citizens’ army, with discharged soldiers expected to serve in the reserves until they are 40 to

50 years old precisely because Israel does not have a large enough population to maintain a

standing army that could defend the small state.

5. The academy intellectually contributes to the violation of Palestinian rights:

- This accusation is a gross generalization that is not detailed or substantiated. The examples below

hardly constitute violations of Palestinian rights.

A. Other examples include providing demographic advice for the preservation of high proportions of Jewish vis a

vis Palestinian people inside Israel. The exemplar of this work is Arnon Sofer, former chair of the department

of Geostrategy at Haifa University, who advised the state on the route of the apartheid wall and contributed

to the demographic studies that seek to maintain a Jewish majority.114

The state of Israel, the realization of the Jewish people’s national liberation movement, does wish to

maintain a Jewish majority. After 1,900 years of oppression, expulsions, and discrimination, the

Jewish people, like all national groups, have a desire for and right to self-determination in a land

where they are not a minority, victimized by the prejudices of a majority. However, the Jewish people

welcome their Arab minority who compose 20% of the population. In stark contrast, Palestinian

leaders have said no Israelis may live in their future state.115

B. This blatant support for occupation is paralleled by widespread silence over injustices committed against

Palestinians. In 2008, a petition for academic freedom in the occupied territories was sent to about 9,000

Israeli academics. It was signed by 407 professors, about 4.5% of the total.”

The petition in question claimed to be calling for academic freedom in the West Bank and Gaza, but in

fact it called for an end to measures which were meant to control the movement of terrorists,116 many

of whom attend Palestinian colleges and universities where student Hamas and Palestinian Islamic

Jihad chapters are common. For example, “Terrorist recruitment, indoctrination and radicalization of

students for which Al-Najah is known typically take place via various student groups,” according to

Washington Institute scholar Matthew Leavitt.117 Furthermore, most Israeli scholars understand that

Hamas controls Gaza and that Israel has had no presence there since August, 2005; and they also

understand that as terrorism declines, freedom of movement increases. Indeed, by 2012 the number

of checkpoints in the West Bank had dropped dramatically, and there was virtual freedom of

movement, according to the human rights group B’Tselem. 118

Israeli universities have taken the lead in promoting Palestinian academic freedom and

cooperation. As indicated above, at the height of the 2nd Intifada, restrictions on non-Israeli

Palestinians were put in place to protect Israelis from terrorism. However, the very academic

institutions this resolution proposes boycotting opposed the policy. Arava Institute for

Environmental Studies, as well as the heads of six of Israel's seven universities, and the education

minister, the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, and Knesset members all signed a

petition in 2006 calling for an end to the temporary ban on Palestinian students from the West

Bank and Gaza attending Israeli universities, a policy that had been implemented at the height of

the terrorist attacks against Israelis.119

6. Israeli universities as an occupying force. (All Israeli Universities are built on land that was cleansed of

Palestinians in 1948). Particularly important cases:

- Benny Morris, the most prominent historian on the Palestinian refugee issue, has stated that “no

systematic policy of expulsion was ever adopted or implemented,” by Israel.120

A. The Hebrew University was established before 1948, yet it has expanded since, partly by annexing Palestinian

land from the neighborhoods around it.121

This is a false claim. Hebrew University has not annexed any land belonging to Palestinians. In 2004-

2005 it was involved in a dispute with a Palestinian family over land which that family did not own.

This dispute was settled through direct negotiations between the two parties.122

B. Tel Aviv University is built on the ruins of the village Al-Shaykh Muwannis; it is using one of the last remaining

houses in the village as its faculty club. Some of the refugees from the village are Palestinian citizens of Israel

who are living in the country. Yet even in their case, the university never agreed to discuss their return to

their land or their compensation.123

The State of Israel has compensated Arab citizens who were internally displaced during the 1948

War.124 Additionally, Tel Aviv University was founded on land that was bought from the village of Al-

Shaykh Muwannis back in 1924.

