This article sets out to explain the silent behavior of the indigenous

haping theles, 2010; Nhe studies

relationships between tourists and local communities (Sharpley, 2014) indicates that much rehas been carried out, but its contribution is limited for various reasons: many remain atheorethey draw on theoretical frameworks whose contribution to explaining the residents perceptionremain unclear; they fail to take into account that for many residents any form of interaction with

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2015.02.014

Corresponding author.E-mail addresses: restrepocampo@gmail.com (A.R. Restrepo Campo), sandra.turbay@udea.edu.co (S. Turbay).

Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Annals of Tourism Research0160-7383/ 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.residents and visitors, experiences of self-management and the images of tourists s(Benckendorff & Zehrer, 2013; De Oliveira, da Silva, Costa Cavalcante, & Lima FontePedregal, 2005; Snchez Morales & Montoya Gmez, 2013). A recent balance in tir fatesoguson thesearchtical orIntroduction

Tourism anthropology takes into account themes such as the processes of culture becomingheritage, identity construction, their social and economic impacts, cultural negotiations betweenArticle history:Received 3 February 2014Revised 6 February 2015Accepted 15 February 2015

Coordinating Editor: David Harrison

Keywords:Sierra Nevada de Santa MartaHost communityIndigenous tourismCritical tourism studiesSilenceTourist-host encountersKogi people of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta when in front oftourists. It was found that silence corresponds to indigenouscosmology, to Kogi behavioral protocol when faced with outsiders,and to a defense strategy in front of tourists. Understanding theinteractions between tourists and indigenous peoples has practicalimplications for designing cultural policies in these territories. Thework is original in its use of ethnography in place of quantitativemethods for studying the factors that determine the behavior ofthe residents in front of tourists. Equally it constitutes a contribu-tion to the few studies that exist on silence as a rhetorical strategyin power relations.

2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.The silence of the Kogi in front of tourists

Andrs Ricardo Restrepo Campo , Sandra TurbayUniversidad de Antioquia, Colombia

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate/atoures

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 45tourists may be involuntary and in many cases non-tangible interactions may occur; research focuseson residents attitudes and not on the relationship between resident and tourist; and residents per-ceptions cannot imply consequential actions on their part.

It is generally the local community that has received more attention and researchers insist on thenegative impacts on it (Benthall, 1988; Costa Baber & Barreto, 2007; Mbaiwa, 2005; Nuez, 1963;Ruiz, Hernndez, Coca, Cantero, & del Campo, 2008). Some researchers maintain that the commercialaspect of interactions between tourists and guests in non-capitalist societies cannot be overlooked,saying that their relations are governed by reciprocity (Aramberri, 2001; MacCannell, 2003; Salazar,2006a). However, the studies also outline positive impacts: tourism means that displacement of ruralpopulations to cities is avoided, new opportunities are opened to them, social networks with theoutside world are expanded, the skills of the local inhabitants can be developed and there is a greaterfeeling of personal growth (Costa Baber & Barreto, 2007; Stronza, 2008). Many authors think negativeimpacts can be overcome if economic, political, social and psychological empowerment is offered, andif development is promoted on a local scale in a way that respects the cultural norms of the host com-munities (Ochoa Fonseca, James, & Mrquez, 2013; Ruiz et al., 2008; Scheyvens, 1999).

Tourist destinations are stages for social contradictions (Cordero Ulate, 2006; Nogus Pedregal,2009). Joseph and Kavoori (2001) analyze, for example, the strategies used by a community in Indiato resist tourism, which allowed them to create the appearance of opposition without directlyconfronting the tourist, which ultimately created the conditions for accepting this cultural exchange(Joseph & Kavoori, 2001). Salazar (2006b) studied the discourse of Tanzanian guides by examininghow they adopt a global discourse with tourists, but recreating it. The motivation for hosts toparticipate in knowledge transfers with tourists is primarily nancial, although they may also bemotivated by status, enjoyment and curiosity (Buckley & Allenburg, 2013). The work of van derBerghe and Flores Ochoa (2000) suggests that the nativistic ideology associated with tourismultimately benets the local bourgeoisie, while Erbs (2000) study in Flores, Indonesia, argues thatby tting tourists into a structural position that makes sense to the residents of a community, thehosts are attempting to nd a way of controlling these disruptive strangers.

In contrast with community-focused studies, others have concentrated on tourists. Urry and Larsen(2011) speak of a tourist gaze that passes through the lter of the desires, expectations and abilities ofthe tourist, while framing their social class, nationality, age and education. Passariello (1983) com-pares the behaviors of domestic and international tourists at a Mexican location, while Ryansresearch (2002) concerns the disinterest of domestic tourists in New Zealand towards the Maoriculture, compared with a high level of international interest.

The aim of this paper is to explain why the Kogi so often remain silent with tourists. Tourists arenot always interested in getting to know the local culture, yet traveling through indigenous land enroute to the Lost City archeological site or whilst visiting Tayrona National Park obliges them on somelevel to interact with the Kogi. What reason could the Kogi have for this silence?

Interactions between the Kogi and tourists in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta

In order to explain the silence, this text adopts the stance taken by a cluster of work that linksanthropological, sociological and psychosocial perspectives (Benckendorff & Zehrer, 2013). Theapproach of this paper is more to highlight the unequal relationship between guests and visitors,and to characterize the silence as part of a defensive strategy based in the Kogis linguistic protocols, intheir cosmology and in their historic experience of inter-ethnic contact. Silent behavior observedthroughout the eldwork was interpreted based on the knowledge accumulated by ethnographerson the Kogi culture. The approach employed in this work underlines the tensions between a culturalmodel that prizes the shedding of material wealth as an access road to the spiritual world, and thereality that offers economic opportunities derived from tourism.

