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Review of Public Administration & Management Vo. 1 No. 2 i Review of Public Administration and Management Vol. 1 No. 2 ISSN 2315-7844 Nov, 2012 A bi-annual Journal of the Department of Public Adminitration Nnamdi Azikiwe Univeristy, Awka, Nigeria Website: http://reviewofpublicadministration.wordpress.com E-mail:[email protected]

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  • Review of Public Administration & Management Vo. 1 No. 2

    i

    Review of Public Administration and Management

    Vol. 1 No. 2 ISSN 2315-7844 Nov, 2012

    A bi-annual Journal of the Department of Public Adminitration

    Nnamdi Azikiwe Univeristy, Awka, Nigeria Website: http://reviewofpublicadministration.wordpress.com

    E-mail:[email protected]

  • Review of Public Administration & Management Vo. 1 No. 2

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    Review of Public Administration and Management

    © Department of Public Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka, Nigeria Published Nov, 2012 by Department of Public Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nigeria All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any other information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission of the publishers.

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    Editorial Board Chief Editor: Prof. M.C. Muo, Ph.D, Nnamdi

    Azikiwe University, Awka Managing Editor: Emma E.O. Chukiwuemeka, h.D,

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Members: Prof. F.C. Nze, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Prof. J.C. Okoye , Ph.D - Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Prof. Ezimma Nnabuife, Ph.D Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Prof. Chikelue Ofuebe, Ph.D University of Nigeria Nsukka

    Ngozi Ewuim, Ph.D Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Okey Francis Chikeleze, Ph.D Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Enugu

    Consulting Editors:

    Prof. Kunle Awotokun, Ph.D – Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife

    Prof. Emma Ezeani, Ph.D – University of Nigeria, Nsukka

    Prof. Ike Ndolo, Ph.D – Enugu State University ofScience and Tech, Enugu

    Prof. Charles Okigbo, Ph.D – North Dakota State University, United

    States of America

    Prof.B.C. Nwankwo, Ph.D – Kogi State University, Ayingba

    Chukwumerije Okereke, Ph.D, University of Reading, United

    Kingdom

    D. Stamatakis , Ph.D– Athens National and Kapodistrian University

    I.M. Ambe, Ph.D - University of South Africa S. Jabulani, – University of Swaziland

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    Editorial Comment

    We are happy to launch the second edition of the Review of Public Administration and Management. It is interesting to note that the Journal has improved significantly, with a website, electronic mail address and International Standard Serial Number (ISSN) in place. The Journal undoubtedly is intended to be a beacon of light to scholars of administration, management, humanities and social sciences. Through extensive research and intensive empirical field studies, the Journal will show Nigeria and other developing states how to survive or how to escape from the scourge of problems buffeting them.

    Today, myriads of unpredictability face administration, politics, humanities, social sciences and management. The western nations have articulated their responses to the challenges and even simulated and programmed the likely outcome. But for us in the third World especially Nigeria, it seemed that the challenges took us by surprise. It is in keeping with the challenges that the Department of Public Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka blazed the trail by producing the second edition of the Journal.

    There is no gainsaying that an examination of the current security challenges in the Country, one may be wont to remark that Nigeria is ‘sitting on a keg of gunpowder’.

    Politically Nigeria’s nascent democracy has not fared well; the terrain has been shrouded with unprecedented unpredictability. I feel accomplished that these challenges, especially the security challenges and restiveness have been reasonably addressed in the second edition of Review of Public Administration and Management. This is reflected by the quality of manuscripts received from seasoned academics across reputable Nigerian Universities, which we considered necessary to be published in this edition.

    With deep sense of pleasure and accomplishment, I am pretty certain that you will be very much enriched as you read through this volume.

    Prof. M.C. Muo, Ph.D Chief Editor

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    Editorial Policy The Review of Public Administration and Management is a referred Journal that is published by The Department of Public Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka Nigeria bi-annually (July and November). The Journal endeavors to provide a forum for researchers, practitioners, students, resource persons and other people in the academia who are interested in the discussion of current and future issues and challenges impacting on the field of Public Administration, Management Sciences, Humanities, Education, Arts and Social Sciences. We adopt double blind peer review policy in which both authors and reviewers are kept anonymous so as to maintain the high technical and quality standards as required by the researchers. The Journal welcomes the submission of manuscripts that meet the general criteria of significance and scientific excellence. Papers submitted will be published approximately two months after acceptance. . Interested contributors should type their scientific papers on A4 size with wide margins and double line spacing in 12 fonts. It should not exceed 15 pages including the abstract of not more than 250 words. Not more than five keywords should be provided immediately after abstract. The paper should be empirical or theoretical, well researched, and persuasive. Short communications, original research articles, reviews, commentaries and methods could also be considered. Contributors should include: brief profile of the author including institutional affiliation and status, title of paper, abstract, introduction, statement of problem, review of related literature, method of investigation, discussion of findings and recommendations. Authors should include their phone numbers including addresses and e-mail. Manuscripts must be in conformity with the American Psychological Association (APA) documentation style 6th edition. Journal titles should be abbreviated for multiple citations in the same year, a,b,c, should be used immediately following the year of publication.

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    Manuscripts should be submitted in hard copy and soft copy in CD with password clearly indicated. Correspondence should be addressed to the Managing Editor, Review of Public Administration and Management Department of Public Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Nigeria, P.M.B. 5025, Awka, Anambra State Tel: 08060967169, 08033249488, 08033577153 Email:[email protected] The views expressed in the articles do not reflect that of the Editorial Board but of the author(s) concerned.

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    The Contributors Dr. Rosemary anazodo Department of Public Administration,

    Nnamdi Azikwe University, Awka Nigeria

    Agbionu Tina Department of Business

    Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nigeria

    Ezinwele Uche Department of Public Administration,

    Anambra State University, Uli Dr. Ovaga Okey Department of Public dministration,

    University of Nigeria, Nsukka Echokoba Felix Department of Banking and Finance

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Ezu Gideon Department of of Banking and Finance,

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Dr. Florence Agbodike Department of Public Administration,

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Ijeoma Aniemeka Department of Public Administration,

    Federal Polytechnic, Oko Dr. Onugu Charles Department of Cooperative Economics,

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Dr. Ngozi Ewuim Department of Public Administration

    Unizk Abdulahi Taiwo Department of Cooperative Economics,

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

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    Dr. Ezeani Nneka Department of Education Foundation and Mgt Ekiti State University, Ado Ekiti

    Ishag Ahme M Department of Business Education,

    Federal College of Education (Technical) Gombe

    Prof. Ekwueme C.M. Department of Accontancy, Nnamdi

    Azikiwe University, Awka

    Dr.Egbunike P.A. Department of Accountancy, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Amara Okoye Department of Accountancy,

    University of Nigeria Nsukka Dr. Okafor Obiefuna Federal Polytechnic Oko Dr. Nzewi Hope Department of Business

    Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Dr. Obianuju Chiekezie Department of Business

    Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Dr. Miachael Ikon Department of Business

    Administration, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

    Alfa Patrick Federal Polytechnic , Idah Kogi State Adah George Department of Social Science and

    Humanities, Federal Polytechnic Idah Kogi State

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    Ekwochi Eucharia Department of Business Administration, Enugu State University, Enugu

    Josephine Orga Department of Business

    Administration, Enugu State University, Enugu

    Egbunike Chinedu Department of Accountancy, Nnamdi

    Azikiwe University, Awka Dr. Udeh F.N. Department of Accountany, Nnamdi

    Azikiwe University, Awka Eme Okechukwu Department of Public Administration,

    University of Nigeria, Nsuikka Nkechi Anyadike Department of Public Administration,

    University of Nigeria, Nsukka Ohachosim Celestine I Dept of Accountancy, University of Nigeria Nsukka Onwuchekwa Faith Dept. of Business Admin. Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka Ifeanyi Tochukwu - Federal College of Ed. Tech. Umunze

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    In this Issue page

    1. Parochial Political Culture: The bane of Nigeria Development 1

    2. The Socio Economic Implications of Boko Haram activities in Northern Nigeria 19

    3. The effect of poor implementation of tax policies on

    developing Economies: A study of Nigerian economy 38 4. Conflict management in organization: Gender Perspective 51

    5. The performance of agricultural cooperative societies

    under the National Programmes on food security in Enugu State of Nigeria 61

    6. Emerging issues in Business education: A panacea for effective Utilization and application of ICTs as a training and developmental Tool in Business in Nigerian universities 89