C. Ariel University is built in a West Bank settlement—illegal under international law. It was declared a

university by an academic committee that an Israeli Major General appointed. All Israeli professional

associations accept the university’s faculty as members. Bar Ilan University had sponsored the university

when it was still a college.125

See bullets above regarding the legality of Israeli settlements.

7. Extra-university academic apartheid

A. Palestinian citizens of Israel who want to work as teachers have to be approved by the Israeli secret

service.126

Haaretz reported that Israel ended this practice in 2005.127 Contrary to the implication made

above, the Shin Bet (Israeli secret service) has been involved in monitoring education among both

Arab and Jewish citizens. Israel closed down a Jewish school in the West Bank because of a

security recommendation from the Shin Bet, and the Shin Bet monitored an educational program

for extremist Jewish youths.128, 129 The involvement of the Shin Bet in the education system is an

extremely unfortunate byproduct not of racism, but of the ongoing conflict and the constant

threats of violence Israel faces.

B. The Israeli Minister of Education banned mentioning the word “Nakba” in history textbooks (Nakba is the

Arabic word for the ethnic cleansing of 1948).130

See above regarding the accusation of ethnic cleansing.

While this was a problematic act of censorship, it is no more an example of apartheid than

censorship in Japanese textbooks. The “Nakba” or Catastrophe is a highly contentious term in

Israel because while some use it to refer to the suffering of Palestinian refugees in the 1948 war,

Nakba Day is marked on the same day as Israel’s Declaration of Independence. This clearly

indicates that discourse around the Nakba is not just meant to shed light on the plight of

Palestinian refugees, but also to paint Israel’s very establishment and continued existence as a

catastrophe. This is understandably offensive to most Israeli Jews.

C. The Israeli education system includes curricula designed in collaboration with the army to prepare

teenagers for their military service.131

This is not an example of apartheid under any definition of the term. The Israeli army accepts

people of all backgrounds. Conscription is a tragic but necessary reality for a small country which

is involved in regional conflicts and faces constant threats of violence.

8. Palestinian Universities Vs. Israeli Universities: Academic Freedom

The academic freedoms that Israeli scholars enjoy are in sharp contrast to the violation of Palestinians’ academic

freedoms by Israel.

A. Palestinians from Gaza are not allowed to study or teach in the West Bank (there have been a handful of

exceptions over the past decade).

This is not the result of disrespect for academic freedom, but rather the fact that terrorist groups

like Hamas have exploited the Palestinian education system and other civilian institutions to

recruit terrorists and otherwise contribute to attacks against Israeli civilians. When this threat no

longer exists all restrictions can be lifted.

B. Palestinians from Gaza are not allowed to go to study abroad132 133(the rule applies even for students

who receive Fulbright).

Gaza shares a border with Egypt, which Israel has no control over. Palestinians can leave Gaza

using passports issued by the Palestinian Authority, with no approval from Israel required.134

C. In Gaza, during Operation Cast Lead, 14 of the 15 higher education institutions were damaged, with six

directly targeted, according to the Al Mezan Centre for Human Rights in Gaza. Three colleges and six

university buildings were fully destroyed. The total damage was estimated at USD 21.1 million. Seven

universities in Gaza were also damaged during Israeli airstrikes in November 2012.135 Thus, universities in

Gaza have been bombed during multiple Israeli attacks, including bombardments of universities in

Israel’s most recent attack on Gaza last summer.136

Israel does not intentionally target schools or other civilian infrastructure, unless these buildings

have been militarized by Hamas (used for launching rockets, storing arms, manufacturing

weapons, etc.). When Hamas militarizes civilian structures (a war crime under international law),

they must be held accountable to both the Israeli civilians they’re attacking and to the Palestinian

civilians who they place in the line of fire.

D. The Israeli army has also raided West Bank Universities multiple times in past decades. 137

The Israeli army has raided Palestinian universities not to stifle academic freedom but because

they have historically been used for recruiting and other terrorist activities by organizations like

Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

All in all, the devaluing of Palestinian universities to the level of destruction through military force and the

maintenance of Israeli universities through the exclusion of Palestinians illustrates the meaning of apartheid. The

widespread and institutional nature of inequality among Palestinians and Israelis in Israeli universities, as well as

the proliferation of research meant to solidify ethnic exclusion and occupation in Palestine has led us to support a

boycott of any initiatives, conferences, or research activities sponsored by these institutions until such time as

they, along with the Israeli state, comply with international law and end their apartheid practices.