Glenn argues that:

...silence the unspoken is a rhetorical art that can be as powerful as the spoken or written word:Like speech, the meaning of silence depends on a power differential that exists in every rhetorical

situation: who can speak, who must remain silent, who listen, and what those listeners can do(2004, p. 9).

For this author the meaning of silence and the effect upon other people varies according to thesocial-rhetorical context in which it occurs; Western cultures do not tolerate too much silence, con-versation remains the way to win friends and inuence people and we believe silent people are notperforming the role of conversant. Nevertheless, speech and silence are in a reciprocal relationship(Glenn, 2004). Silence is undoubtedly something more than a simple absence of words. Silence is apotent strategy and cannot be read as passivity or nothingness. As Glenn and Radcliffe argue (2011)silence is effective for analyzing the cultural stances and power of dominant and subaltern groups.

Silence is socially constructed. Some cultures belief that language is the most important instrumentof self-expression but in other cultures, people are very aware of non-verbal communication andsilence is used as form of passive resistance, as an expression of dissatisfaction or disagreement oras a way to sublimate emotional reactions (Saint Clair, 2003). It is important to make a distinctionbetween being silenced and being silent. As Fivush said conceptualizations of voice as power andsilence as oppression may not be adequate: ...silence can be a form of power, and the need to speak,to voice, represents a loss of power (Fivush, 2010, p. 89).

Silence cannot be interpreted unambiguously, and there are many different types of silence(Nasio, 1999). Some are produced by anger, hatred, wonder, fear or the feeling of guilt or cowardice.Others may be the result of calm, of contemplation, ecstasy or from listening intently and serenely towhat the person you are talking to is saying. Regardless of this, silence expresses something thatcannot be said with words. Silence should be an object of study; Paz (1971, p. 195) says ...as menwe are made in such a way that silence is a language for us.

It is important to understand that there may be multiple reasons for the silence, and therefore sim-ple explanations should be avoided. An ethnographic interpretation of the silence should contemplatehow the subjects use it to articulate the characteristics of their own history. For example, Foley (2004)explains that the silence ofMesquaqui students at school cannot solely be interpreted as the result of anattitude of resistance; sometimes it is the product of shyness, racism or the fear of being seen as stupid.

In a classic study into silence, Basso (1970) analyzed six types of encounters among the Apaches inwhich they remain silent: (1) Meeting strangers; (2) During the initial stages of courtship; (3) In anysituation in which one individual shouts insults and criticisms at another; (4) When an individual ndshimself in the company of someone whose spouse or kinsman has recently died; (5) When an indi-vidual is with a patient taking part in a healing ceremony; and (6) When parents and children cometogether after the children return from boarding school. In the six situations described above the rela-tive expectations of the xed roles are no longer applicable, and the illusion that social interactions arepredictable is lost. Maintaining silence in these cases is a response to the uncertainty of social relations.

The status differential will emerge in the encounters, and relative ranking can be manipulatedthrough verbal strategies (Foley, 1997). Each culture has a protocol which dictates when one canspeak, where or in which circumstances it is prudent to remain silent, who should initiate a conver-sation and how one should behave in front of strangers, etc. Learning a language also means absorbingthe social codes which govern interpersonal relations and which prescribe a lack of verbal communi-cation in certain situations.

The speakers communicative behavior (verbal or non-verbal) is informed by past interpersonaland intergroup experiences and by the socio-historical context (Gasoriek, Giles, & Soliz, 2014).Through their communicative behavior, speakers emphasize or minimize the social differencesbetween themselves and their interlocutors. Giles, Coupland, and Coupland (1991) state that thereare two accommodation processes: convergence and divergence. Convergence is the strategy wherebythe speaker adapts to the language or communicative behaviors of their interlocutor in order to reducethe social differences between them. Divergence, in contrast, refers to the strategy whereby the speak-er accentuates the speech and non-verbal differences between themselves and their interlocutors. Inthis case the speaker emphasizes group distinctiveness in a positive manner. Silence is a non-verbalcommunicative behavior that affects the quality and nature of interactions between communicators.In interactions between individuals with power or status differences, silence helps to strengthen ones

46 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459social identity.

Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 47The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is an isolated triangular cluster of Andean mountains. It is locat-ed in northwestern Colombia at a latitude of 11 north, and longitude of between 74200west and73450east. To the east, Pico Bolivar reaches a height of 5775 masl, at a linear distance of 42 km fromthe sea. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is the worlds highest coastal mountain range and containsall the climatic zones of tropical mountains. It also has signicant cultural wealth in two importantarcheological sites: Pueblito or Chairama and Teyuna or the Lost City, as well as four indigenous com-munities: the Kogis, Arhuacos, Kankuamos and Wiwas, which between them add up to over 35,000people (Ulloa, 2004; Viloria de la Hoz, 2006) (see Fig. 1).