    7. An empirical assessment of the operational efficiency

    of electronic banking: Evidence of Nigerian banks 108 8 Shelter for all: An appraisal of implantation of the

    National Housing Policy 139 9. Globalisation: The Nigerian experience 154 10 Time Management and academic performance of

    postgraduate Students in Nigerian universities 180 11 Electronic and democratic consolidation in Nigeria:

    A critique of 2011 election 193

    12 The effect of performance appraisal in an organization 214

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    13 A novel’stakeholder sustainability, knowledge management’ model Developing linkages of stakeholder management, knowledge management And triple bottom line performance 227

    14 Financial Challenges of small scale and medium

    Sized enterprises (SMEs) in Nigeria: The relevance Of Accounting information. 248

    15, Security challenges and the imperatives of

    state police. 277

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    Parochial Political Culture: The Bane of Nigeria Development

    Rosemary Anazodo (Ph.D) Department of Public Administration Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. E-mail:[email protected]

    Agbionu, Tina Uchenna

    Department of Business Administration Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nig

    E-mail:[email protected]

    Ezenwile Uche Department of Public Administration

    Anambra State University, Uli Anambra State

    Abstract This paper examined the effect of parochial political culture on national development in Nigeria. It is imperative at this time more than any other in the history of Nigeria, a country at crossroad to vigorously address the challenges posed by the parochial political culture , without which political stability, political innovation, national development among others would be a mirage. For many decades Nigeria has been on a steady decline in regards to all indicators of national development. On this premise the paper intends to investigate how Nigeria’s political culture impedes her national development. Based on the assertions above, some objectives were formulated to guide the study. Theories of two republics and Prebendalism formed the basis of the study. Some findings were made and recommendations provided on the way forward . Keywords; Parochial, Political Culture, Development. Introduction Nigeria is sadly at the other side of political and economic development. Annual income per head is dismally low, economic and social infrastructures are underdeveloped and manufacturing base is weak.

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    Nigeria is a rich country whose economy has been mismanaged over the years. The excellent investment opportunities have been affected by unstable political atmosphere and threats to security of life and property (Abimboye, 2010:18). Nigeria has been crawling development wise when it should be running fast after her independence. President Jonathan saw the failure of leadership as the greatest obstacle to the desired growth-political and economic. This statement falls in line with the views of those Western European leaders of the 1930’s who believed that the economic system would be favourable if only earnest and God fearing men are in command of its destinies. Nigeria is yet to witness much development after half a century of her political independence, and this is attributed to the occupation of sensitive state offices by a crop of visionless men and women who are only concerned about how to appropriate and grab collective wealth for personal aggrandizement. The state is basically constituted for the development of its citizens. In the area of economic, the state performs the following functions; policy formulation, provision of infrastructure. education, vocational, moral and political, creation of enabling environment for investment and economic growth, provision of employment opportunities, mobilization of patriotic spirit, direct involvement in enterprise etc. The role a state plays in economic development and how it plays it are determined by the prevailing economic, political ideology and political culture in the state among other factors. The fact that majority of Nigerians live below poverty level in a society so blessed by natural resources amount to monumental injustice, and failure of leadership. This is however possible because of the kind of political culture practiced in Nigeria. There are three basic political cultures known to social scientist and each has its peculiar attributes. The type of political culture practiced in Nigeria is the parochial political culture which consequently breeds

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    what Dike (2006) termed instrumental leadership. Most of the leaders are mired in the pursuit of selfish and personal goals at the expense of broader national interests. Most governments all over the world understand and appreciate the importance of development and its sustainability. In Nigeria due to the type of political culture practiced, the leaders are what Apter (1960), aptly brands “Consumetory leaders”. They use official power and influence primarily in the pursuit of private goals. To the leaders, the national objective is very secondary as they are merely concerned about how to use official position to achieve personal objectives. This is possible because the citizens are not fully aware of the input/output processes of the political system However the leaders may not be lacking completely in social or community commitments but overall more considerations are given to self than interest of the society (Eulau, 1963 in Dike, 2006) without minding the disruptive impact. Nigerian leaders like “absolute power” and usually hold on to power as long as private objectives are achieved (Kofele0Koale 1976). Because of the type of political culture in Nigeria, and because the citizens lack knowledge of what the government should be doing for them, they expect little or nothing from the government. They are not interested in what happens in the political system and so the leaders loot the treasury and make policies that are to their own advantage. The masses through socialization(political culture) have come to internalize the norms of respect for authority. They find it very difficult to challenge or criticize authority. Political office holders insist on being treated as tin-gods even when they are not performing. The norm in Nigeria is; if the behaviour of the incumbent leader is similar to that of the past corrupt and ineffective leader some citizens take it as a usual and normal behaviour and would not press for change. This paper therefore seeks to examine the effects of parochial political culture on the social and economic development of Nigeria. The Problem Nigerian leaders since Independence have so impoverished the country that her social and economic institutions have virtually collapsed .They embezzle public funds with impunity due to weak or the absence of effective institutional checks and balances. Nigerian leaders take undue

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    advantage of these shortcomings to circumvent the few institutional restraints put in place to loot the treasury. They get involved in grand corruption and acquire wealth through questionable means which they use to bribe their ways to remain in power for life. Nigeria has not developed fully because the society had been according undue and undeserved respect to public officials and political office holders. Our leaders are fraudulent and opportunists who are so selfish to the detriment of overall national interest. No wonder, Professor Chinua Achebe reiterated that the problem of Nigeria is simply and squarely that of failure of leadership. Garner (1976), agreeing with Chinua Achebe affirmed that no society can function well with fools, rascals, or non leaders in leadership positions. That is the crux of the matter and the course of unending religious and social conflicts in the country. Some of the Nigerian leaders lack the integrity and knowledge to perform their national duties. According to Samuel Johnson “integrity without knowledge is weak and useless and knowledge without integrity is dangerous”. All of the above and more are responsible for the decayed infrastructure, down turn in our economy, political and social conflicts and general lack of development and sustainability in Nigeria. This paper therefore sought to examine the Empirical and conceptual effects of parochial political culture on national development in Nigeria. Objectives of the Study This paper therefore intends to;

    1. Discuss parochial political culture and its effect on development in Nigeria.

    2. Link leadership question to parochial political culture 3 Examine the dimensions of corrupt practices in Nigerian

    institutions. 4. Investigate the consequences of corruption on national development 5. Make recommendations on the way forward. Parochial Political Culture and Its Effect on Development in Nigeria The type of political culture practiced in Nigeria accounts for lack of interest and commitment on the part of the citizens towards what is

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    happening in their political arena or the political environment. This is because culture shapes and influences social action. Lack of orientation of Nigerians towards the political system has caused the country sustainable national development; and absolute lack of commitment. This was evident when President Olesegun Obasanjo was in power. The leaders capitalize on the people’s lack of interest in what is happening in government to deny the country a systematic and sustainable development. They are instead busy amassing wealth for their personal gain, and this accounts for the high level of corruption, ineptitude and lack of political direction which have inhibited the country’s growth, development and the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It is most evident, when you place Nigeria in juxtaposition with other countries like U.S.A and Britain where participant and subject political cultures are practiced, respectively. Parochial political culture shapes and influences social action in Nigeria and consequently determines it. A good example is the issue of bribery for contracts involving some Nigerian leaders and multinational firms. In America, the people who were involved in the scam had since been brought to book, but in Nigeria, none of the people whose names were mentioned in the scam had been interrogated let alone jailed. As a matter of fact, anti graft agencies whose duty is to bring these people to book (EFCC, ICPC, etc.) were busy sweeping the grievous offence under the carpet without batting an eye lid, simply because of the caliber of people involved in the scam. Nigeria citizens on their own part are non-challant towards the scam. They had not in any way agitated or even ask questions about the deals. Today, some of the people involved in the scam are presently flagging off campaigns and rallies for elections come 2015. This indicates the level of awareness of the people in the political affairs and development of their nation. The system is corrupt, so also the leaders because they are part and parcel of the corrupt system. Leadership behaviours do not often seem to be directed towards achievements of the welfare of the people and