- It should be clear by now that the above document is full of distortions and misinformation about the

Israeli education system. Additionally, rather than promoting academic freedom as it purports to do,

it is supporting a movement (BDS) that fundamentally undermines academic freedom and seeks not

to constructively address specific Israeli policies, but rather to end Israel’s existence as the state of the

Jewish people. To sum it up, voting yes on BDS would damage our union for an unjust cause.

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1.537930 4 The University of California, “Statistical Summary of Students and Staff,” Fall, 2012. http://legacy-

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28

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51

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Jurist Legal Intelligence, “Palestinian Authority,” University of Pittsburgh, n.d., at http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/World/palest.htm 69

Technion President’s Annual Report, June 2011, pp. 6-7: http://www.admin.technion.ac.il/President/Eng/President%27s%20Report%202011_FINAL.pdf 70

“The Technion” New Yorkers Against the Cornell Technion Partnership. http://nyact.net/links/about-the-technion/ 71

ICHAD, “Demolishing Homes, Demolishing Peace,” page 3 at http://www.icahd.org/sites/default/files/Demolishing%20Homes%20Demolishing%20Peace_1.pdf 72

The Israeli Project, “Jerusalem Kit: Building,” n.d., at http://www.theisraelproject.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=ewJXKcOUJlIaG&b=7721235&ct=11515107#.UWIoiJPvvCt; JTA, “Israele demolishes third illegal outpost this week,” January 12, 2012, at http://www.jta.org/news/article/2012/01/12/3091157/israel-demolishes-third-illegal-outpost-this-week; Haaretz, “Israeli security forces demolish illegal buildings in West Bank outpost,” December 15, 2011, at

http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/israeli-security-forces-demolish-illegal-buildings-in-west-bank-outpost-1.401545; USA Today, “Israel demolishes West Bank settler outpost,” May 21, 2009, at http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2009-05-21-israel-westbank_N.htm 73

Justus Reid Weiner, Illegal Construction in Jerusalem: A Variation of an Alarming Global Phenomenon, 2003 74

AFP, “Israel suspends Palestinian building projects,” YNet News, April 28, 2014 at http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4514052,00.html 75

The Israeli Project, “Jerusalem Kit: Building,” n.d., at http://www.theisraelproject.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=ewJXKcOUJlIaG&b=7721235&ct=11515107#.UWIoiJPvvCt; Nadav Shragai, “Demography, Geopolitics, and the Future of Israel’s Capital,” JCPA, 2010, at http://jcpa.org/article/demography-geopolitics-and-the-future-of-israels-capital-jerusalems-proposed-master-plan/ 76

The Israeli Project, “Jerusalem Kit: Building,” n.d., at http://www.theisraelproject.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=ewJXKcOUJlIaG&b=7721235&ct=11515107#.UWIoiJPvvCt; Nadav Shragai, “Demography, Geopolitics, and the Future of Israel’s Capital,” JCPA, 2010, at http://jcpa.org/article/demography-geopolitics-and-the-future-of-israels-capital-jerusalems-proposed-master-plan/ 77

Human Rights Watch, “Q & A on Laws of War Issues in Libya,” March 25, 2011, at http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/03/25/q-laws-war-issues-libya 78

Palestinian Tractor & Equipment Company, “Hand over a Caterpillar machines for Ministry of Local Government,” Facebook, May 24, 2012, at http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.404552352920951.88864.380754478634072&type=3 79

Arieh O’Sullivan, “Arab Housing Day accentuates Palestinian building boom,” Jerusalem Post, March 10, 2011, at http://www.jpost.com/LandedPages/PrintArticle.aspx?id=240353; PFMEP, “Fact Check: Caterpillar Tractor,” n.d., at http://www.pfmep.org/addressing-the-issues/110-facts-on-caterpillar-tractor 80

