rock n roll nationalism

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ROCKN ROLLAND NATIONALISM:

A MULTINATIONAL PERSPECTIVE


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ROCKN ROLLAND NATIONALISM:

A MULTINATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

Edited by

Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collins

Cambridge Scholars Press


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RocknRoll and Nationalism: A Multinational Perspective

Edited by Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collins

This book first published 2005 by

Cambridge Scholars Press

15 Angerton Gardens, Newcastle, NE5 2JA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright Cambridge Scholars Press

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval

system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,

recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN 1-904303-56-0


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Notes on Transliteration .........................................................................................viForeword, Dave Laing...........................................................................................vii

Introduction, Mark Yoffe .......................................................................................xi

Chapter One. Some People in This Town Dont Want to Die Like a Hero:

Multiculturalism and the Alternative Music Scene in Sarajevo.

1992-1996, Nikolai Jeffs ...................................................................................1

Chapter Two. The Decline and Fall of Rock 'n Roll: Main Characteristics and

Trends of Croatian Popular Music in the Second Half

of the Nineteen-Nineties, Branko Kostelnik....................................................20Chapter Three. English Folk-RockAn Expression of Non-Belligerent

Nationalism, Kenneth Roseman ......................................................................33

Chapter Four. East of Rock: The Development of Finnish National Rock,

Tarja Rautiainen ..............................................................................................40

Chapter Five. Retro-Nationalism? Rock Music in the Former German

Democratic Republic (GDR), Patricia Simpson..............................................54

Chapter Six. Hungarys Cold War Rock n Roll Spring: An Interview

with Andras Simonyi, Hungarian Ambassador to the U.S., Andrea Collins

and Mark Yoffe ...............................................................................................82Chapter Seven. Conceptual Carnival: National Elements in Russian

Nationalist Rock Music, Mark Yoffe .............................................................. 97

Chapter Eight. On the Relationship of Global and Local Music Production:

Mario Marzidovek and His Independent Label

Marzidovshekminimalaboratorium, Rajko Mursic ....................................... 121

Chapter Nine. National Zapprobat: Reinterpreting Frank Zappa

Through a Patriotic Lens, Aaron Mulvany.................................................... 137

Index.................................................................................................................... 169


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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

Throughout the text we follow Library of Congress system of transliteration.

The only exceptions are some proper names that are internationally known in

different transliteration as it happens with Russian names ending in -ii, which are

rendered in footnotes and bibliographies as ending in -y, like in Dostoevsky, or

Troitsky, in accordance to a different standardized transliteration.

Also in the case of Mario Marzidovek (in the essay by Rajko Muri) the name of

hisIndependent Label Marzidovshekminimalaboratorium is spelled with -sh- as itis known internationally.


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FOREWORD

Dave Laing, London

In what has been voted one of best songs of the rock era, John Lennon asked his

listeners to imagine that there were no countries and nothing to kill or die for.Imagine is one of the most potent expressions of rock utopianism, in direct line

from The Beatles "All You Need Is Love" and leading, among other things, to

Live Aid, that practical expression of rock humanitarianism. Imagine is a plea to

transcend the barriers of the nation state in favour of a benign globalisation, and in

that sense, it is a pacifist equivalent to The Internationale.

Despite those examples and their respective traditions of internationalism, music

has more often been a vehicle for the expression of both national and nationalist

identities and emotions. Both subjects are explored in Rock n Roll andNationalism: A Multinational Perspective. In the chapter on the complexities of theretro-nationalism of certain bands exiled by the disappearance of the German

Democratic Republic, Patricia Simpson reminds us of an important distinction:

Nationalism implies a conscious cognitive and emotional decision, and thus

exceeds the contingency of national identity.

National identity as embodied in the flag and anthem of a nation state can be

construed as an accident of birth and not an ethnic inheritance; in contrast,nationalism is an ideological identification that requires constant renewal, and is

often subject to contrasting visions. In the age of president George Bushs one-

dimensional war on terror, it may be heartening for many non-Americans to read

Aaron Mulvaneys claim that Frank Zappas carnivalesque oeuvre embodies an

alternative patriotism that is both dissident and fundamentalist (in the sense of

adhering to the ideals of the original Constitution of the United States).

In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, music was an important site of the

formation and renewal of nationalism. As the work of composers such as Dvorak

and Sibelius reminds us, such nationalism was often most fiercely expressed by

artists from nations that did not have their own secure states, but were subject to

rule or threat from others. In the work of these and other classical composers, the

national alibi came by way of the articulation of western classical forms with

elements and themes from folk music, dance, or legend.


