ritual and the origins of first...
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This is a repository copy of Ritual and the origins of first impressions.
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Over, Harriet orcid.org/0000-0001-9461-043X, Eggleston, Adam and Cook, Richard (2020)Ritual and the origins of first impressions. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. ISSN 1471-2970 (In Press)
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Ritualandtheoriginsoffirstimpressions
HarrietOver1,AdamEggleston1,RichardCook1,2
1DepartmentofPsychology,
UniversityofYork,
York,U.K.
1,2DepartmentofPsychologicalSciences,
Birkbeck,UniversityofLondon,
London,U.K.
InpressatPhilosophicalTransactionsoftheRoyalSocietyB
Acknowledgements:WewouldliketothankAsifaMajidforvaluablecomments
onanearlierdraft.ThisresearchwassupportedbytheEuropeanResearch
CouncilundertheEuropeanUnion'sHorizon2020Programme,grantnumber
ERC-STG-755719.RichCookwasalsosupportedbytheERC,grantnumberERC-
2016-StG-715824.
Addressforcorrespondence:
HarrietOver
DepartmentofPsychology
UniversityofYork
YO105DD
2
Abstract
Whenencounteringastrangerforthefirsttime,adultsspontaneouslyattribute
tothemawidevarietyofcharactertraitsbasedsolelyontheirphysical
appearance,mostnotablyfromtheirface.Whilethesetraitinferencesexerta
pervasiveinfluenceoverourbehaviour,theiroriginsremainunclear.Whereas
nativistaccountsholdthatfirstimpressionsareaproductofgene-basednatural
selection,theTraitInferenceMappingframework(TIM)positsthatwelearn
face-traitmappingsontogeneticallyasaresultofcorrelatedface-trait
experience.Here,weexaminetheavailableanthropologicalevidenceonritualin
ordertobetterunderstandthemechanismbywhichfirstimpressionsfromfaces
areacquired.ConsistentwiththeTIMframework,wearguethatexaminationof
ritualbodymodificationperformedbycommunitiesaroundtheworld
demonstratesfargreatercross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitmappingsthan
currentlyappreciated.Furthermore,ritualsofthistypemaybeapowerful
mechanismthroughwhichface-traitassociationsaretransmittedfromone
generationtothenext.
Keywords:
Firstimpressions,traitinferences,facialtraits,ritual,bodymodification
3
1.Introduction
Humansspontaneouslyattributeawidevarietyofcharactertraitstostrangers
basedsolelyontheirfacialappearance[1,2].Forexample,adultsmaydetermine
whetherornotapersonappearshonest,kind,intelligent,extrovertedor
aggressivesimplyfromlookingataphotographoftheirface[3].Adultsform
thesefirstimpressionswithstrikingspeedandconsistency.Theratingsof
differentobserverstendtoconvergeonwhoappearstrustworthyevenwhen
imagesofstrangers’facesarepresentedforaslittleas33milliseconds[4].These
firstimpressionsareanimportanttopicforinvestigationbecausetheyexerta
measurableinfluenceoverbehaviour.Ineconomicgames,adultsinvestmore
resourcesinindividualswhoappeartrustworthy[5,6].Inmorenaturalistic
settings,firstimpressionsoftrustworthinesshavebeenshowntoaffecthiring
decisions[7],criminalsentencing[8,9],andeventheoutcomeofelections[10].
Theoriginofthesespontaneousfirstimpressionsremainsamatterof
controversy.Nativistaccountsholdthatfirstimpressionsareaproductofgene-
basednaturalselection.Accordingtothisperspective,thecapacitytoquickly
distinguishfriendsfromfoe,andleadersfromfollowers,wassocrucialtothe
reproductivesuccessofourancestorsthatwehaveinheritedaninnately
specifiedmechanismforjudgingothersonthebasisoftheirappearance[1,11-
15].TheTraitInferenceMappingframework(TIM)[16],ontheotherhand,
holdsthatassociationsbetweenappearanceandapparentpersonalitytraitsare
theproductsofculturallearning[17].Individualsgrowupincommunitiesin
whichtheyareexposedtosystematicmessagesabouthowappearancerelatesto
character.
Thenativiststandpointhasbeenbolsteredbyclaimsofbroadcross-cultural
agreementinfirstimpressions[18,19].Inthispaper,however,wearguethatthe
extentofcross-culturalagreementhasbeensystematicallyover-estimated.We
usetheanthropologicalliteratureonritualbodymodificationtoillustratethe
extentofculturalvariabilityincharacterinferencesfromfacialappearance.