Nadav Shragai, “Demography, Geopolitics, and the Future of Israel’s Capital,” JCPA, 2010, at

http://jcpa.org/article/demography-geopolitics-and-the-future-of-israels-capital-jerusalems-proposed-master-plan/ 81

Tovah Lazaroff, “J’lem plans 1,140 Palestinian homes near Jericho,” Jerusalem Post, May 14, 2013, at http://www.jpost.com/Diplomacy-and-Politics/Jlem-plans-for-1140-Palestinian-homes-near-Jericho-313093; Chaim Levinson, “Israel to retroactively legalize Palestinian construction in Area C of West Bank,” Haaretz, March 19, 2013, at http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/israel-to-retroactively-legalize-palestinian-construction-in-area-c-of-west-bank.premium-1.510502 82

Norma Masriyeh, “Refugee Resettlement: The Gaza Strip Experience,” Palestine-Israel Journal, Vol. 2, 1995 at http://www.pij.org/details.php?id=599 83

“ Elbit Systems of America Awarded Contract for the U.S. Customs Border Protection Integrated Fixed Towers Project,” March 8, 2014 at http://ir.elbitsystems.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=61849&p=irol-newsArticle&id=1907341 84

Mitchell Bard, “Israel’s Security Fence,” Jewish Virtual Library, July 8, 2010 at http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Peace/fence.html 85

86

Richard Kemp, “A salute to the IDF,” Jerusalem Post, June 15, 2011, at http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-Ed-Contributors/A-salute-to-the-IDF 87

Times of Israel Staff, “Palestinian UN rep says every missile fired from Gaza at Israel is ‘a crime against humanity.’” Times of Israel, July 14, 2014 at http://www.timesofisrael.com/palestinian-un-rep-says-every-gaza-missile-a-crime-against-humanity/ 88

Uri Yacobi Keller, Academic Boycott of Israel and the Complicity of Israeli Academic Institutions in Occupation of Palestinian Territories, Economy of the Occupation Socioeconomic Bulletin, No. 23, (Jerusalem and Beit Sahour: Alternative Information Center, 2009). p. 35; Al-Jazeera, “Inside Shin Bet: an Investigation into the methods used by Israel’s controversial internal security service”, 24 October 2013, http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/aljazeeraworld/2013/10/inside-shin-bet-20131020112634404283.html; see also Alexandra L. Wisotsky, “Israeli Interrogation Methods Legitimized by Court”, http://www.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief/v4i3/israel43.htm and Alan Dershowitz, “Tortured Reasoning” in Torture: A Collection, ed. Sanford Levinson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 257-80. 89

B’Tselem, “Torture and ill-treatment in interrogations,” n.d., at http://www.btselem.org/topic/torture 90

Neil A. Silberman. “If I Forget Thee, O Jerusalem: Archaeology, Religious Commemoration, and Nationalism in a Disputed City, 1801-2001.” Nations and Nationalism, 7.4 (2001).

91

http://alt-arch.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/National-parks-eng-2014.pdf. 92

Professor William G. Dever, “Archeology, Ideology, and the Quest for an ‘Ancient” or ‘Biblical’ Israel,” Near Eastern Archeology 61:1 (1998), p. 43 93

Shaul Bartal, “The Battle over Silwan: Fabricating Palestinian History,” Middle East Quarterly, Summer, 2012 at http://www.meforum.org/3281/silwan 94

www.us-org/jsource/Archeology/archtoc.html and www.cjnews.com/pastissues/98/aug6-98/front2.htm 95

Shaul Bartal, “The Battle over Silwan: Fabricating Palestinian History,” Middle East Quarterly, Summer, 2012 at http://www.meforum.org/3281/silwan 96

Shaul Bartal, “The Battle over Silwan: Fabricating Palestinian History,” Middle East Quarterly, Summer, 2012 at http://www.meforum.org/3281/silwan 97

"A Comprehensive Plan for Silwan: Development for Residents, Visitors and Tourists," Jerusalem Development Authority

cited at http://www.camera.org/index.asp?x_article=2577&x_context=7&x_issue=4#7 98