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    progress of the nation. Wealth and socio-economic status have become the precursor of Nigeria leadership and nobody cares to ask questions on how the wealth has been acquired. People therefore, pursue wealth without any qualms of conscience. Public treasuries are looted with impunity; donations are given in millions of naira, the donors receive accolades from all and sundry, even from the governments; chieftaincy titles flow from all corners. This accounts for lack of vision and mission in Nigerian leadership style and that is why effective leadership is as rare in Nigeria as a British falcon. According to World Report (2008), the Nigerian leaders have so impoverished the nation that people find it very difficult to feed at least twice a day. People are dying of hunger, disease and wallow in abject poverty. If all the monies stolen by these leaders were ploughed back into the education and health sectors, Nigeria would have been better for it (Transparency International 2010). The question is; can Nigerians ever enjoy good roads, good health, pipe borne water, and other facilities? Can she ever attain Sustainable National Development with this type of attitude and orientation towards the political system? Corruption in Nigeria’s political Institutions There is no gainsaying the fact that corruption is a social malaise that is not unique to Nigeria. However, what makes this cankerworm egregiously unique to Nigeria is that it is pervasive, it is endemic, it is pandemic, and it is seemingly intractable. Corruption has eaten so deep into the fabric of our society, that no segment can claim immunity from its ugly effects, not even religious bodies, (Agenda 20:2020). For example, a communique issued by the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) at the end of its 6th National Assembly in 2006 captured the endemic problem of corruption as follows:

    Corruption today is still a deadly disease in Nigeria. Corruption has been responsible for the collapse of our economy, the infrastructure

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    and the collapse of Education and health sectors and other areas of life. Many Nigerians are yet to be free from it….

    (Christian Association of Nigeria, 2006) Corruption is present in all sectors of our society, more especially in the government institutions, the Executive Arm, the Legislative Arm (the Senate, House of Representative), Local Governments, the judiciary (courts, tribunals, lawyers), and uniformed establishments (Military, police and road safety corps) etc for emphasis sake, see table below: Comparative Assessment of levels of corruption in Nigeria Institution (scale: 1-5) Institution/Agency 2004 2005 2006 Rank Police 4.8 4.7 4.9 1 Political Parties 4.5 4.5 4.5 2 Customs 4.0 4.2 4.2 3 Legislature 4.2 4.1 4.1 4 Educational System 3.8 3.8 4.3 5 Judiciary 3.8 3.8 4.1 6 Military 3.9 3.8 3.7 7 Utilities (PHCN etc) 3.5 3.6 3.8 8 Tax Revenue 3.8 3.6 3.5 9 Business/Private Sector 3.4 3.2 3.7 10 Registry Licensing (CAC, etc) 3.3 3.1 3.3 11 Medical Services 3.1 3.0 3.4 12 Media 3.0 2.8 3.2 13 NGO’s 2.7 2.5 3.0 14 Religious Bodies 2.4 2.3 3.0 15

    Source: Agenda 20:20:20; Redesigning Nigeria’s future, p:21 In a thought provoking expository study on the content of corruption in Nigeria, Daniel Smith (2007) focuses on the pervasive culture of corruption that manifests in forms of deception and malpractice that come to tragically symbolize the nature of the Nigerian State and political culture.

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    The most disturbing are the recent Halliburton, Siemens, and Wilbros scams which involved some of our past executive leaders, some members of the National Assembly and some top government officials. So also is the recent bank crises which were caused by some corrupt chief executives of banks. Let us now look at the scams one after the other; Halliburton Scam: This scam dates back to 1994 when some foreign companies put up bids for the construction of the plant that was to cost $6billion. To win the contract, a joint venture company, named TSKY, was set up comprising equal holdings between some companies. The firms are Technip (French) KBR (American) and part of the Halliburton group and Japanese engineering and construction company (JGC) (Transparency International 2010). Investigation into the matter revealed that the consortium bribed some political leaders and top government functionaries through Tri-star investment limited and marubeni incorporated. It also revealed that the group recruited Tesler and chodan to coordinate the scam. The scam became a public issue when George Krammer, a former director general of the French company, technip was accused of paying three million euros in illegal commission during investigations into ELF-Aquitane operations in Asia and Africa. Mr. Krammer owned up to the commission paid, which according to him was the “cultural arrangement” (Abimboye 2010:12-20). In fact those mentioned in this scam were mainly our former heads of state and some top government officials. The list included President Ibrahim Babangida, General Sani Abacha, Ernest Shonekan and Abdulsalam Abubakar, Maryam Babangida; Maryam Abacha, Ibrahim Abacha, Mike Akhigbe, Orji Uzor Kalu, Anthony Ukpo, Samuel Ewang, Oladipo Diya, Atiku Abubakar and other top government functionaries. They shared the sum of N27 billion Halliburton loot. One common denominator held these people together and that is, they had served Nigeria in one capacity or the other. During President Yar’adua’s tenure he constituted a panel of inquiry to investigate the matter. The chairman of that panel former Inspector

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    General of Police Mike Okiro submitted his report, but his report was never allowed to see the light of the day. One disturbing thing about this is that while American Government and other Governments whose citizens or officials were involved in the loot were busy jailing those found wanton, Nigeria was busy shielding those who shared N27 billion of public fund. It is incredible, considering what this money would have done to our economy. Surprisingly, some of those named in this scam are still vying for the highest position in our country and nobody cares to ask questions. One can not blame them because the level of awareness toward what happens at the center is very low, but this attitude has sacrificed development on the altar of perpetual poverty in the country. Corruption in the National Assembly National Assembly is an arm of government charged with the responsibility of making law. It consists of two chambers, the upper legislative chamber called the Senate and the lower legislative chamber called the House of Representative. The members of these two houses were elected by the people to represent them as much as possible and equally attract development for their communities. In Nigeria that is in dire need of development, one expects the Legislature to offer quality representation that will affect the lives of Nigerians positively. Unfortunately, the reverse is the case, instead of working for the people that elected them; they are busy enriching themselves to the detriment of the masses. Between 1999-2003 each member of the House of Representatives got N10million for a quarter, thus, in a year, each of them netted N40million. Presently, each member of the lower chamber nets N27.5 million as quarterly allowance or N110 million per annum. Yet the sum could be raised up soon to N42million per quarter or N168million yearly as demanded by the legislators. (BBC News, 2008). Investigations have revealed that between 1999 and 2010, a total recurrent and capital allocation to National Assembly from the annual budgets stood at N712.8 billion. (Tobs, 2010:17) These exclude

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    supplementary allocations within the period. In 2007, when the former set of lawmakers came in, N48.76 billion was allocated to the National Assembly from a total federal budget of N2.39 trillion. This, however, was disproportionately increased to N106.6 billion, made up of N5.25 billion capital expenditure and N101 billion recurrent expenditure in the N3,1018 trillion 2009 package. In 2010, a total of N154.205 billion out of N4.6 trillion 2010 package was provided for the National Assembly. This is made up of N138.015 billion recurrent and N16.9 billion capital expenditure (Tobs, 2010:14). From 2007 to date, each sub-head of the annual National Assembly budget has been an example of padding and over loading and in many cases duplication, for instance, the 2007 allocation to the senate had 55 sub-heads or classifications. These ballooned to 74 in 2010. The 2010 House budget has 67 classifications. The late President Yar’adua proposed to spend N2.4 trillion in 2008; the legislators raised it to N2.89 trillion to take care of their interest. (AIT News 2010) Yar’adua refused to ascent to the bill, but after serious arm-twisting, he signed a revised N2.7 trillion version. In 2008, the President submitted N2.87 trillion this again was raised up to n3.108 trillion. The members of the National Assembly allocated N5.06 billion to local and international travels, N2.28 billion to contingency vote, N1.259 billion to security sub-head and N3.68 billion materials and supplies. According to World Report (2009), the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal commission, RMAFC, charged with determining the salaries and allowances of public officials, put the annual basic pay of the Senate President at N2,484,345.50 his deputy at N2,309,166.75 while each senator receives N2,026,200 per annum. The Speaker of the House of Representative receives N2,477,110, his deputy N2,026,400 while floor members collected N1,985,212.50 per annum. However, it was disclosed that senators approved a different salary for themselves which was different from the one approved by RMAFC. The total salary per senator per annum is thus N29,479,772 or