The ancestral territory is divided by an imaginary black line, called the Line of Origin by the Kogi,which borders the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and connects, through radial lines, 54 sacred siteswith Gonawinda, or Pico Bolivar; the government of Colombia has recognized this line throughResolution 002 of January 4th, 1973 amended by Resolution 837 of August 28 1995 that guaranteesaccess for the mamas or indigenous priests to these sites so they can make offerings1. The indigenouspeoples consider this space to be the heart of the world. According to them, they were entrusted with thetask of keeping the balance to maintain order in the cosmos. The Law of the Mother, or Law of Origins,governs the world and ensures it continues to thrive (Duque Caas, 2009).

However the legal recognition of this ancestral land does not give the indigenous groups full auton-omy in handling their territorial affairs. Several authorities have jurisdiction in this territory: threedepartments, three Autonomous Regional Corporations which make up the National EnvironmentalSystem, a forest reserve and two national natural parks, the Lost City archeological park and twoindigenous reserves: the Arhuaco and the Kogi-Malayo (Botero, 1987; Duque Caas, 2009; Viloriade la Hoz, 2006). The Organizacin Gonawinda Tayrona is the political representation of the indige-nous communities. It is a community-based organization which brings together the different ethnicgroups of the Sierra Nevada and mediates between the priests belonging to traditional communitiesand the national institutions. The mediation is conducted by the new leaders: individuals whoare politically or academically educated and therefore have skills in the Spanish language, andknowledge of the national laws and institutional processes that affect the indigenous peoples andtheir territory (Ulloa, 2004).

In the XVI century the indigenous groups that lived close to the Spanish settlement of Santa Marta,on the shores of the Caribbean Sea, either fought against the Spanish or migrated to higher andinaccessible land causing large-scale spatial rearrangement and inter-ethnic confrontation (DuqueCaas, 2009; Langebaek, 2007). In the XVIII century the Spanish crown attempted to establish migrantsettlements in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. These efforts failed, however, and for a long time theindigenous peoples had had little or no contact with the conquistadors and colonizers (Duque Caas,2009).

However, today the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is not an unreachable and isolated part of thecountry. Uribe (1997) draws attention to the location of the Kogi and Wiwa reservations on the northface of the massif, with an extension of 364,390 ha, and to the Ika (Arhuaco) reservation on the southand southwest faces, with an extension of 195,900 ha, to show how they are surrounded by a beltwhich corresponds to the peasant settlement areas that began to consolidate themselves at thebeginning of the XX century. Add to this the modern-day presence of guerrillas, drug trafckers andparamilitary groups. Serje (2008) tells of how the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta has transformed intoan area of armed intervention, infrastructure works, of processes for conserving the biodiversity and oftourism.

The snowy peaks and forest-covered slopes have been, as a spectacle, opened up to tourism con-cerned with nature and tradition through ecotourism, adventure tourism and, more recently,spiritual tourism, which sells ritual ceremonies led by authentic natives from the mountain range(2008, p. 224).

1 Pagamento: in its general form this is taken to be an offering in the form of stones, beaded necklaces, etc. wrapped in corn leaf

and represents food for their ancestors (Pumarejo Hinojosa & Morales Thomas, 2003, p. 35).

Fig. 1. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.48 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459As well as maintaining trade relations with their mestizo neighbors, the Kogi are often visited bypeople from high positions of national and international political ofce, or by environmental agencies,which is consistent with the image of the ecological native (Ulloa, 2004). It is important to add that theindigenous natives are actively and effectively represented in the governmental agencies of the threedepartments that have jurisdiction over the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.

Observations of the ethnographers on the linguistic interactions and silent behavior among the Kogi

Silence and the tendency among the Kogi to ignore outsiders have been highlighted by differentresearchers. When the French geographer Elise Reclus visited them in the XIX century, he describedhis rst impression on arriving at the village of San Miguel as a deathly silence, given that he foundthe village abandoned as the natives were out with their crops. When the inhabitants returned thewomen ignored him as if they were in a robot-like state and the Kogi priest, called the mama, didnot even dignify him with a greeting (Reclus, [1861] 1992, p. 226). The German ethnographerKonrad Theodor Preuss visited them at the start of the XX century and tells us that, in his rst attemptto make contact, the Kogi simply abandoned the village with all of their domesticated animals. Laterwhen he began to relate to some of them, despite at no point treating him with hostility, many aban-doned their homes when they knew he was planning on visiting them, or lied to him saying that thepeople or places that he wanted to get to know where too remote (Preuss, [1919] 1993). RecentlyGuilland (2009) brought attention to the difculty in interviewing the natives because of theirreserved nature in front of outsiders, stating that the indigenous people maintained a distant attitudetowards tourists, acting as if they cannot see them. This behavior comes across as enigmatic for thevisitors who do not understand, for example, why the women and children remain in silence for hourswatching them while eating in their homesteads.

The anthropologist Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff who lived sixty years ago among the Kogi wrote themost complete ethnography of this people to date. The author also brought attention to the difculty

aloud that he is contented. Eventually a conversation can begin with the words: sakishivaldu?

(How are you?), to which the response is: singabeiti (I am seated) (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950]1985, V.1, p. 98). If the person who arrives is a stranger, the rst question they are asked is when theywill be leaving. Even if he responds, they ask him the same thing over and over, before attempting tond out his name and where he is from. The men then retire for a moment and return with gifts offood or rewood for the visitor, and with this action they initiate a cycle of mutual obligation.

Taking into account these observations, it is necessary to investigate if cultural expectations, differ-ent understandings of speaking language, personhood and moral behavior are leading to a breakdownin communication between Kogis and tourists. Before tackling this question, it must be noted that,although there are divisions among the Kogi people with respect to living with tourism in their land,it clearly provides important nancial benets to a certain sector of the community. Yet this does notnecessarily mean that there is either mutual recognition or cultural exchange among the tourists andKogis, as we shall see below.