Havingoutlinedevidencethatculturallearningplaysasubstantialroleinthe
formationoffirstimpressions,wediscusswhycertaintypesofritualmightbe
4
powerfulmechanismsfortheculturaltransmissionofappearance-trait
mappings.
2.Theoreticalaccountsoftheoriginsoffirstimpressions
Thepredominantviewinthefieldisthatfirstimpressionsfromfacesarethe
productofanevolvedmechanismspecialisedfordistinguishingfriendsfromfoe
andleadersfromfollowers[12-15,20,21].Wehaverecentlyproposedan
alternativeaccountoftheoriginsoffirstimpressionsfromfaces.Accordingto
theTraitInferenceMapping(TIM)framework,firstimpressionsaretheproducts
ofmappingsbetweenpointsinface-space(inwhichwerepresentthe
appearanceofothers[22])andtrait-space(inwhichwerepresentthetraitsof
others[23-25]),acquiredthroughlearning[16].Putsimply,whereone
encountersapredictiverelationshipbetweenaparticularfaceshapeorfeature
andaparticularcharactertrait,amappingorassociationformsbetweenthe
correspondingfaceandtraitrepresentations.Thereafter,whenweencountera
strangerwhopossessesoneofthesepredictivefeatures,theirfacialappearance
automaticallyactivatestheassociatedtraitrepresentation.Learningmaytake
placequickly.Weknowfromresearchinotherareasthatextensivesocial
learningtakesplaceacrossthefirstseveralyearsofchildren’slives[26,27].For
example,childrenlearnaboutstrangersthroughsocialreferencingatleastfrom
theageof10months[28].
AccordingtoTIM,theinnatecontributiontofirstimpressionsissmallbut
nonethelessimportant.Innatepreferencesforcertaintypesoffaceorfeature
(e.g.,smilingorattractivefaces)maycanalisetheemergenceofparticular
appearance-personalitymappings.Someface-traitmappingsmay,therefore,
emergemoreconsistently,andearlierindevelopment,thanothers.
Inlinewithotherdominantperspectivesinthefield[e.g.,3],TIMisadual-route
model.Whileitisassumedthatsomefirstimpressionsareautomatic,othersare
attributedtoexplicit,controlledreasoning.Forexample,anobservercould
perceiveanindividualdisplayingaparticularbehaviour(e.g.,smilingor
scowling)andconsciouslyinferpotentialtraits[29].
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Learningaccountshavetraditionallybeendismissedonthegroundsthatthey
cannotexplainwhythejudgementofdifferentparticipantstendstoconvergeon
inaccuratefirstimpressions[5].Thatis,whileobserverstypicallyagreeabout
whoappearstrustworthy,intelligentandaggressive,thesespontaneous
judgmentsarearelativelypoorpredictorofstrangers'actualtraits[30,31].In
theabsenceofreliableface-traitcontingencies,itisunclearwhetherdirect
learningthroughsocialinteractioncouldproducethehigh-levelsofinter-rater
agreementthathavebeenwidelydocumented[3].
TIMresolvestheapparentparadoxbypostulatingacentralroleforcultural
learningintheontogenyofface-traitmappings[16].Individualsarefrequently
exposedtoculturalmessagesthatsystematicallypairparticularfacialcueswith
particularcharactertraits.Forexample,depictionsofprincessesinDisneyfilms
consistentlypairfemininefeatures,physicalbeauty,andlargeeyeswithdocility
andkindness[32].Similarface-traitcontingenciesarewidespreadthroughout
film,TV,literature,story-books,propaganda,art,andiconography.Inadditionto
messagesimpartedbytheseproductsofcumulativeculture,weproposethat
parentsandothercaregiversteachchildren,eitherexplicitlyorinadvertently,
thatindividualswhovaryintheirfacialfeaturesalsovaryintheircharacter
traits[16].Thus,individualsmayregularlyencounterpredictiverelationships
betweenappearancecuesandcharactertraitsintheircultureevenwhere
reliablecontingenciesarenotafeatureoftheirreal-lifesocialinteractions.
Curiously,thefactthatcharacterinferencesfromappearancearetypically
erroneousisnotwidelyseenasproblematicfornativistaccounts[33,34].