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    N2,456,647.70 per month. Annually, all 109 senators take home N3,264,329,264.10. These allocations appear not to be the legislator’s major avenue for income. Many of them often force ministries, departments and agencies they oversee to cough up huge amounts lest unfavorable reports are written on them (a case in point was Prof. Fabian Osuji’s Saga) and many more like that (Ajaero 2009:21). It was also revealed that the house committee on privatization and commercialization in 2008 rejected the good gestures of Nigerdock Nigeria plc to offset the legislator’s airfares to the tune of N400,000. But they rejected the “paltry sum”, with one of them saying “we talk in billions. If you make it $20 million (about N2.5 billion), fine”. The company refused to accede to the legislator’s illegal request. Two years after the incident, the committee has continued to discredit the company’s efforts in overhauling the moribund shipbuilding and repair yard. No wonder the lawmakers now live above their approved income, many own properties in Abuja and other choice areas in Nigeria to the chagrin of the electorates. In fact one senator from Enugu State now flies in and out of his country home on chartered helicopter for fear of kidnappers, while many people in his constituency are dejected, abandoned and shabbily treated. Recently, the former President Obasanjo decried the excess money at the disposal of these lawmakers that have been milking the tax payers dry. In response, the lawmakers have berated him and called him all sorts of names. This type of bazaar jamboree can not happen in America; in fact the salaries of these lawmakers can comfortably pay the salaries of members of the American Congress and President Obama. Professor Pat Utomi (2010) in an interview granted to Newswatch Magazine summed up the rot in the National Assembly as,

    Institutionalized corruption, in which a full time legislature foisted on the country. What Nigeria needs, is a citizen’s legislature where professionals such as lawyers, engineers or doctors can take a few weeks off and come, make laws and return to their jobs. They should

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    be paid about N10, 000 for their efforts…. The political class is consuming most of the resources. It is scandalous and the young people of Nigeria have not spoken. In other countries the streets would have been full until we change the institutional arrangement.

    Siemens Scam Siemens Nigeria Ltd is a German Company, operating in Nigeria that won the improvement of power transmission. Apart from this contract, the company had executed other projects like the 276MW Afam V power plant and the 130 Turnkey projects for Zain Nigeria. The company had completed the first phase of the 414MW Power Plant and over 2,000 kilometers of 33kv and 11kv transmission lines for the interconnection of various towns and villages in Anambra, Imo, Borno, Adamawa, Taraba, Edo and Ondo States. Siemens had also designed and installed over 1000 kilometers of 132kv transmission lines throughout Nigeria from 1979 to date. More than 15 major 330kv and 132kv were also designed, and installed by Siemens for the Power Holding Company of Nigeria. (Africas Confidential, 1999:40). From the above, it is obvious that Siemens Company is a well known company in Nigeria that has won a number of contracts. Unfortunately, many Nigerians did not know that these contracts were won without due process as the company bribed some Nigerians in their bid to win most of these contracts. This was revealed by a Munich State Court that tried and found guilty two former Siemens Managers for breach of trust and abetting. Also the court placed them on probation Mr. Micheal Kutschenveuter, a former financial head of the Telecom unit was fined 160,000 euros. The former head of Accounting was placed on one and half year’s probation and was fined 40,000 euros (BBC News: 2008). The court indicated four former Nigeria Communication Ministers-Cornelius Adebayo, Late Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju and Bello Mohammed, the former Permanent Secretary of the ministry, Senator Jubril Aminu, they were all accused of E17.5 million bribery scandal (Transparency Int, 2006).

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    Money Laundering by Some Political Leaders in Nigeria Some governors in Nigeria see political offices as a means of enrichment instead of service to the people. The most recent case is that of the former governor of Delta State (James Ibori), who was accused of using the money meant for the development of the state for his personal enrichment. It was discovered that the former governor fraudulently sold the Delta State government’s 528 million shares in Oceanic Bank to guarantee over N44 billion facilities granted Ascot offshore Nigeria limited by intercontinental bank. Unfortunately this loan acquired could not be paid and when the Central Bank of Nigeria made their startling revelation, it was discovered that Ascot offshore Nigeria limited had not paid the N44billion borrowed from Intercontinental Bank. Ascot offshore Nigeria Limited is one of the companies of the said governor. Again, some foreign security agencies working with Economic and Financials Crime Commission discovered that the former Governor was involved in false pretence, stealing and money laundering. In fact one investigator says that the governor’s looting of the state he governed was so brazen and widespread that it would be impossible to discover all his atrocities for many years. (Akintunde 2010:12-17). When Economic and Financial Crimes Commission invited him over the matter, he went into hiding instead of submitting himself to the commission; he sought for protection from the youths of his village, the very people that he defrauded. These youths, it was revealed were ready to die in their bid to protect their master. These were monies meant to develop the State and equally empower the youth, but these youths were not bothered that most of them were not in school, in good job and could not even have access to quality health care. The said governor was outside the country enjoying his loots and EFCC and other corrupt agencies are mere spectators in the job for which they were paid to do. However presently in 2012 the said governor was found guilty of money laudering by the British government had since been jailed to serve 14 years term. (AIT News 2012). Others are Aleiyemesia of Bayelsa state, president Sanni Abacha of blessed memory etc The list of Nigerian leaders who have defrauded the nation is endless. The above is just few examples out of many.

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    Cnsequences of Corruption on National Development The personalist monopolization of state power has direct link with the political culture of the nation. Since independence in 1960, Nigerian leaders have formalized the culture of corruption, and in recent years it has become an endemic culture of social impropriety in the country. Thus, Osaghae (2008) referred to the corrupt officials as “Corruption soaked elites. Government corrupt practices in Nigeria include both formal (bribery, looting of state treasury, over invoicing of contracts, illicit sale of oil blocks and bureaucratic salary fraud etc), and informal corruption tagged “419” in Nigeria, including; extortion, culture of impunity, oil theft and bunkering, pay off to political thugs by political god-fathers etc (HRW,2007:31). This formalized culture of corruption has in recent years included legislative bills and litigation involving financial considerations, put plainly as bribes. This argument is captured by Garba that “the fight for booty” or “national cake” is fierce and often vicious. It has at times led to a debilitating corruption in the arena of public policy formulation and implementation. The consequences of which are; decaying infrastructure, bad road network, poor health care institutions. The result of which is the soaring rate of accidents on our roads and health centers which have turned into slaughter slabs for poor citizens. Every year, huge sums of money are budgeted for the construction of roads and its maintenance but the money usually disappears into few pockets. The health sector is in a deplorable state, infant and maternal mortality are in the increase, hospitals are not well equipped, doctors go on strike on frequent basis because of lack of commensurate take home salaries, drugs are in short supplies etc (Sun Magazine, April, 2008). The education sector is worst for it. Lecturers go on strike because of poor remuneration and usually, it is the students and parents that suffer it. In the course of the lecturers trying to drive home their points, the students wallow on the streets and indulge in all sorts of nefarious behaviours. Meanwhile, the Millennium Development Goals which the Federal Government of Nigeria is echoing on daily basis (gender equality, women empowerment, reduced child mortality, maternal healthcare,

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    reduced hunger and disease, education for all, environmental sustainability and global development partnership by the year 2015) is fast becoming a mirage (World Report 2009). Nothing is seen done on ground despite the fact that Nigeria gets about N150 billion debt relieve annually from the Paris Club and additional N110 billion annually in the past six years to service the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Yet all these monies go down the drain in private pockets of our leaders and public officials without the people holding the culprits responsible. The fact that majority of Nigerians live below poverty level in a society so blessed with natural resources amount to monumental injustice and failure of leadership culminating in low national development. Conclusion It is evident that the political culture of a country affects its practices. However, the type of political culture practiced in Nigeria has robbed it of its national development. We therefore conclude that Nigeria’s date with destiny has been put on hold because of the citizen’s attitude towards the political system and the leadership behavior towards what they should be doing for the citizens for overall development of the country. Nigeria is a rich nation, it has all potentials for greatness, it is a nation blessed with vast natural and human resources, but its political culture and corrupt attitude of the leaders have forestalled its match to greatness and sustainable development. If the amount of illegal resources acquired by those at the corridor of power is ploughed into some key sectors of the economy like education, health, agriculture, human capital development, infrastructure and power, the nation would have been rated among the most developed countries of the world. Recommendations The researchers recommend the following as a way forward for improving Nigeria’s sustainable national development.

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    1. The citizens should be re-oriented on the importance of participation both at the input and out-put stages of policy making.

    2. The focus of all economic policies and actions should be

    directed towards the people’s welfare and well-being. 3. Stringent punishment should be put in place for public office

    holders who abuse their positions and made to realize that they were elected into power to serve and not to impoverish the people

    4. Any government official that is found wanting when he/she is

    still in power should be called back even after leaving the office to give account of his/her stewardship and appropriate punishment meted to the offenders.