Study methods

The majority of research into the perception and attitudes of the residents towards tourists andtourism use quantitative models such as large surveys based upon questionnaires combining a varietyof question formats that allow the researcher to describe what residents perceive, but do notnecessarily explain why (Sharpley, 2014). In contrast, this research uses ethnographic tools such asparticipatory observation and in-depth interviews.

This paper is the result of analyzing two events witnessed by one of the authors over the course of abroader ethnographic eld work (Restrepo Campo, 2012) which entailed a stay of one month with aKogi family living in the Arrecifes area of the Tayrona National Park, as well as a further month in theMutainzhi area, close to the Teyuna or the Lost City archeological site.

Tourists in Tayrona Park were for the most part Colombian families, however in Mutainzhi onlythree Colombians were found out of the approximately 90 visitors that were staying in the same cabinas the researcher. The ethnographic study sought to tackle the problem of the relationship betweentourism and local communities by observing small encounters.

Communication with the researcher was in Spanish, a language in which the natives had a highlevel of competency, with the exception of the older generation. The two sites were chosen becauseof the high levels of tourists passing through. Tayrona Park was considered representative of contactin the beach area, while Mutainzhi was representative of the mountainous area. The types of tourismof working with them: Their distrust knows no bounds and probably manifests itself in silence or inthe response: I dont know...([1950] 1985, V.2, p. 266). He also indicated that they were born rst,and so are humanitys older brothers. As such they must protect and look after their youngerbrothers and everyone who does not belong to their tribe (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950] 1985, p. 143).

Throughout his eldwork Reichel-Dolmatoff identied ([1950] 1985) three forms that conversa-tions take: (1) exchanging greetings in which the conversation is reduced to basic questions concern-ing where, how, when and why, as well as some casual input or recommendation. The youngest mustrst greet by adding a kinship term to the formal greeting; if the meeting occurs between two initiatedmen then the youngest, or the one who is paying the visit, must deposit some coca leaves in the othersbag. In order to say goodbye, the speaker says that he is leaving and the other replies: ok, ok, withoutany physical contact, (2) actual conversation in which the interlocutors do not look one another in theeyes or the speaker at least does not look at the others (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950] 1985 V.1, p. 97).The speaker looks down, or concentrates on their own hands which are holding the gourd containinglime that is added to the coca leaves when being chewed, and (3) ceremonial conversation, where boththe voice and the pronunciation of the phrases change.

Reichel-Dolmatoff ([1950] 1985, V.1) notes that when a Kogi member arrives at a house they greetthe inhabitants from the door and await an invitation to enter. They then offer coca leaves and sit inone of the chairs found around them, and there is no other exchange of words outside the initialgreeting. After a time the visitor says that he is hungry, and after eating what he was offered he says

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 49in the two areas are different.

Tayrona Park is one-hour bus ride from Santa Marta on the Caribbean coast and is visited bythousands of tourists throughout the year, primarily in July, January and over Holy Week. In thispark, tourists can appreciate the beauty of the fauna and beaches and visit the archeological siteat Chairama (Pueblito in Spanish). Those that wish to stay various days in the park put up tentsor sleep in the hammocks offered in the campsites. The tourist elite stay in cabins erected by theAviatur tourist agency. Some Kogi and Wiwa families have recently set up camp in the park in orderto reclaim sovereignty over their ancestral territories. One of these families is that of Lorenzo Pinto,with whom the researcher lodged for one month. His house was close to the path used by tourists,to whom Lorenzos young sons sell coconuts, a regular event that was used to analyze silentbehavior.

The second location where eldwork was carried out was Mutainzhi, a Kogi village in the moun-tainous region of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, close to the archeological site known as Teyunaor the Lost City. To get there one must take a bus from Santa Marta to the Aguacatera site. After thisleg of the journey, lasting an hour and a half, it is necessary to take a motorbike for forty-ve minutesto the mestizo village of Machete Pelao. From there the ascent on foot begins towards Teyuna andtakes two days. In total the trip lasts ve days for tourists; two for the ascent, one at the site andtwo for the descent. During the trip they pass through the village of Mutainzhi and encounter somehouses dispersed along the path. Mutainzhi was therefore a strategic site for observing the interac-tions between tourists and natives within the shelter. The fact that this is a more costly and physicallydemanding activity determines the tourist prole: young, mostly foreign, lovers of trekking adventureand risk.

Tourists are taken to the Lost City by one of the four tourist agencies that can be found in SantaMarta, all by mestizo guides. It was not until 2010 that an agency run by Wiwa natives appeared,called Etnotour Wiwa. During the sojourn in Mutainzhi, the researcher stayed in one of the cabinsused by tourists, allowing him to carry out in-depth interviews that were subsequently followed upby exhaustive revision of comments left by travelers in a visitors book and on the Internet. TheLost City was visited on three occasions, the rst with the Magic Tours travel agency, the second withEthnotour Wiwa and the third with the son of the priest.

Meetings and clashes with tourists

The two cases presented here, and which will serve as a basis for responding to the question of thecause of the silences, are different in nature. The rst case corresponds to an observation of the atti-tude of an indigenous owner of the accommodation on the ascent to the Lost City. The second consistsof the description of the tourists that go to Tayrona National Park and a group of children that stayaround the road to sell them coconuts.