Accordingtothisview,intheenvironmentofevolutionaryadaptation,itwas
beneficialtotrustindividualswithcertainfacialfeatures(e.g.,peoplewithlarge
eyesandpositivefacialexpressions)andtobesuspiciousofothers(e.g.,those
pallidskinandasymmetricalfaces).Inmoderntimes,however,theseheuristics
regardingwhototrustare‘over-generalised’,orappliedtomorepeoplethan
theyoughttobe,leadingtoerroneousfirstimpressions[34].Nevertheless,it
remainsunclearhowandwhyobserversintheancientpastwereabletoapply
theseheuristicsselectivelyandaccurately,whereasmodernobserversarenot.
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Moreover,whiletheover-generalisationaccountoutlinesthecuesonwhichtrait
inferencesarebased,themechanismbywhichthoseinferencesarederivedalso
lacksspecification.
3.Cross-culturalperspectivesonfirstimpressions
Oneofthemostpromisingmeansbywhichtodistinguishbetweenthenativist
andculturallearningaccountsistoexaminetheextentofcross-cultural
agreementinfirstimpressionsfromfaces[17].Evidencethatfirstimpressions
areculturallyuniversalwouldlendsupporttothenativistview[15,18,19].
Evidenceforculturaldiversity,combinedwithevidenceofchangesinface-trait
mappingsovertime,wouldlendsupporttotheviewthatfirstimpressionsare
culturallylearned[16].
Severalstudieshaveclaimedtoprovideevidenceofbroadcross-cultural
agreementinfirstimpressions.Forexample,Sutherlandetal.[18]comparedthe
firstimpressionsofChineseandBritishadultswhenobservingthefacesofAsian
andCaucasianstrangers.Theyfoundevidencethatthejudgmentsofindividuals
frombothcultureswerestructuredaroundapproachability.Zebrowitzetal.[19]
comparedthefirstimpressionsofadultobserversfromtheUSwiththefirst
impressionsofadultsfromtheTsimaneinBolivia.Participantsfromboth
culturalgroupsshowedwithin-cultureagreementforimpressionsoffacesfrom
theirowncultureandsomeagreementintheirimpressionsoffacesfromthe
otherculture.Walker,Jiang,VetterandSczesny[35]manipulatedimagesof
WesternandAsianfacesinordertomakethemappearmoreorlessaggressive,
extrovert,likeable,riskseeking,sociallyskilled,andtrustworthy.Asianand
Westernparticipantswerebothabletoidentifytheenhancedimages.
Althoughthesedataaresometimesdiscussedasprovidingevidenceforcultural
universality,thisconclusionispremature.First,eachofthesestudiesfoundsome
evidenceforculturalvariabilityaswellasagreement.Forexample,Sutherlandet
al.[18]foundthatthejudgmentsofChineseparticipantswerelessclearly
structuredaroundcapabilitythanwerethejudgmentsofBritishparticipants.
Zebrowitzetal.[17]neededtousedifferenttraittermstomeasurefirst
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impressionsinthetwocommunitiestheyworkedwith:whereasAmerican
participantswereaskedtoratethefacesonintelligence,warmthanddominance,
Tsimaneparticipantswereaskedtoratethefacesonknowledge,sociability,and
respect.Thesecontrastingtermswerenecessarybecauseabstractconceptslike
‘intelligence’arenotculturallyrelevanttotheTsimane[36].Walkeretal.[28]
foundthatAsianparticipantsneededmoretimetoformtheirfirstimpressions
thandidWesternparticipantsandweresomewhatlessconsistentintheir
judgmentsaswell.
Second,evenifweweretoacceptthat,takentogether,thesestudiesrepresented
greaterevidenceforcross-culturalagreementthandiversity,onlyaverysmall
numberofcultureshavethusfarbeenstudied.Aclaimofuniversalitygainsonly
weaksupportfromacomparisonbetweentwoorthreecultures.Third,insome
studiestheextentofagreementisartificiallyexaggeratedbytheincorporationof
emotionalexpressionsinthestimulusset.Forexample,itisnotparticularly
surprisingthatsmilingfaces[e.g.,18]arepreferredacrosscultures[37,38].
Finally,thesestudiesusedahighlyrestrictedrangeofcuesincorporatingonly
variationrelevanttoWesternpopulationsandignoringwaysinwhich
individualsfromothercommunitiesmodifytheirfacialappearance.
4.Whatisaritual?