    5. Nigeria should evolve a political culture that will be people

    oriented in line with its peculiar needs and aspirations.

    References Abba, U.E, and Anazodo, R. O. (2006) Development Administration in

    Africa Onitsha: Abbot Books Ltd. Abimboye, D. (2010) “A Nation Unbearable Burden” Newswatch, July

    12, pp 12-20. Africa’s Confidential Nigeria Lousy Legacies’ Vol 40 no 243

    December, 1999. Agenda 20: 20: 20 “Redesigning Nigeria’s Future” Association of

    National Accountants of Nigeria. Lagos

    Ajaero C. (2009) “Roads to Hell”, Newswatch, December 28, pp12-21

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    Akintunde, K (2010) “Ibori’s Dubious Court Victory”, Newswatch, September, 20 pp. 12-17

    Almond, G and Verbe. S. (1995) _ The Civil Culture. Boston: little

    brown and company. Anazodo, R.O (2004) Issues on Political Culture. Unpublished

    Research Work. Department of Public Administration. Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka.

    BBC “Fraud Ring Uncovered in Nigeria” at www.News.bbc.co.uk/I/hi/World/Africa accessed on the 21 of April, 2008.

    Economic and Financial Crime Commission: EFCC Official Website at www.efccnigeria.org accessed on the 19 of April, 2009.

    Elazar, D (1972) American Federalism. A view from the States 2nd edition New York: Thomas Y Crowell

    Feiock, R.C and Adams, S.C (2003), Sustainable Development

    Encyclopedia of Public Administration and Public Policy(ed) (P.1169); New York: Marcel Dekker, Inc. http://www.Allacademic.com/metalp.253601

    Human Rights Watch (2008), “Nigeria”. World Report, New York, pp 137 – 143

    Leadership Newspaper (Lagos 3rd June, 2008) “Nigeria Loses N3.5trillion to corruption”-at www.allafrica.com accessed on 09/07/08.

    Nnoli O. (2003) Introduction to Politics. Enugu: PACREP Nwankwo O.B.C (2009) “Good Governance Matters of Development”

    in O.S.A Obikeze (ed), Dynamics of Public Sector Management in Nigeria (pp 17-27). Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Publishers

    Okoye, J.C. (1997) Modern Management Techniques and Development

    Administration Onitsha: Abbot Books Ltd .

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    Olewa, B. N (1995) Development Administration, Aba: Grace Ventures Pye L (1995) “Political Culture” in the Encyclopedia of Democracy,

    (ed), (pp 965-969). London and New York: Rout Ledge. Rodney, N (1972) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Washington

    D.C: Panaf Publishing Inc. Smith, D.J (2007) “A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and

    Unpopular Discontent in Nigeria” Africa, No 77 (4), P. 608. Szeftel, M. (2000.a), “Between Governance and Underdevelopment:

    Accumulation and Africa’s Catastrophic Corruption” in Review of African Political Economy No 88 pp 287.

    Tobs, A. (2010) “The Dream Threathened” Newswatch. August 20 pp

    14 – 18 Utomi, P. (2010) “Institutionalized Corruption”, Newswatch Magazine

    pp. 15

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    The Socio-Economic Implications of Book-Haram Activities in Northern Nigeria

    Ovaga, Okey H. (Ph.D)

    Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

    Abstract: Presently in Nigeria, there is a general feeling of insecurity among the Nigerian populace. The terrorizing effect of the activities of the fundamentalist sect, Boko Haram on the socio-economic condition of the northern states of Nigeria has become so devastating that some financial institutions and other business ventures have closed down in many areas, thereby causing relocation of non-indegenes to their own states. It is based on the above that this paper seeks to find out the extent the Boko Haram insurgency has affected the socio-economic situation in the northern states of Nigeria. During the course of the study, it was discovered that the insecurity situation in the north was so tense that even the indegenes have started to send their children and wards down to the southern parts of the country for their education. At the end, the paper proffered solutions to the problem. Key Words: Insecurity Terrorism Insurgency, Feudal, Fundamentalism. Introduction Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, Nigerians have been faced with a lot of problems emanating from disorderliness, confusion and the latest insecurity development. To be precise, the first problem Nigeria encountered was the military intervention in the Nigeria’s polity. The military administrations which were the fall-outs of the coups and counter coups marked the beginning of the country’s calamities and misfortunes. These were followed by the claims and agitations for resource control by the Niger-Delta region, which in practical term means demand for larger shares of the oil revenue. The inability of the government to meet up with such demand, led to the militant groups from the region taking arms and waged war against Nigerians. The timely intervention of late President Alhaji Yar’Adua helped to quench

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    the burning flame ignited by the militants. Nigerians got relieved following the introduction of amnesty policy into Nigeria’s political and democratic structures by the same Yar’Adua administration. Unexpectedly, there arose in most recent time, a disorder of a serious religious dimension in the country. The dangerous trend in insecurity came with the emergence of Boko Haram, the Muslim fundamentalist sect, bombing and attacking everthing within reach. According to reports, multiple explosions went off one after the other in places like Kano, in the usual manner of attacks by the members of Boko Haram sect in Maiduguri, Damaturu, Potiskum, Gombe, Abuja and Madalla in Niger State (Okpaga, Ugwu and Eme, 2012:77). They attacked government institutions and later expanded to churches thereby inflicting terror and destruction on innocent people. Suicide bombing of the United Nations Secretariat in Abuja on August 26, 2011 did not happen long after a similar attack on the Nigeria Police Force Headquarters on June 16. Boko Haram otherwise called “Western education is sin,” claimed responsibilities for these and other series of bomb blasts and attacks. It is observed that the sect concentrated its attacks in the northern parts of the country. From the foregoing, it becomes increasingly difficult for socio-economic activities to thrive under the present security threats that have enveloped the north. This is evident in the continuous relocation of Igbo businessmen from the north to other more peaceful environment. Also, the Yoruba people are equally returning to Lagos and Ibadan (Egbemode, 2012:71). It is unfortunate to observe that parents of north origin do not think of the great old Ahmedu Bello University (ABU), Bayero University, Kano (BUK) or University of Jos (UNIJOS) when filling JAMB forms for their children. In other words, for fear of the insecurity situation generally in the northern region, many parents from the area are sending their children to the southern areas of the country for their education. The question is, if the indegenes of the north are equally fleeing from their own God-given environment, what will then be the fate of the socio-economic condition of the region? It is the focus of this paper to provide answer to this question.

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    The Origin of Boko Haram Sect in the North The northern power elites had through history created a thin layer of leaders from whom everyone else draws their protective existence. It was observed that unless one belonged to such elite group, there would be no appointment into a position in the upper echelons of government. This was done for fear of breeding critics who might rise to overthrow them. A recognized member of the power elite group had to approve appointments at any level (Odu, 2012:18). In other words, only those who are nominated by the powers that-be in high places could get top positions. Notably, a great number of young men who had no privilege of having the overlord influence existed side-by-side with the power elites. Sequel to this kind of discrimination against their kinsmen, the youths became aggrieved with restraint for over sixty years (Odu, 2012:18). Why should they not be aggrieved when for instance, a General Manager of Federal Housing Authority (FHA), a nominee of Sokoto caliphate, who was expected to serve the housing needs of Nigerian populace, was in practical term, catering for their elite group residing in Lagos. This was when FHA had not moved to Abuja. His main concern was to ensure that positions were created for their members in Lagos and other places using his privileged position. It is unfortunate to note that these young men were ignorantly brain-washed against any attempt to change the feudal system and inhuman treatment being inflicted on them by their feudal lords. Even today, majority of these young men do not have any meaningful sources of livelihood. Though, they do not have bright and promising future, yet these lords are praised for their magnanimity for the daily meals served them (young men) through their cronies. It is observed that a few number of northerners are self-employed with little basic western education. According to Odu (2012:18), some of the northern youths are versed in Arabic language and the Qu’ran. He observed that these northern leaders and power elites who desire to feed young students of Qu’ranic schools, provide them (youths) with classes. Another group of students known as Almajiris move from place to place begging for alms which they share all the time with their Qu’ranic masters. There is no doubt that they have been subjected to ineptitudeness and impoverishment contrary to the settlers such as Ndigbos and Yorubas,