The mama Rumaldo Lozanos accommodationThe priest Rumaldo Lozano lives high in the mountain in a traditional house (Fig. 2), and he is

charged by the community with protecting Teyuna and preserving its spiritual force; however since2008 many have warned that he has not been able to resist the temptation of money that the visitorsbring. The priest is charged with defending the sites indigenous outlook as a value system, whilenegotiating other outlooks: the scientic of archeologists, the conservationist of the environmentalistsand the economic of the settlers. In 1987 these conicts of interest drove the indigenous peoples tooppose excavations being carried out by archeologists (Guilland, 2009).

Tensions between these outlooks and values continue to this day. Natives demand that Teyuna, theindigenous name of the site be recognized; they claim that the city has never been lost; they requestthat the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History return it to them and ensure that they them-selves are free to reconstruct its history (Guilland, 2009, Ulloa, personal communication, 2014). Duringthe eldwork the priest defended the indigenous outlook and accused environmentalists from theNatural National Parks Special Administrative Unit that was dealing with the natives of being respon-sible for fauna going extinct. According to the priest, the cause of this phenomenon was not hunting,but the removal of quartz, the mother of animals, by looters and archeologists. This quartz, now

50 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459housed in a museum in Bogot, is suffering from being far from its home and its absence has caused

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 51the death of its children, the animals. At the same time, it was not possible to deny tourists access toTeyuna as it is a World Heritage Site.

Today, in order to visit the Teyuna, tourists must spend the night in basic cabins along the routethroughout the trek. The owner of the last one is mama Rumaldo who lives nearby. The cabin standsout in the eyes of tourists for being in better condition than others. It has three buildings, one of themwith two oors, a zinc roof, beds, hammocks and tents. There is also a mestizo inhabitant who isemployed by the mama as site manager, so that the mama is not obligated to stay there the wholetime and is free to perform the tasks that he needs to tend to elsewhere.

It is worth noting that the priest, even as owner of the cabins, does not stay in them when he is on-site and instead stays, in cramped conditions with his family, under plastic sheeting which he fastens

Fig. 2. Mutainzhi, a traditional Kogi village.to a huge rock behind the cabins. Whoever sees him there, with dirty and frayed clothes, would neversuspect that he was the owner. Speaking with him, he offered a detailed nancial analysis of theaccommodation and a thorough description of how he built it, of his strategies for conserving it andof his plans to expand it. By doing this, he showed a high degree of competence in the understandingof the outsider logic necessary to run the site. This does not stop him from living under the shelter ofhis improvised tent during his time spent at the cabins (see Figs. 3 and 4).

In order to explain the priests behavior it is necessary to understand in greater depth their cos-mology and the training the Kogi receive during their educational process. The observing way in whichthe Kogi relate to the tourists indicates that not speaking is a culturally accepted alternative wheninteracting with visitors (and even with other indigenous people): one does not know them, doesnot know what they are thinking, it is not clear what their intentions are and one is unable to predicthow they will behave. Thus silence would be preventative behavior that minimizes the risk of harm.The Kogi use the concept of to be in yuluca, meaning to agree, to be identied, be at the same level, tounderstand and undertake relationships with the supernatural world and to share characteristics withthe other. These are all conditions for coming into contact with both good and bad things, which arethus neutralized (Duque Caas, 2009). These ideas demonstrate to us that the Kogi need preparationbefore coming into contact with the unknown, and need to understand its essence and this can, withsome difculty, be achieved with the tourists.

Reichel-Dolmatoff observed that facial expressions do not noticeably change, and aside fromlaughter and tears, the face does not seem to convey emotions ([1950] 1985, V. 1, p. 96). This is surelyrelated to the parenting practices that he himself described in detail. Reichel-Dolmatoff (1984) saysthat a Kogi must dominate all his emotions, such as passion, lust, sadness and anger. Their body must

52 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459be pure reection. Murillo (1996) sees in this, the search for a state of fulllment that exists only in theuterus, where you are one with your mother. Silence governs the sacred sites of highlands. The sacredlagoons are considered the very body of the mother or her daughters, and may not be visited byundesirable people. The downpours and hailstorms disturb the peace of their waters, and it isforbidden to throw rocks or speak with a loud voice in these lagoons (Duque Caas, 2009). The touristis part of the low lands, loaded with negative connotations: evil, disease and noise. The Kogi mustsimply wait for their presence to disappear.

Murillo (1996) explains that the ideal of the Kogi male is that of detachment frommaterial goods ina lifestyle that strives for spiritual fulllment, liberation from material needs and distancing oneselffrom the multitude of ideas and worries that haunt us in our daily lives. A decent man is one whoholds the spiritual world in high regard. Worry for material things is clearly a sign of marginalization

Fig. 3. The tourists accommodation.

Fig. 4. The priests tent.

or psychological disorder. A man aspires, when he matures, to be seated, meaning that he will have a

more isolated, to the point of not consuming any outsider food such as rice and never having visited

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 53the city, the more traditional they are seen as.According to the teacher, the other criteria have to do with behavior. In this category would be con-

stant contact with the priest, obey customs and to be good in thought. In villages where the presenceof tourism brings the Kogi out of relative isolation, so valued in order to be seen as traditional, thesolution would be for the villagers to strictly follow tradition. The teacher explained that tourists passthrough here but no one looks at them. They are xed on their own affairs, working on their farm2. Avillage elder added that tourists and the indigenous peoples follow their own paths without botheringeach other, and in general the Kogis go about their lives as if the tourists arent there.