Inlightofthedifficultiesadaptingexistinglab-basedparadigmstothestudyof
cross-culturaldifferencesinfirst-impressions,wesoughttopursueanovel,
complementaryapproach.Intheremainingsectionsofthispaper,wewill
considerhowthestudyofcertaintypesofritualcanhelpusunderstandthe
originsoffirstimpressions.
Webeginbyoutliningthefeaturesthatcharacteriserituals.Examplesofrituals
studiedintheliteraturearediverse,rangingfromhangingChristmasstockings
andreadingbedtimestories,tostagingcomingofageceremonies,weddings,and
funerals[39,40].Definingritual,andthuscharacterisingwhattheseexamples
haveincommon,remainsasubstantialchallengeandapointofsomecontention
intheliterature[41,42].
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Wetakeritualstobesociallysharedgroupactivities[43,44].Althoughthesize
ofthegroupsinvolvedcanvaryfromtheentirecommunity(e.g.,aweddingto
whichanentirevillageisinvited)toanindividualfamily(e.g.,hangingChristmas
stockings),thetypesofritualsweareinterestedinaresocialincharacter.
Ritualsaresingledoutbythecommunitythatparticipateinthemasimportant
andendowedwithspecialmeaningandsignificance[45].Forexample,ritual
cleansingofanobjectismarkedasimportantinawaythatregularcleaningis
not.Similarly,eatingChristmasdinnerasafamilyhasasocialsignificancethata
Wednesdaynightmealtypicallydoesnot.Ritualsalsotendtobecharacterised
byanemphasisontheparticularwayinwhichthecomponentbehavioursare
performed.Thustheactionsthatcomposearitualmaybecarriedoutina
specificorderand/orinaspecificlocation[26,43,44,46-48].Forexample,the
particularmannerinwhichteaismadeandservediscrucialtoaJapanesetea
ceremonybutrarelyconsideredwhenmakingalunchtimebrew[41].Finally,
ritualstendtoberepeatedmultipletimeswithinthecommunityandappealto
thetraditionsofthatgroup[41,49].Forexample,Christmas,Hannukah,and
Diwalioccureveryyear.Evenwhenanygivenindividualonlydirectly
participatesinaritualonceortwice,asinaweddingorcomingofageceremony,
individualswilloftenattendmanysuchceremoniesoverthecourseoftheir
lifetime.
Wearguethatthestudyofritualcanhelpustounderstandthenormsandvalues
importanttoaparticularcommunity.Inthepresentcontext,weareparticularly
interestedintypesofritualwhereparticipantsaltertheirfacialappearance,
eithertemporarily(throughmake-upandcostume)orpermanently(through
bodymodificationssuchastattooinganddentalextraction).Byunderstanding
howandwhyindividualsaltertheirappearance,wehopetorevealtheprevailing
ideasabouttherelationshipbetweencharacterandappearancecommonwithin
differentcultures.
5.Ritualsrevealourtrait-appearancemappings
Theapproachweemployhereisbasedontheviewthatthestudyofritualcan
revealtheprevailingnormswithinasociety.Toillustratethisrationale,
9
considerthefollowingface-traitmappingsprevalentwithinWesterncultures.
First,thatdisfiguredappearanceisassociatedwithevil,untrustworthy
personalitytraits.Second,thatphysicalbeautyisasignofkindnessandvirtue
(“whatisbeautifulisgood”).Third,thatAfrican-Americanappearanceis
associatedwithperceivedlazinessandstupidity.Theseface-traitmappingshave
beenwidelydocumentedinlab-basedresearchconductedintheUS[50,51].
However,evidenceofthesestereotypescanalsobefoundinritualspresentin
thisculture.
Halloween,celebratedon31stofOctober,isapopularUStraditioninwhich
childrendressupandgo‘trick-or-treating’.Membersofthecommunitymust
givelocalchildrenatreat(e.g.,candy)inordertoavoidretributionintheformof
aprank.Commoncostumechoicesincludewitches,vampires,zombies,and
othermonsters(Figure1).Manyfeaturesofthesecostumesaccordwithcultural
depictionsofevilcharactersmoregenerally(e.g.,elderly,unattractive,pallid
skin,missingteeth,largenoses,scarredorotherwisedisfiguredappearance).
The‘beautypageant’isaformofannualcompetitioninwhichcontestantsare
judgedontheirphysicalappearance,aswellasontheirpersonality,intelligence,
confidence,charitywork,prosocialambitions,creativeandartistictalents[52].