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    who, most of the time, make progress in their own land. In other words, their leaders who preached to them that Qu’ranic education was all they needed could not provide them with any tangible and meaningful sources of livelihood, which Ndigbo and Yoruba settlers are enjoying while the indigenes are watchers in their own land. From the foregoing, envy against the settlers and acrimony against the elite group from the north are undisputably the outcome of long age accumulation of grievances from the downtrodden in the north. Comparatively, Islamic education cannot compete favourably with the western education and contemporary technological movement in Nigeria. How can the Moslem preachers or fanatics convince Nigerians that western education and its accompanied life styles were responsible for the plight of greater majority of the northerners, when their Moslem brothers in Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE) and their neighbours with their huge oil resources are great beneficials of western technology today? These countries serve as models in Islamic culture, which other Moslem countries try to emulate. Therefore, the claim by the Boko Haram fundamentalist sect in Nigeria that “Western education is sin” is a fallacy and cannot be substantiated. Rather the sect arose as a result of long years of accumulated grievances against their northern elite groups, who have been exploiting their ignorance to their own advantage. The Boko Haram official name is Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal Jihad, meaning “people committed to the propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad (Okpaga, Ugwu and Eme, 2012:82). According to these writers, the group earned its nickname from the teachings of its founder, Mohammed Yussuf in the early 2000s, in the restive north eastern city of Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State. In his own argument, Yussuf believed that western education (Boko) was forbidden (Haram) in the region because of the fact that education had brought nothing good to the people but poverty and misery. He succeeded in brain-washing his already disenchanted and disgruntled adherents that western education was the cause of their plight.

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    Theoretical Framework The functional superiority of theories as guideposts in all fields of human endeavour lies in the fact that rather than base action on judgment derived from mere experience, guesswork or speculations, theories enable a chosen line of action to be anchored in and guided by evidence derived from scientific research, which makes the consequences of such an action fall as close in line with the intended direction as possible (Onah, 2003:128-129). It is in view of the above that conflict theory is selected as the viewpoint for the study. Conflict is a common phenomenon in all organizations where two or more persons come together to achieve certain objectives set by organizations. That is why conflict was defined by Ugwu (2000:147), as an act of striking together, mutual interference of opposing or incompatible forces, ideas, interest contest, discord among different persons. He said, when there is a conflict, it implies that there is a dispute and struggle against something undesirable by the persons expressing opposing views or claims. Furthermore, conflict is believed to represent a condition of disharmony within an interaction process usually as a result of a clash of interests between or among the parties involved in some form of relationship (Imobighe, 2003:20). But Nnoli (2003:1), refers conflict as contradictions arising from perceptions, behaviours, phenomena and tendencies, while Mialli (1992), believed that conflict emerges where a clear contradiction exists or is perceived to exist among the participants who view the outcome as extremely important. It can be deduced from the above contributions that conflict is a behavioural pattern involving two or more individual ties, which can be inter-personal, inter-groups, inter-organizations and inter-states (Afegbua, 2010:12). The conflict as a concept has been well highlighted by Dhrendorf (1976), who saw it as a basic factor underlying societal dynamics. Dhrendorf cited an industry as a case where all participants are interested in self gain. As a result, there is bound to be conflict as participants in the industrialization process try to out-do each other in the quest for self gains (Anugwom, 1997:99). According to conflict

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    theory, Anugwom argued that the conflict between management and labour results from the fact that they have conflicting and contradicting interests. Precisely, the theory sees management as possessing the profit consciousness while labour possesses the wages consciousness. Under this circumstance, each party tries to make its own consciousness or interest dominant as well as increase its sphere of domination but this can only happen at the detriment of the other party (Anugwom, 1997). This conflict of interests between the two parties will create a situation where they are constantly fighting over whose interest or consciousness will have dominion over each other. Considering the above analysis, the quest for material rewards, power and the predisposition to rule by the few elites in Northern Nigeria against the interests of the people of the downtrodden, has made the conflict theory relevant to this study. It is within the contending viewpoints above that this study attempts to ascertain the extent to which the conflict theory will provide reasonable explanations to insecurity situation in Northern Nigeria. Manifestations of the Activities of Book Haram Sect in Northern Nigeria The cycle of violence being unleashed on Nigerians by the fundamentalist group, Boko Haram has heightened serious fears among Nigerian populace and even the international community (Okpaga, Ugwu and Eme, 2012:77). The dangerous dimension the insecurity challenge has posed before the nation, has become a source of worry since there is belief in some quarters in Nigeria that the trend has even gone beyond religious or political colouration. The dangerous trend has led to the bombing of everything within the sect’s reach with little or no provocation. For instance, it is pertinent to remind ourselves of the burning down of the Police stations and government offices in Borno State in 2009 following the clamp down on some of the sect members who refused bluntly to abide by the law establishing the wearing of crash helmets by motorcycle riders. This violence later on spread across other parts of Northern Nigeria with about 800 people left dead including Yussuf, the sect leader. This was followed by series of continuous bombings and attacks, which culminated in great loss of

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    lives and property. The table below depicts series of violence being perpetuated by Boko Haram sect in Northern Nigeria between July 2009 and June 2012. Table 1: Series of Attacks in Northern Nigeria by Boko Haram Sect between July 2009 and June 2012

    S/n Date State Type of Violence/Attack 1. July 27, 2009 Yobe Attack on Potiskum, Yobe State’s Divisional

    Police Headquarters, three Policemen and one fire service officer died.

    2. September 8, 2010 Bauchi Bauchi Central Prison was set ablaze and members of the sect freed.

    3. March 13, 2010 Plateau Another sect operation in the northern part of Jos, Plateau State led to the death of 300 people.

    4. October 1, 2010 Abuja Explosions near the Eagle Square, Abuja claimed 12 lives, leaving many injured.

    5. December 24, 2010 Plateau A bomb attack, in Barkin Ladi, Jos, Plateau State, killed eight people.

    6. December 31, 2010 Abuja Explosions at Mogadishu Mammy Market, Abuja, claimed about 10 lives.

    7. January 21, 2011 Borno The Borno State Governorship candidate of All Nigeria Peoples Party ANPP, for the 2011 election, Alhaji Modu Gubio, brother to former Governor of the state, Modu Sheriff, was killed by sect members alongside six others in Maiduguri, Borno State.

    8. March 2, 2011 Kaduna Boko Haram killed two policemen attached to the residence of the Divisional Police Officer, Mustapha Sandamu, at Rigasa area of Kaduna State.

    9. March 30, 2011 Yobe Bomb planted by Boko Haram in Damaturu, Yobe State, exploded and injured a police officer

    10. April 8, 2011 Niger Bomb at INEC office in Suleja, Niger State, claimed lives of eight corps members and a suicide bomber.

    11. April 9, 2011 Borno Bomb explosion occurred at a polling unit in Unguwar Doki Maiduguri, Borno State, killing the suicide bomber.

    12. April 26, 2011 Borno Three people killed and scores injured in bomb attack

    13. April 29, 2011 Bauchi Army Barracks in Bauchi bombed.

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    14. May 19, 2011 Bauchi Three policemen killed and two soldiers injured in bomb attack

    15. May 29, 2011 Bauchi Explosion at mammy market of Shandawanka barracks in Bauchi State claimed lives and left many injured.

    16. May 30, 2011 Borno Bombs exploded early morning on Baga road in Maiduguri, Borno State, 13 dead and 40 injured.

    17. June 7, 2011 Borno Series of bomb blasts occurred in Maiduguri, Borno state, claiming five lives and leaving several others injured

    18. June 16, 2011 Abuja Nigerian Police Headquarters, Abuja, bombed by a suspected suicide bomber, three killed and many vehicles damaged

    19. June 16, 2011 Borno Four children killed in a bomb last at Damboa town, Maiduguri, Borno State

    20. June 20, 2011 Katsina Seven policemen killed when Boko Haram stormed Kankara Police station in Kastina State. Two of the security men guarding a band opposite the state were also killed

    21. July 9, 2011 Borno A clash between Boko Haram and the military left about 31 people dead in Maiduguri, Borno State. Also in Suleja, Niger State, a bomb targeted at a church killed four and injured many others

    22. July 11, 2011 Kaduna Tragic explosion at a relaxation joint in Fokados Street, Kaduna

    23. July 12, 2011 Borno Boko Haram threw an explosive device on a moving military patrol vehicle, which claimed five lives

    24. July 15, 2011 Borno Explosion in Maiduguri injured five people 25. July 23, 2011 Borno An explosion close to the palace of the Shehu

    of Borno, Abubakar Garbai Elkanem, injured three soldiers

    26. July 25, 2011 Borno Bomb explosion near the palace of traditional ruler in Maiduguri claimed eight lives.

    27. August 25, 2011 Borno Sect members killed four policemen, one soldier and seven civilians and carted away undisclosed sum of money in a bank robbery by the sect.