The gure of mama Rumaldo shows how the Kogi take advantage of the opportunities offered bytourism, seeing as they can benet from it without having to personally tend to the guests, withoutspeaking to them, and without renouncing their traditional values based around discretion, austerity,continence, respect for the Law of the Mother, the obligation of reciprocity, the search for harmonyor understandings with humans, but also between humans and the supernatural world, all achievedthrough reection (Arbelez Albornoz, 1997).

Kogi children selling coconuts to tourists in Tayrona National ParkA Kogi family that was living in Tayrona National Park took advantage of the proximity of their

dwelling to the path through which there was a constant stream of tourists on their way to the beach-es by selling them coconuts. This activity, together with the sale of farm produce to local restaurantsand the eventual sale of a few handicrafts, was their main source of income.

It is the responsibility of the male children over the age of ten to sell coconut water. From an earlyage children are assigned simple tasks that, without exceeding their capabilities, help accustom themto assuming responsibilities within the domestic economy. Selling coconut water to tourists seems tobe an appropriate task for children given that, without being too complex, it does require a certainamount of autonomy and responsibility. It also requires direct contact with outsiders, something thatthe adults prefer to avoid. Sales were made almost every day by beginning at nine in the morningwhen the rst tourists began to appear on the aforementioned path. A break was taken at middayto eat and the day ended at around four in the afternoon, as the park approached closing time.

Tourists groups around the world are composed of people with different backgrounds, conditionsand socio-cultural characteristics. Passariello (1983) found that on one beach in Chiapas domestictourists travel in family groups and class noise as a marker of fun at the beach, while secondary

2 For further information on the concept of tradition in conversations with indigenous peoples of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,seat in the ceremonial house, to direct the world through words, divination and thought.The mama Rumaldo Lozanos behavior in starting up a business which yields nancial rewards

does deviate somewhat from the ideal Kogi male. For him the solution is to adopt an attitude ofdetachment, and it is for this reason that he sleeps outside of the building he built for tourists. Theactive participation of mama Rumaldo and of certain young natives creates a conict of values. Theyoung natives want to use indigenous guides in order to relay their own interpretation of local historyand the archeological site, and want to ensure the other tourist agencies comply with paymentarrangements for entry to the sites and cabin accommodation (Guilland, 2009).

During eldwork in Mutainzhi a native, a Kogi who was teacher at the village school, offered aconcept of tradition that could help explain the Kogis silence. According to him, the Kogis wouldunderstand this concept primarily as the obedience to their cultural, especially religious, norms; obeythe priest, confess, make pagamento (an offering). Tradition functions as cultural capital that unitesthem as well as creating a hierarchy among the Kogi. Villages are similar as they share this tradition.However, differences create a hierarchy given that each village shows varying degrees of adherence totradition, and this affects their standing among each other. There are various criteria for determiningwhich is the most traditional. Two are geographical: the villages closer to the San Miguel river basin,or located at higher altitudes, were the most traditional. The higher up in the mountains they are, therefer to Bocarejo (2002).

foreigners travel alone or with a partner and value the calm. In Tayrona National Park it was found thatforeign tourists tend to be less intrusive and more respectful towards their indigenous counterparts.The tendency to avoid interaction could arise from the fear of disturbing the native as a person, orfrom fear of upsetting the purity of the indigenous culture. Often they would abstain from askingthe Kogi questions, however once they had set off again they would excitedly interrogate theresearcher about the people they had just seen. This demonstrates that absence of interaction is notdue to a lack of interest. With respect to this, one Spanish tourist expressed her indignation whenshe was offered trips to indigenous territories: (...) Its like going into someones house without permis-sion. In cases when the tourist tried to interact, they desisted when they encountered any negativityfrom the native. For example in one interaction the tourist asked Can I take a photo of you?, No,How old are you?, Twelve, and then they stopped because of the childs evident lack of interest.

Colombian tourists would arrive in family groups, with a male leader of around forty years old. Themajority of interactions were initiated by the leader in an attempt to gain prestige among the group,and they were extremely aggressive and confrontational. For example on one occasion, they cameacross two children talking in their own language. An adult tourist who was traveling with his soninterrupted them and asked: Do you know how to speak like us [in Spanish]?, Yes the older ofthe two replied, Why cant I understand you?, Because we are speaking in Kogi, Youre notspeaking right. You could be insulting us (Nos pueden estar madriando[sic]) and we wouldnt know.This observation caused laughter in the tourists son.

When passing one of these groups a tourist wanted to take a photograph with one of the children.The leader of the group asked permission, but merely as a matter of course, as before getting a responsehe was already pushing the lady and the child together for the photograph. As a result, the child inter-rupted themwith a no. The tourists insistence was greeted only by silence. An adult native visiting anearby village passed by and accepted posing for the photograph. The tourist paid him, emphasizingthat the money was for him and not for the child that had not wanted to pose for the camera.

When the children informed tourists of the price of coconut water, and would subsequently beasked for a discount, they kept silent, hoping only that the visitors would decide to pay or carry ontheir way. If the haggler was lucky they would receive monosyllabic answers, and if not they wouldbe met with yet more impervious silence: the child would sit back, sit down looking somewhere elseor start performing another task, whatever it may be, as if the tourist simply wasnt there. This way theinteraction proceeded through their indifference in systematically denying that the stranger was eventhere. Frustrated by their failed attempt at bargaining with this wall of indifference, the tourist eitheraccepted their failure and returned to their group, or directed a joke at the child to give the appearanceof victory. An example of this last case is a tourist who took the silences as distractions and mockedthe native saying pay attention, Im talking to the coconut guy. The group laughed and thus hemanaged to maintain the appearance of superiority and snatch victory from defeat (see Fig. 5).