Toimprovetheirchancesofwinningcompetitions,adultcontestantsoftenseek
toaccentuateaspectsoftheirappearancebystylingtheirhair,wearingmake-up,
dietingandundergoingcosmeticsurgery.Competitionrulesmayalsorequirethe
contestantstohidetattoosandfacialpiercings.Thecontestantsinchildbeauty
pageantsfrequentlyaltertheirappearancetoconformtoidealsofadultbeauty
[53],throughtheuseofmascaraandothermake-up,faketan,elaboratehair-
styles,faketeeth,andfalsenails(Figure1).
Minstrelshowswereacommonritualactivityin19thandearly20thcentury
America.Takingtheformoffamilyentertainment,showscommunicateddeeply
raciststereotypesthroughacombinationofdressingup,singing,dancingand
comedy[54,55].Whiteactorswouldwear‘black-face’make-upinorderto
caricatureAfricanAmericans.Theseactorswouldperformformulaicanddeeply
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racistsketchesthatdepictedAfricanAmericansaslazy,stupid,andcheerful[56].
Figure-1
6.Evidenceofcross-culturaldifferences
Acrosstheglobeandthroughouthistoricaltime,communitieshavechosento
modifytheirfacialappearanceinnumerouswaysincludingbodypainting,
tattooing,scarification,skullmodification,dentalmodificationandthe
incorporationofLabretsorlipplates.Theseformsoffacialmodificationare
oftenanintegralpartofcomingofageritualsandcanmarkgroupidentity,status
andsocialroles.Inthissection,weconsiderhowandwhycommunitiesaround
theworldaltertheirfacialappearance.Wefocusonthreeexamplesofritual
bodymodification–tattoos,dentalwork,andlipplates.Thisbriefillustrative
reviewsuggestsconsiderablecross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitassociations,
consistentwiththeTIMframework[16].
6.1Tattoos
Perceptionsoftattoosareextremelyculturallyvariable[57].Tattooingdates
backtoatleast3,100BCE[58].Acrossdifferentcommunitiesandhistoricaleras,
tattooinghasbeenusedtoinspirebothpositiveandnegativefirstimpressions.
InAncientGreeceandRome,tattooswereusedasaformofpunishmentto
identifycriminalsandrunawayslaves[59].Thelogicwasthatindividualswho
observedapersonwithtattooswouldimmediatelyrecognisetheirshameful
acts.ExperimentalresearchwithincontemporaryWesterncommunitieshas
shownthatparticipantstypicallynegativelyevaluateindividualswithtattoos.
Forexample,USAmericanadultsviewindividualswithtattoostobeless
intelligentandlesscaringthanindividualswithouttattoos[60-62].Individuals
withtattoosarealsojudgedbyWesternobserverstobelessemployableand
morepronetocriminalitythanindividualswithouttattoos[8,63].
Inothercultures,ritualtattooinghasbeenusedtosignalmembershipwithinthe
community.Forexample,theNativeAmericansoftheNorthWestCoastused
facialtattoostosignalingroupmembership.Thusencounteringanovel
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individualwithafamiliar,ingroup,tattoowouldsignalthepresenceofalikely
collaborator[58].TheMaoriinNewZealandusepermanentmarkings,TāMoko
(somewhatsimilartotattoos),tosignalstatuswithinthecommunityaswellas
ingroupmembership(Figure2)[64].Individualsofhighstatuswouldhave
distinctivedesignsthatsymbolisedtheirelevatedpositionwithinthegroup.
Thus,observingsuchamarkingwouldleadtopositiveratherthannegative
socialevaluations.
Inlinewiththeculturallearningaccount,thesamebodymarkingscanhave
differentconnotationsfordifferentcommunities.WhereasTāMokoindicateda
sourceofprideforMaori,theyweretypicallyseenasevidenceofbarbarismand
criminalitybythepredominantlyWhiteNewZealandgovernment[64].Further
inlinewiththepredictionsofTIM,differentgenerationswithinthesame
communitycanalsovaryintheirimpressionsoftattoosasculturalnormsand
messageschange.Forexample,afteraperiodofsomedeclineintheprevalence
TāMoko,youngindividualswithMaoriheritageareincreasinglyinterestedinit
andviewitasasourceofculturalpride[64].
Figure-2
6.2Dentalmodification
InWesterncultures,straightwhiteteethareseenasamarkofhealth,
attractivenessandhighsocialstatus[65,66].Childrenoftenhavedentalwork,
includingextractionsandtheapplicationofbraces,tostraightentheirteeth.