    28. August 26, 2011 Abuja A Suicide Bomber Drove into the United Nations Building in Abuja, 25 killed and 60 injured.

    29. September 12, 2011 Bauchi Seven people, including four policemen, killed

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    during a bomb attack on a police station in Misau, Bauchi State

    30. September 13, 2011 Borno Sect members shot and injured four solders in an attack in Maiduguri, shortly after the arrest of 15 sect members, during military raids on Boko Haram hideouts in Bauchi State

    31. September 17, 2011 Borno Brother in-law of Mohammed Yussuf, the slain leader of Boko Haram, Babakura Fugu, shot dead in front of his house in Maiduguri by two members of the sect two days after he was visited by former President Olusegun Obsanjo

    32. October 3, 2011 Borno Boko Haram attacked Baga market in Maiduguri and killed three people

    33. November 4, 2011 Yobe About 150 people killed by Boko Haram in Damaturu, Yobe State

    34. November 27, 2011 Yobe Seven people killed in attacks in Geidam, Yobe State

    35. December 18, 2011 Borno Three members of Boko Haram were killed when their bomb detonated in Shuwari, Maiduguri, Borno State

    36. December 22, 2011 Borno Explosive and gunshots killed four people and left several others injured.

    37. December 24, 2011 Plateau About 80 people killed in bombing in Jos, Plateau State

    38. December 25 Niger About 50 people died on Christmas Day bombing in Madalla, Niger State

    39. December 30, 2011 Borno Seven people killed in Maiduguri, Borno State 40. January 5, 2012 Gombe About six people died in a church attack in

    Gombe State 41. January 6, 2012 Adama

    wa 17 people died in a Christ Apostolic Church, Yola, Adamawa State while 20 Igbo people were also killed in Mubi in the same state.

    42. January 20, 2012 Kano About 250 people killed in multiple attacks in Kano

    43. January 22, 2012 Bauchi Two churches destroyed in Bauchi State, two military personnel, a DPO and eight civilian were killed by gunmen at the headquarters of Tafawa Balewa Local Government Area in the state.

    44. January 26, 2012 Kano The Sabon Gari of Kano State witnessed another explosion, which caused another pandemonium in the state. Many injured and some luxury buses were damaged in the

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    explosion. 45. January 28, 2012 Borno One killed in Gambiru, Ngala 46. January 29, 2012 Borno Two killed in Gambiru, Ngala 47. January 30, 2012 Borno Six people killed in Maiduguri environs

    including two Air force officers 48. February 4, 2012 Borno Two people killed in Damboa 49. February 5, 2012 Yobe SSS man killed 50. February 07, 2012 Kadun 5 killed were killed in the Military Barrack 51. February 07, 2012 Kano 10 killed in Kano 52. February 10, 2012 Borno 4 Boko Haram members were killed during

    Soldier shoot-out in Maiduguri 53. February 10, 2012 Kano Boko Haram sect attacked Police Station and

    engaged the police in gun duel in Shagari Quarters, Kano

    54. February 12, 2012 Borno Boko Haram members killed in Maiduguri 55. February 15, 2012 Kogi Jail Break In Koton Karji Prisons, Kogi State.

    A warder was killed and 199 prisoners released

    56. February 15, 2012 Niger 2 police men killed and injured in Minna, Niger State

    57. February 17, 2012 Yobe 2 people killed in Geidam, Yobe State 58 February 17, 2012 Borno 5 people killed in Maiduguri metropolis 59. February 20, 2012 Borno Boko Haram and soldiers clashed in

    Maiduguri market. 30 persons died 60. March 8, 2012 Sokoto Boko Haram killed 1 Briton and 1 Italian who

    were abducted in 2011. They were killed during rescue attempt

    61. March 11, 2012 Plateau A car bomb denoted outside Catholic Church in Jos killing 10 persons

    62 April 2, 2012 Kano A Professor and 17 others were killed in Bayero University, Kano.

    63 April 8, 2012 Kaduna 38 people killed on Easter Sunday. 64. April 9, 2012 Kaduna 40 people were killed in Kaduna 65. April 9, 2012 Plateau Bomb explosion near Plateau State

    Governor’s Lodge. 66 April 29, 2012 Borno 5 worshippers including a Pastor were killed

    in Maiduguri 67 April 30, 2012 Taraba 11 died as suicide bomb hit Police Chief

    Convoy in Jalingo 68 May 10, 2012 Kano A bomb was defused around the premises of

    kings Garden Cinema, Bridge Quarters, Kano State where hundreds of soccer fans were billed to watch the final match between Chelsea and Liverpool.

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    69 June 17, 2012 Kaduna Multiple bomb attacks on 3 churches killing 70 people and injured scores of others.

    Source: Adapted in Okpaga, Ugwu and Eme (2012:8) and also compiled by the Author. The Socio-Economic Implications of Boko Haram Activities in Northern Nigeria: It has been discovered that foreigners aid and abet violence in the North. According to the Kaduna State Police Commissioner, Mohammed Jinjiri Abubakar in Omipidan (2012:6), foreign countries sharing the same borders with the Northern states of Nigeria sneak into this country to cause disharmony. He did not hesitate to mention the citizens of Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon among those involved in the terror activities in the north. This is evident on the arrest of many nationals of these countries, who were caught in mass killings and bombings. The Police Commissioner could not condone the activities of these foreigners any longer and therefore warned that the Police would no longer care about the Africa Charter on the free movement of citizens and would treat foreigners arrested with iron hand, adding that the nation’s kind gesture should not be taken for granted. The fear is that the invasion made by the foreign elements may endanger the existing good relationships between Nigeria and her neighbouring countries. When this happens, there is no doubt that the balance of payments of all countries involved will be badly affected. Under this circumstance, the economy of the north would have the greatest impact as the foreign nationals that contribute to a large extent on its development through their various economic activities, would relocate to their mother countries. It has been observed that the incessant bombings and gun attacks in the Northern parts of this country by the Boko Haram fundamentalists, have seriously affected the economic lives of individuals in the areas. For instance, commercial banks have been forced to review their operational hours to begin from 9.00am to 12.00 noon as against the normal operational period of 8.00am to 4.00pm (Mohammed, 2012:2). According to Mohammed, this is a part of efforts by these financial institutions to safeguard their business premises. Under this new

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    operational arrangement, bank customers especially traders, find it very difficult to deposit their daily proceeds in the banks due to the limited banking operational hours that are no longer in their favour. Alternatively, these helpless traders have to hide their money in their shops. That is why in addition to the frequent suicide bombings, there are rising cases of shop-breakings and burglaries in the affected areas. The growing insecurity in the north has seriously affected the socio-economic condition such that many people including businessmen are fleeing to more peaceful environment in the southern parts of the country. Moreso, the prices of foodstuffs have started increasing astronomically following the drastic fall in the transportation of the foodstuffs from north to the south where they (foodstuffs) are greatly consumed. This is because the traders farm south find it unsafe to travel to north where they are sold. Consequently, these form products are stockpiled wasting in the hands of farmers who rely on them as the only source of livelihood. The insecurity situation created by the Boko Haram sect is threatening the existence of NYSC scheme, which is regarded as a unifying factor in this country. For instance, out of the 4171 members of the corps that were posted to serve in Adamawa state and later trained for the Adhoc electioneering in 2011 by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), about 1041 of them fled the state before the conduct of the general elections, due to lack of inadequate security in the country (Egburonu et al, 2012:21). Following the massacre of many corps members in some of the northern states in the same year (2011), many of them besieged the NYSC Secretariat in Abuja demanding the reposting to states outside the Northern States. Today, the members of the scheme are still protesting vehemently against posting corps member to any of the crisis – ridden states in the north until peace is restored. Some of them have even vowed to quit the scheme should they be forcefully posted to such areas only to die in the waiting hands of Boko Haram sect. In a swift reaction to the Federal government’s decision not to post NYSC members to some Northern States, Governor Kashim Shettima of Borno State lamented the impact the decision will have on their