Could this silence be a sign of the difculty that indigenous peoples and tourists have in commu-nicating with each other? The lack of a common communication code, apparent in many tourism con-texts, turns interactions into simplied messages. Paula Ben-Amos (1977), for example, comparessouvenirs with pidgin languages, arguing that both are simplied standardized messages for intercul-tural communication. In this sense, the use of short phrases and silences by the Kogi could be anexcessively simplied, standardized form of intercultural communication. This might indeed be anexplanation for the use of silence in this case, but the authors eld experience suggests otherwise.At the rst encounters there was much silence, but once the Kogis felt at ease with the ethnographer,communication in Spanish was very uid. The same questions that were originally answered withsilence, later on were given detailed answers. Difculties in communication do exist, and as silencehas multiple causes, this might be one, but it is not the main one. However, beyond the communica-tion difculties, interactions are marked with hostility, which may turn out to be a more relevantaspect to make sense of the silences.

The sale of coconuts is marked by hostility among outsiders and locals. In each interaction thespeakers do much more than exchange information. They stand in front of the other and play withthe value of what they say, and, therefore, of themselves as speakers (Bourdieu, 2000). Silence func-tions in this case as a strategic position of strength, deance and resistance. As Fivush said: ...by

54 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459not speaking one is claiming that one need not explain or justify (2010, p. 91). Through silence,

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 55the Kogi clearly mark their rights and their social status, relative to other speakers. The shift fromconversation to silence indicates that the Kogi do not seek approval during social encounters withtourists and wish to render them less powerful.

Silence and voice could be the effect of oppression or the expression of freedom depending on thecontext. The indigenous people refrain from speaking not because they cannot or because it isprohibited, but because they do not wish to speak. The indigenous child showed all the linguisticcompetence required to communicate the price of coconuts, but when the prospective buyer startedto ask for a discount, or to talk about anything that arose from the commercial exchange strict-ly speaking, the child acted as if the prospective buyer simply was not there. Faced with anyundesirable interaction the indigenous child proceeded, through his indifference, to deny thepresence of the outsider.

Food does not move against money or other stuff within the community. However, the Kogi sellpotatoes, panela (pure dried sugar cane juice), plantains, pigs, or oxen to their mestizo neighbors,who purchase the goods with money or exchange them for other goods such as rum, machetes, or

Fig. 5. Children selling coconuts.pots, among others. Additionally, every month they pay food tribute to the priest of their community,who in exchange grants them spiritual protection (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950] 1985). Voluntary food-sharing is a kind of generalized reciprocity: putatively altruistic without any counter-obligation, foodmoving in one way, and practiced within their own social group.

In the typology of reciprocities proposed by Sahlins (1972), Kogis food exchange with their mestizoneighbors occurs under the logic of balanced reciprocity: exchange of goods of commensurate worthor utility. Such exchange takes place with no delay or within a denite and narrow time frame andbetween parties which are genealogically or spatially more distant, but which maintain an equal sta-tus. In contrast, exchanging goods with tourists is a type of negative reciprocity: the relationshipbetween the two parties is too distant, solidarity is minimal, it does not rely on a previous social rela-tionship, there is no expectation of pursuing the relationship in the future, and one of the parties aimsto maximize its gains on the others expense.

Silence in front of tourists is not the same as the silence that usually precedes speech among theKogi, and a tourist cannot interpret the silence of a native according to local protocol. For the outsider,silence is uncomfortable and may be interpreted as a lack of linguistic competence in the native, or asindifference or animosity. Given that these silences do not seem to be the product of the childrensshyness, they become increasingly enigmatic. Interaction among indigenous natives and tourists ismediated by the ethnocentrism of both, and preexisting power relations that are unfavorable forthe Kogi. It is money which tips the balance in favor of the tourist. Tourists were very conscious of this,encouraging them to aunt their purchasing power.

In summary, in an interaction in which the indigenous people are at a disadvantage, abstainingfrom speech functions as a defense mechanism against legitimizing the unequal power conditions(see Fig. 6).

For tourists, silence can take on diverse connotations. A certain type of tourist will prefer noise tosilence. These tourists are related with destinies by means of a collective gaze that values the presenceof the masses, the feeling of being at a parade and experiencing movement. For them a break isassociated with the beach, with music, the louder the better, and with the consumption of alcohol.Silence would be a threat that overrides any fun and forces them to confront their own loneliness,problems and failures. For others the trip would be a break from the noise of the city and itsmechanical sounds. The romantic gaze emphasizes solitude, privacy, and a personal semi-spiritual

Fig. 6. Kogi family in Mutainzhi.56 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459relationship with the object of the gaze (Urry & Larsen, 2011, p.19). Thus, they are looking for silence,guided by a desire for contemplation which will give them the strength to go back to their daily lives(Urry & Larsen, 2011; Passariello, 1983). Le Breton (1999) says that the penetrating silence of somebuildings and landscapes is a path toward oneself; in these moments of contemplation, time issuspended and the subject is given an inner strength before returning to the chaos of the real worldand the worries of daily life. Silence prolongs immersion in the serenity of the space. Words cannotexpress the power of the moment or the solemnity of the place. Any voice is inopportune and theattention required by speaking causes the moment to be lost.