ContestantsinUSbeautypageantssometimesapplyVaselinetotheirteethto
makethemappearwhiteandshinyorevenwearfaketeeth[52].However,
positiveassociationswithstraightwhiteteetharenotculturaluniversal[65].
Differentformsofdentalmodificationsuchasremovingteethtocreategaps,
filingteethtomodifytheirshape,andintentionaldiscolourationarecommon
[65,67].Thesepracticesinfluenceimpressionsoftheindividual’sgroup
membership,socialstatusandcharactertraits.
Anumberofculturesengageindentalfilingtochangetheshapeoftheirteeth
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includingcommunitieslivingintheAmazonvalley,Bali,Cameroon,Congo,
Guinea,Zaire,UgandaandTanzania[66].Ritualfilingoftheteethcarries
differentsocialmessagesindifferentcultures.Forexample,inBali,certain
communitiesperformacomingofageritualinwhichmalesandfemaleshave
theirincisorsanduppercaninesfiledinordertoreducetheir‘fanglike’
appearance.Inadditiontosignalingmaturity,dentalfilingisbelievedto
minimizetheinfluenceofnegativecharactertraitsoflust,anger,greed,
arrogance,intoxicationandjealousy[68].TheMakondeofTanzaniaengageina
comingofageritualinwhichtheychipawaypartoftheenamelfromtheirupper
andlowerincisors.Teethwiththedistinctivepeg-shapedappearancethat
resultsareviewedasasignofstrength,maturity,anddominance[66].
CertainculturalgroupsinSoutheastAsiadeliberatelyblackentheirteeth(Figure
2)[67-69].Thisisdoneforaestheticpurposesbutalsotoreducetheperson’s
perceivedsimilaritytodogs[66,68].Blackteethsignalentranceintoadult
societyinthesecommunitiesandthustraitsassociatedwithmaturity[66,67].
Othercommunitiesengageinritualswhereadultteethareremovedinorderto
createnoticeablegapsbetweentheremainingteeth.Forexample,theDinka,
NuerandMabanlivingintheSudanextracttheirlowerincisorsandsometimes
alsotheircaninesinacomingofageritual.Similarly,inSouthAfrica,certain
communitiesinCapeTownremoveteethasariteofpassageinadolescence[66].
Individualswiththeculturallysanctionedgapintheirteetharerecognisedas
ingroupmembersand,therefore,morelikelytobetrustedaspotential
collaborators[70].
6.3Lipplates
Severalcommunitiespermanentlymodifytheirfacialappearancethroughthe
incorporationofLabretsorlipplates(Figure2)[71].Forexample,Labretsare
commonwithinMursiwomenlivinginEthiopaandsignalingroupmembership
andthussecurepositiveevaluation[71].Interestinglyforourpurposes,within
anygivencommunitysomewomenwillchoosenottowearlipplates.Formany
Mursipeople,thisisassociatedwithnegativetraitevaluations.The
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anthropologistLaTosky[72]reportsthatawomanwhodoesnotwearalip-plate
whensheisexpectedto,isconsidered‘karkarre’,orlazy.AccordingtoLaTosky
othertraitsassociatedwithchoosingnottowearalipplateincludebeingseenas
lesscalm,lesshardworkingandlessproud.
Consistentwithaculturallearningaccount,thesamephysicalcuecanbe
interpreteddifferentlybydifferentmembersofthecommunity.Culturalchanges
withintheMursicommunityareinfluencingtheimpressionsofthosewhowear
Labrets.TheEthopiangovernmentperceivesLabretsasasignofcultural
backwardnessandhopestoabolishthepractice.Partlyrelatedtothis,young
MursiwomenintheMakkiregionareincreasinglychoosingnottohavetheirlips
cutorchoosingtolettheholesintheirlipsshrink.Thesewomenperceive
Labretstobeoldfashionedandseektocommunicatetheirmodernitythrough
theabsenceofaLabret[72].
6.4Apotentialcritique
Theprevailingviewintheliteratureisthatface-traitmappingsshowcultural
universality,consistentwithaninnateaccountoftheirorigins.Contrarytothis
view,wehavearguedthatexaminationoftheliteratureonritualbody
modificationrevealswidespreadculturalvariationinface-traitmappings–that
differentcommunitieshaveverydifferentideasabouttherelationshipbetween
characterandfacialappearance.Criticsofthisargumentmayclaimthatwehave
redefinedwhatismeantby“facialappearance”inordertoexaggerateevidence
ofcross-culturalvariability.Theassumptionhereisthatwhereastraditionallab-
basedresearchhasstudiedfacesastheyhaveappearednaturallythroughout
evolutionaryhistory,weareciting“artificial”facialcuessuchaslip-plates,
tattoos,andfiledteeth.