Rawda ‘Atallah. “Annual Summary Report 2011/2012” The Arab Culture Association Youth Empowerment Project. November 2012. http://alrasedproject.files.wordpress.com/2013/02/alrased1_eng.pdf 99

Uri Yacobi Keller. Academic Boycott. Pg. 14 100

Judy Siegel-Itzkovich. “BGU Challenges Choice of Hebrew U for Army Medical School.” Jerusalem Post http://www.jpost.com/Israel/BGU-challenges-choice-of-Hebrew-U-for-army-medical-school 101

U.S. Army Medical Department, “AMEDD Department and School,” at http://www.cs.amedd.army.mil/students.aspx 102

Atallah. “Annual Summary Report” 103

“Cast Lead--War Room.” Stand With Us. http://www.standwithus.com/emergencyresponse/castlead/ 104

Nir Boms and Fabrice Chiche, “The Other Gaza War: Hamas Media Strategy during Cast Lead and Beyond,” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, III:2 (2009) at http://www.israelcfr.com/documents/issue8_Boms-Chiche.pdf 105

Amos Harel. “ANALYSIS / IDF Plans to Use Disproportionate Force in Next War.” Haaretz, 5 Oct. 2008. http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/analysis-idf-plans-to-use-disproportionate-force-in-next-war-1.254954 106

Gabi Siboni, “Disproportionate Force: Israel's Concept of Response in Light of the Second Lebanon War” INSS Insight No. 74 (2008) at http://www.inss.org.il/index.aspx?id=4538&articleid=1964, and the Institute for Middle East Understanding, “The Dahiya Doctrine and Israel’s Use of Disproportionate Force” (2012), at http://imeu.org/article/the-dahiya-doctrine-and-israels-use-of-disproportionate-force 107

Yaron London, “The Dahiya strategy,” YNet News, Oct. 6, 2008 at http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3605863,00.html; Amos Harel, “ANALYSIS / IDF plans to use disproportionate force in next war,” Ha’aretz, Oct. 5, 2008 at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/analysis-idf-plans-to-use-disproportionate-force-in-next-war-1.254954 and Gabi Sidoni, “Disproportionate Force: Israel's Concept of Response in Light of the Second Lebanon War,” INSS Insight, Oct. 2, 2008 at http://www.inss.org.il/index.aspx?id=4538&articleid=1964 108

British Col. (ret.) Richard Kemp, “UK Commander Challenges Goldstone Report,” UN Testimony, Oct. 16, 2014 at http://www.unwatch.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=bdKKISNqEmG&b=1313923&ct=7536409 109

Will Saletan, “Israel May Be Raising The Moral Standards Of Warfare,” Slate Magazine, July 12, 2014 at http://www.businessinsider.com/israel-is-raising-the-moral-standards-of-warfare-2014-7 110

111

IDF Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories [COGAT], “Daily Report: Civilian Assistance to Gaza,” COGAT, Aug. 27, 2014 at http://www.cogat.idf.il/Sip_Storage/FILES/8/4558.pdf 112

Aryeh Savir, “Despite Rocket Attacks, 23 Palestinians, Including Eight Gazan Children, Are Undergoing Treatment in Israeli Hospitals,” Algemeiner, July 11, 2014 at http://www.algemeiner.com/2014/07/11/despite-rocket-attacks-20-palestinians-including-eight-gazan-children-treated-in-israeli-hospitals/ and Elhanan Miller, “On Gaza border, an Israeli field hospital stands empty,” Times of Israel, Aug. 3, 2014 at http://www.timesofisrael.com/on-gaza-border-an-israeli-field-hospital-stands-empty/ 113

Atallah, “Annual Summary Report” 114

Ruthie Blum Leibowitz, Interview with Arnon Soffer, Jerusalem Post, May 21 2004, at http://www.jpost.com/Features/I-didnt-suggest-we-kill-Palestinians; Meron Rappaport, “On Israel’s Separation Fence, Part 1”, Electronic Intifada, 31 May 2003 at http://electronicintifada.net/content/israels-separation-fence-part-1/4604; Keller, Complicity of Israeli Academic Institutions, pp. 19-20.