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    affairs, and therefore, pleaded with the federal government to reconsider the decision as the state’s health and education sectors could be negatively affected. (Musa, Akhaine and Abdulsami, 2012:1). This is because corps members that have been serving in the state provided over 65 per cent of the required healthcare delivery and education services at the grassroot level where about 75 per cent of the citizens live. The current activities of the Boko Haram sect are obviously threatening the corporate existence of Nigeria’s sovereignty. The north and south of the country are in disharmony as a result of allegations and counter allegations against each other. There is established impression in the minds of the majority of the southerners that some northern leaders, disgruntled with the loss of leadership in the past nine years, have decided to precipitate crises using religious and sectarian platforms. According to the southerners, these frustrated leaders from the north have the belief that rulership of this country is their birthright. For instance, political power rested in the north for 38 years out of 50 years of this country’s existence (Obumneme, 2012:35). But having understood that the current political arrangement in the country has changed in contrast to their expectations, and having also realized that restoring the power (rulership) to status quo may not be easy, they decided to hide under the religious sect, Boko Haram to express their ill-fated anger and ill-feelings. That is why they decided to incite the members of the sect and other people at the downtrodden from the same north, who were already aggrieved and frustrated following the high-handedness of the same leaders, who have been tormenting, alienating and denying them of their fundamental human rights. It is believed that the poor and wretched young men from north are products of long years of neglect and economic slavery (Obumneme, 2012:35). That the poorest people will be found in the north has been authenticated by these boys who are willing to die by killing orders. There is no person with well established future prospect who would want to die recklessly. There is the belief from different quarters that the north is presently reaping what it sowed in the lives of these frustrated youths so many years ago.

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    It is observed that Boko Haram activities are now threatening the hope and future of the children from the Northern states of this country. It is disheartening to note that the security situation in the areas has denied these children the opportunity of participating in the recent Cowbell National Secondary Schools Mathematics Competition (NASSMAC), organized by Promasordor Nigeria Ltd. It was revealed that out of those who emerged champions in this year’s competition, and were honoured, only two northern schools participated, and only one male student could make the list from the entire northern region (Tyessi, 2012:11). This situation is opposed to 6, 7 and 11 champions that emerged from the region in 2009, 2010 and 2011 respectively. The above pathetic situation calls for immediate solution to the security problem in the north as its escalation may lead to total breakdown of education system in the area, and the consequence will be very disastrous not only to the region but to the entire country. It is alleged that Boko Haram sect was the creation of politicians, especially some Governors from the north, who needed them (Boko Haram) to win elections, intimidate opponents, score political points and extract relevance at the national level (Okpaga, Ugwu and Eme (2012:85). According to these writers, the sect reached an agreement with the former Kano State Governor, Ibrahim Shekarau in 2004 to be receiving monthly payment of N5 million, which was later increased to N10 million in 2009. Similar agreement was equally reached between the sect and the Bauchi state government. Unfortunately, these agreements brokedown following the takeover of the mantle of leaderships in the two states by the new Governors in 2011, and the payments were stopped. This, according to the sect’s spokesman, warranted the bombings in the two states. That is why Lister (2012:14), claimed that it is no longer a sect of Islamic fanatics but has the support of disgruntled politicians and their paid thugs. In his own reaction, a legal practitioner and Human Rights Activists, Barrister Pedro Azogu was not comfortable with the roles played by some politicians from north. He stated without mincing words that all the children from the same cultural background, who were denied western education but trained to be killers, are the same people that will kill those that had deprived them of social and economic wellbeing (Onuoha, 2012:27),

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    hence concentration of suicide bombings and gun attacks in the Northern States. Boko Haram has succeeded in instilling fear and hatred among the people who have been living in peace and harmony for decades. For instance, Adamawa state is a heterogeneous society with high social diffusion made up of over 70 different tribes, ethnic compositions and languages. But in spite of their differences, Adamawa was known to be one of the most peaceful states in the north east until the rise of the current bombings and attacks, which have brought misery among the people. Prior to the present insurgency, Muslims, Christians and other religious believers were living peacefully. But today, Boko Haram has brought disintegration, discrimination and lack of trust among people of the same blood. Muslims are no longer comfortably discussing family issues with their Christian brothers and sisters. This ugly situation is not peculiar to Adamawa State but cuts across the northern region. For fear of being attacked, northern parents are no longer eager to register their children in most schools in the north. That is why parents of northern origin are sending their children and wards down to the southern parts of this country for their education. Recommendation: Allegations from different quarters have been levelled against some high placed personalities in Northern Nigeria over their hidden agenda in providing financial support to Boko Haram religious sect. According to Ifijeh (2011:19), Senator Ali Ndume and Late Ambassador Saidu Pindar were believed to be some of the greatest financiers to the sect. This is in addition to the established case against a judge with the Kano State judiciary that his call log showed that he actually had links with the religious sect, Boko Haram. Considering the above, the federal government should regard these persons as terrorists, who aid and abet terrorism in Nigeria, and therefore should be arrested and prosecuted accordingly to serve as a deterrent to others who are yet to be exposed. Federal government should be reminded of the fact that the members of Boko Haram comprise the children of the less privileged people who were unable to have access to western education owing to financial

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    incapabilities of their parents, and therefore, the products of long years of neglect and economic slavery. To reduce the incidents of violence and insecurity resulting from reactions of the aggrieved and frustrated people of the downtrodden from the north, all the governments from the crisis-ridden areas should focus on investing more in education to tackle the issues of illiteracy and economic backwardness. In this regard, the Governors from the areas concerned should introduce free and compulsory education particularly to the “Almajiris.” The federal government had in many occasions declared state of emergencies in some northern states that were seriously devastated by the Boko Haram sect. Unfortunately, this strategy was of no effect as the members were not domiciled in a particular area. Alternatively, the federal government should invite the northern state Governors and security agencies as well as the leaders of the sect, who are known to claim responsibilities for the most attacks, for a dialogue. In this dispensation, the amnesty approach employed in the Niger – Delta region can be useful. The multi-ethnic nature of this country is regarded as one of the major challenges facing the security situation in this country. This condition has obviously generated a lot of primordial feelings and sentiments among Nigerian populace. It is on this premise that Odita (2012:17), reminded every Nigerian that this country belongs to all of us and each person has a responsibility not just the security agents. In this respect, Nigerians should not fold their hands indefinitely waiting for the government to tackle the incessant bombings and gun attacks alone. If a dialogue approach fails, the government should provide enabling environment and adequate tools to well trained security agents to perform, while the public provides reliable information on the whereabouts of the sect’s members, who are residing in the midst of the people. Considering the level of security consciousness in this country, one may be constrained to state that Nigeria is not yet ready to tackle the issue of Boko Haram menace in the north. It is pertinent to remind Nigerians that after 9/11 disaster in United States and July 7 bombings in London,

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    all important public facilities have been well guarded with modern technological gadgets capable of detecting and preventing bomb blasts. It is not out of place if Nigeria should borrow a leaf from these advanced countries by ensuring that all the various security agencies are put on red alert and ensure that all sensitive public facilities are properly guarded with modern technological gadgets capable of detecting and preventing bomb blasts. Conclusion The dangerous dimension the insecurity challenge has posed by the fundamentalist group, Boko Haram, has heightened serious fears among Nigerian populace. The trend has led to incessant suicide bombings and all sorts of attacks in the northern parts of the country with little or no provocation. Consequently, lives and property are lost, business ventures and shops have remained closed especially in the north. Most regrettably, the Igbos who are the life-wire of economic activities in the north are relocating in large numbers to their states of origin to avoid losing their lives in the hands of the sect. It was discovered from the study that the use of force or declarations of state of emergencies by the federal government were of no effect to the Boko Haram insurgency. Alternatively, the federal government should embrace dialogue approach, especially now that the fundamentalist group has declared its readiness to dialogue with the federal government (Akhain, 2012:51), but this can only be effective if the dissident group within the government cycle, who are ever ready to sabotage the strategy, are fished out, dislodged and prosecuted accordingly. References

    Akhain S. (2012), “Why Government Fails to End Boko Haram

    Insurgence,” The Guardian, Saturday, July 7. Anugwom, E.E. (1994), Economic Conditions and Industrial Conflict in

    Nigeria: A Comparative Study of Pre and Structural Adjustment Periods (1981-1992), Nigerian Journal of Management and the Social Sciences, Vol. 2, No.