Itisimportanttorecognise,however,thatthestimuliusedinlab-basedresearch
(bothphotographicandcomputer-generatedimages)donotdepictfacesasthey
appearedinevolutionaryhistory.Rather,thesestimulusimagesdepictfacesthat
havebeenmodifiedinlinewithcontemporaryWesternnormsandidealsof
beauty.Forexample,facialhairisgroomedorabsent;teetharewhiteand
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straight;eye-browsappearthinnedandshaped;thepresenceofmake-up
accentuatestheappearanceoftheactors’eyesandmouth,andobscures
blemishes.Wherethehairlineisvisible,theindividuals’hairisstyled
extensively.Someoftheindividualsdepictedmayhavehadcosmeticsurgeryto
altertheappearanceoftheirears,lips,noseorcheekbones,orusedfacial
treatmentstomaketheirskinappearyouthful.Thustheappearanceofthe
individualsusedinlab-basedresearchconductedintheWestisnomore
“natural”–thatistypicaloftheindividualsthathumansencounteredin
evolutionaryhistory–thantheappearanceoftheindividualsdescribedinthe
anthropologicalliteraturereviewedabove.Rather,theirappearancehasmerely
been“modified”indifferentways.
7.Ritualsaspowerfulsourcesofface-traitlearning
AccordingtoTIM,face-traitmappingsareacquiredontogenetically(i.e.,asa
resultofthecorrelatedface-traitexperienceweareexposedtoduringour
lifetime).TIMpositsacentralroleforculturallearning,invokingtheideathat,
throughdifferentculturalmechanisms,weeffectively“teach”ourchildrenwhich
traitstoassociatewithwhichtypesoffaces.Forthereasonsweoutlinebelow,
wehypothesisethatthetypesofritualsconsideredinSections5and6maybean
importantmechanismofculturaltransmissionthroughwhichface-trait
mappingsarepassedonfromonegenerationtoanother.
7.1Communicatingnorms
Becauseritualsofteninvolvelargegroupsofindividualsorindeedthe
communityasawhole,theyprovidemultipleopportunitiesforsocial
referencing.Childrenhavetheopportunitytoobservehownumerousindividuals
withintheircommunityrespondtotheritualparticipantsandlearnfromthose
reactions[16].Furthermore,theinformationprovidedduringritualsisoften
endorsedbyhighstatusmembersofthecommunity.Forexample,minstrel
showswereendorsedbypowerfulcompaniesaswellashighprofilemembersof
theWhitemajority,andtookplacewithinacontextofadiscriminatorypolitical
system[55].Ritualstherebyservetocommunicatethenormsofthecultural
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group.Whenchildrenobserveorparticipateinrituals,theynotonlylearnhow
peopleintheirculturetypicallythink,butalsohowtheyoughttothink[39].
7.2Salientemotionalcontexts
Ritualstakeplacewithinemotionallysalientcontexts.Forexample,Halloweenis
atimeofgreatexcitementforchildren.Similarly,minstrelshowsincorporated
song,danceandcomedy[55].Formsofritualbodymodificationarealsolikelyto
beemotionallysalient,astheprocessescanbefear-inducingandpainfulto
endure.Whereperiodsofheightenedemotionsaccompanyrituals,these
contextsensuretheimplicitmessagesareattended,deeplyprocessedand
frequentlyrecalled[73].
7.3Repeatedpresentation
Bydefinition,ritualsarerepeatedevents,occurringatregularintervalswithina
community[26].Thus,whenritualsexposeparticipantstocorrelatedface-trait
experience,theto-be-learnedmessageisfrequentlyrepeated.Asaresult,
associationsformedbetweenfacesandtraitsarelikelytobestronglyreinforced.
Insofaraseachperformanceoftheritualislikelytoadheretoasimilarformat,
andcriticaldiscourseandinnovationarediscouraged,childrenmayobserve
relativelyfewcounterexamples[26].