We believe that even for tourists seeking a spiritual experience on the ascent up the Sierra Nevadade Santa Marta, silence would prove to be uncomfortable to say the least. Through the lack ofknowledge of the Kogis language the tourist becomes disoriented and does not know how to interpretthe natives reactions. The most comfortable thing to do is to keep the conversation to a necessaryminimum and carry on down the path. This way the tourist is always on the move, always goingsomewhere and does not have the time to stop and overcome the silence that normally comesbetween two people that have just got to know each other, even if both are Kogi.

Conclusion

This work forms part of a line of study which singles out tourist destinations as scenes of socialcontradictions. In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta tensions between the global and the local occa-sionally present themselves with the arrival of visitors from across the world to the territory of anindigenous group that considers them little brothers, and which deeply values a tradition which

forces them to remain marginalized. All the same, as happened in the case described by Salazar(2006b) in Tanzania, the natives do not shut themselves off totally. The Kogi sell services to thetourists without needing to abandon their tradition. This way they put two elements, apparentlyirreconcilable, in yuluca, which is to say in harmony.

Customs are constantly being reinvented, thus being at once both continuous and innovative.Strategies are generated whereby the indigenous try to make the most benet from tourism and toreverse the asymmetrical power conditions between themselves and the tourists. In this sense, thecase discussed in this paper reveals similarities with the case of Flores (Indonesia) presented by Erb(2000), where tourists are regarded as unknown, dangerous others, and where the solution has beento classify them as guests, a position hierarchically inferior to that of hosts, as they are in constantdebt. As described above, silence usually appears in cases in which social relations are uncertain. InFlores, the natives were disturbed by the silence of the tourists, since in their culture, human beingstry to exchange words, drinks, food, visits, and sociability. In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, incontrast, it is the tourists that nd the silence of the Kogi disconcerting.

The silence exhibited by the Kogi in front of tourists is interpreted as resistance from the point ofview of rhetoric and performativity. The silence presents itself in various contexts, not only ininteractions with tourists but as part of the rules prescribed by protocol in certain meetings.

The same as ndings by Joseph and Kavoori (2001) in India, it was observed that the Kogi commu-nity is opposed to tourism without directly confronting the tourist; they prefer to ignore them. Powerdisputes between natives and domestic tourists come into play in these interactions. In these cases,the ethnocentric positions and unequal relationships, repeated on a national scale between majoritysociety and indigenous villages, are replicated on a micro scale. Silence is therefore engraved in theideological struggle between indigenous groups and whites, as happens among the Mesquaqui whereit means ...a political withdrawal towards a space and cultural identity separate from the world of thewhites (Foley, 2004, p. 24).

The Kogi have historically maintained a relationship strategy with the outside world characterizedboth by distancing themselves and by limiting contact, with the aim of selling or acquiring desirablegoods (Uribe, 1990). Silence when encountering tourists is part of this dialectic of maintainingindependence without severing links with the outside world. Silence with tourists does not admitof an unequivocal interpretation; rather it serves multiple purposes. The Kogi priest teaches howcertain members of the community learn to manage tourist services while keeping a distance, in thisparticular case by denying himself and his family use of his own accommodation. The analysis of thesale of coconuts showed that, when carrying out a commercial transaction, silence functions as aprotective barrier against contact that went further than was desired. Kogi people do not need toexplain their culture, justify their way of life or convince visitors. Thus, despite being located in a tour-ist area, the indigenous peoples try to maintain relative and selective isolation in their actions throughsilence, whereby they ignore or systematically deny the presence of their outsider counterparts.Silence therefore appears to be a way of isolating themselves while maintaining full contact.

This research contributes to tourism studies by refuting the supposition, widely disseminated, ofinevitable contact between tourists and local communities. The Kogis attitudes are not explainedby variables as the nature of tourism, its seasonality, the national stage of development, economicdependency on tourism, the distance from the tourism zone, the social status of hosts or the age, gen-der and education level of residents (Sharpley, 2014). This paper adopts an ethnographical approachand privileges other factors such as the Kogis cosmology, their values, norms and behavior and theirrhetorical strategies of resistance. Their will serves to preserve cultural traditions and ideas over thecharacter of non-indigenous people. Understanding indigenous strategies of cultural resistance can bethe starting point for designing cultural policies in tourist areas.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank the Research Group Sustainability Project 20132014 nanced by the Vicepresidency of Research from the Universidad de Antioquia and awarded to the Grupo de InvestigacinMedio Ambiente y Sociedad (Environment and Society Research Group). Thanks to Zakik Murillo,

A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 57Camilo Robayo, Olga Luca Ocampo, Astrid Ulloa and to all anonymous assessors for their comments

on a previous version. Wewould like to thank Bunkwa, Cayetano Torres and all our friends in the SierraNevada de Santa Marta for their generous support throughout the eldwork.

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A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459 59

The silence of the Kogi in front of touristsIntroductionInteractions between the Kogi and tourists in the Sierra Nevada de Santa MartaSierra Nevada de Santa MartaObservations of the ethnographers on the linguistic interactions and silent behavior among the KogiStudy methodsMeetings and clashes with touristsThe mama Rumaldo Lozanos accommodationKogi children selling coconuts to tourists in Tayrona National Park

ConclusionAcknowledgmentsReferences