115

Reuters, “Abbas: 'Not a single Israeli' in future Palestinian state,” Jerusalem Post, July 30, 2014 at http://www.jpost.com/Middle-East/Abbas-wants-not-a-single-Israeli-in-future-Palestinian-state-321470 116

“Academic Freedom for Whom?” http://academic-access.weebly.com/ 117

Richard Cravatts, “Is Gaza’s Islamic University an Educational Institution Academics Should Be Defending?,” History News Network, Jan. 19, 2009 at http://hnn.us/articles/59958.html 118

B’Tselem, “Easing of restrictions on Palestinians’ movement in the West Bank, 2012,” December 24, 2012, at http://www.btselem.org/freedom_of_movement/20121217_restrictions_lifted 119

Tamara Traubman, “Court: Ban on Palestinian students in Israel is unreasonable,” Ha’aretz, Dec. 19, 2006 at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/court-ban-on-palestinian-students-in-israel-is-unreasonable-1.207546 120

Benny Morris, “’Israel: The Threat from Within’ an Exchange,” New York Review of Books, April 8, 2004, at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2004/apr/08/israel-the-threat-from-within-an-exchange/ 121

http://electronicintifada.net/content/photostory-hebrew-university-displace-palestinian-families/5328 122

Hebrew University, “Letter by lawyers representing Hebrew University rebutting allegations,” Engage, May 25, 2005, at http://www.engageonline.org.uk/archives/index.php?id=46 123

http://zochrot.org/en/content/tel-aviv-university-asked-acknowledge-its-past-and-commemorate-palestinian-village-which-gro 124

Howard M. Sachar, A History of Israel from the Rise of Zionism to Our Time, 1996, pp. 386-88; 532-538. 125

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-18879786 126

http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/aljazeeraworld/2013/10/inside-shin-bet-20131020112634404283.html See this report in Hebrew: http://www.haaretz.co.il/misc/1.1002853 127

Yulie Khromchenko, “Ministry decides Shin Bet will no longer scrutinize Arab educators,” Haaretz, January 6, 2005, at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/ministry-decides-shin-bet-will-no-longer-scrutinize-arab-educators-1.146265; http://news.walla.co.il/item/651216 128

Chaim Levinson, “Israel closes down Yizhar yeshiva due to violent acts against Palestinians,” Haaretz, November 1, 2011, at http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/israel-closes-down-yitzhar-yeshiva-due-to-violent-acts-against-palestinians-1.393210 129

Itamar Fleishman, “Controversy over Shin Bet involvement in Hilltop Youth Program,” YNet News, July 24, 2013, at http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4409197,00.html; Tom Segev, “Breakdown” SPME, November 25, 2006, at http://spme.org/spme-research/letters-from-our-readers/breakdown-by-tom-segev-haaretz-november-22-2006/2222/ 130

Ian Black. “1948 no catastrophe says Israel, as term nakba banned from Arab children's textbooks” The Guardian, 22 July 2009. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jul/22/israel-remove-nakba-from-textbooks 131

See, for example, presentation by feminist organization New Profil here: http://antimili-youth.net/all-content/new-profile 132

Palestinian Center for Human Rights. “Gaza closure threatens 3,000 students’ education rights.” Electronic Intifada, 23 Nov. 2007. http://electronicintifada.net/content/gaza-closure-threatens-3000-students-education-rights/3294 133

Yarden Skop “Israel bars Gaza student from travel to U.S. for coexistence program.” Haaretz, 23 Jan. 2014. http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.570281 134

Amira Hass, “Passports are the latest weapon in the war between Fatah and Hamas,” Haaretz, July 25, 2010, at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/features/amira-hass-passports-are-the-latest-weapon-in-the-struggle-between-fatah-and-hamas-1.303865 135

“Country Profiles: Israel/Palestine.” Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2014. http://www.protectingeducation.org/country-profile/israelpalestine 136

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/08/israel-strikes-university-gaza-city-20148283821707200.html 137

Country Profiles: Israel/Palestine.” Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2014. http://www.protectingeducation.org/country-profile/israelpalestine