7.4Theroleofchildren
Manyritualsinvolvechildren,eitheraswitnessesoractiveparticipants.The
participationofchildreninritualissignificantbecausedevelopmentisan
inherentlyrecursiveprocessinwhichlaterexperiencesdependonearlierones
[16].Onceestablished,aface-traitmappingmaybecomeself-reinforcing.For
example,wemayrememberandattendtoexamplesconsistentwithour
stereotype,butforgetoroverlookdisconfirmingevidence[74].Theassociative
learningliteraturesuggeststhattheface-traitmappingsweacquireearlyinlife
mayproveparticularlyinfluential.Specifically,findingsfromrenewaland
counter-conditioningparadigmsindicatethat,onceacquired,so-called‘first-
learned’associationsarehardtounlearn[e.g.,75].Indeed,itmaybeimpossible
tofullyunlearntheface-traitmappingweacquireaschildren[16].
16
7.5Communicationofsimplemessages
SeveralritualsinWesternculturedepictindividualswithbothcaricatured
appearanceandcaricaturedtraits.OnHalloween,participantsviewextremely
disfiguredmonstersthreateningterriblemischief.Atbeautypageants,attendees
listentobeautyqueensdescribetheircharitableworksandpersonal
accomplishments.Duringminstrelshows,audiencemembersobservedwhite
actorsincaricaturedmake-updepictAfricanAmericansassolazyandstupid
theycouldbarelyformcoherentsentences[55].Thecrudepairingofcaricatured
appearancewithunnuanced(and,insomecasesdeeplyoffensive)traitprofiles
likelyfacilitatestheacquisitionofface-traitpairings.Experimentalresearch
confirmsthatstereotypicalpresentationsofthistypeincreasebiasinobservers
[50].
8.Conclusion
Itisbeyonddoubtthatthetraitswespontaneouslyinferaboutothersexerta
pervasiveinfluenceoverourday-to-daybehaviour[3].However,theoriginof
thesefirstimpressionsremainscontroversial.Here,wehavearguedthat
examinationoftheritualsperformedbycommunitiesaroundtheworldi)can
revealtheprevailingface-traitassociationswithinthatculture,ii)suggestsfar
greatercross-culturalvariabilityinface-traitmappingsthaniscurrently
appreciated,andiii)indicatesthatritualsmaybeanimportantculturallearning
mechanismbywhichface-traitassociationsarepassedfromonegenerationto
another.
Todate,thevastmajorityofresearchonface-traitmappingshasbeenconducted
withinWesterncultures.Asaresult,researchershavetendedtostudyfacialcues
andtraitconstructsastheyareunderstoodbyWesternpopulations.Byseeking
toadaptparadigmsdevelopedinWesternuniversitylabsettingstocross-
culturalresearch,authorsmayhaveinadvertentlyoverestimatedtheextentof
cross-culturalagreementinface-traitmappings,andinturn,erroneously
attributedamajorrolefornaturalselectionintheirorigin.
17
Byexaminingtheavailableanthropologicalevidenceonritualsfromaroundthe
world,wehavepursuedadifferent,buthighlycomplementaryapproach.Our
preliminaryfindingssuggestthat,farfrombeinguniversal,boththecueson
whichthesejudgmentsaremade,andthenatureoftheinferencesdrawn,vary
widelyacrosscultures.Furthermore,thesamecuesareusedbydifferent
observers,andindifferenthistoricalperiods,toinferdifferenttraits.This
variabilityprovidesevidencefortheimportanceofculturallearninginthe
emergenceoffirstimpressions.Animportantavenueforfutureresearchisto
understandhowthisculturallearningtakesplace.Heretooritualwillbecrucial,
pointingtowardssomeofthesocialexperiencesthatleadchildrentoformand
retaininferencesfromappearance.
18
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Figures
Figure1.StaroftheUSTVseries‘ToddlersandTiaras’andLittleMissAmerica
(2012)IsabellaBarrett1.AwitchmaskfromFasching(carnival),Germany2.
1PhotobyJenniferMariePugliaCCBY2.0
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)2PhotographbyLenDog64,[CCBY2.0
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)])).
25
Figure2.TūhoeMaoriactivistTameItifromNewZealandwearingtraditional
TāMoko3.AMursiladyfromEthiopiawithalipplate4.AnAkhaladyfrom
Thailandwheresomepeoplepracticeteethblackening5.
3PhotographbyStuartyeatesatEnglishWikipedia[CCBY-SA3.0
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)]4PhotographbyGusjer[CCBY2.0
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]5Photographbymomo[CCBY2.0
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]