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RocknRoll and Nationalism ix

At this stage, the third great continent of music (the generally urban and

commercialised popular genres) was less commonly linked to nationalist feeling.

Instead, its connotations were those of a foreign or cosmopolitan modernism, and it

was often seen as a threat to the nationalist coalition of folk and classical styles.

Nevertheless, these imported popular musicsfrom tango and ragtime to rock n

roll and punktook on national characteristics, as they were modified by

indigenous musicians, most obviously by the translation of lyrics into nativelanguages, or substitution of lyrics in those languages.

In some countries, notably some in the Soviet sphere of influence, rock groups

were tolerated only if the words were written and sung in the national language. At

other times in the Soviet era, as Andras Simonyi, the Hungarian ambassador to the

U.S., points out, censors approved songs sung in English, since none of them spoke

English and thus were unaware of the ideological content of the lyrics. Elsewhere,

as Tarja Rautiainens essay on Finland points out, such matters have been subject

to the play of market forces as well as generationally distinct perceptions of

national identity.

A further move in the evolution of nationalist popular music was the application of

the folk or traditional music alibi to the forms of rock itself in what was often

called folk-rock or electric-folk and is now frequently assimilated to the vexed and

contested category ofworld music. Kenneth Rosemans affectionate essay dealswith an English attempt to create through folk-rock what the singer-songwriter

Billy Bragg calls (perhaps too optimistically) a rational patriotism.

Rock n Roll and Nationalism: A Multinational Perspective is fundamentally aseries of individual essays or reports on the theme of rock music and nationalism.

In reporting on this theme, the essays also tell us much about the ways in which

national popular music is transformed into, or replaced by, nationalist popular

music.

The context for most of the chapters of this compilation is the collapse in the

nineteen-nineties of the two great federations of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.

To the outsider, at least, these momentous events may seem straightforwardly to

have resulted in the creation or rehabilitation of many nation states, and the

resurgence of nationalisms previously repressed by the internationalist ideology of

the USSR as well as what Branko Kostelnik, in his chapter on Croatia, describes as

the liberal socialism of the Yugoslav federation.

These essays, however, have the salutary virtue of complicating such a view. Thechapters on the Soviet Union and its sphere of influence show how musicians have


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Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collinsx

adjusted to Russias loss of its metonymic status as the hegemonic republic of the

USSR. One of them presents the response of popular musicians to the traumatic

fate of the German Democratic Republic, the only nation state to disappear in this

era of the proliferation of new states.

This proliferation has already had its (admittedly minor) effect on popular music

culture by forcing the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) to reorganise theEurovision Song Contest. Because so many states wish to participate, the contest

now includes a preliminary competition, which results in the fact that no longer are

all member countries of the EBU entitled to have their national songs performed

for the Contests hundreds of millions of television viewers.

The reports from Croatia, Slovenia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina are equally

fascinating in their accounts of the rendezvous of rock and nationalism. Newly

independent Croatia is shown to be a site of conflict between the westernising

culture of the political elite, and a more populist trend that has reimported the

music of the recent enemy (Serbia) under a new guise. In discussing music in

Sarajevo, Nikolai Jeffs make use of Timothy Taylors application of the concept of

strategic inauthenticity to describe music that embodies a universal and

planetary code of rock culture with distinct echoes of John Lennons utopianism.

In Slovenia, Rajko Mursic narrates the adventures of a music animateur who

sidestepped nationalism and the state to become a vector in a transnational networkof musical experimentation.

Above all, Rock n Roll and Nationalism: A Multinational Perspective is a book

full of what the anthropologist Clifford Geertz called thick description, where the

authors insights into the detail and nuance of their topics will lead any attentive

reader to new understandings of what (perhaps sadly) will remain a major theme in

the study of popular culture for a long time to come.


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INTRODUCTION

Mark Yoffe

Rock n Roll and Nationalism: A Multinational Perspective, which brings together

talents of a number of observers of popular music, came about as a result of myyears long fascination with the interplay between national and international

tendencies within the rock music idiom. It crystallized at the panels of two

extraordinary international conferences ( Popular Music and National Culture,Ljubljana, Slovenia, November 2000 and Crossroads in Cultural Studies,

Tampere, Finland, June-July 2002) at which I met most of the contributors to thisvolume.

The notion of nationalism as it plays out in rock music first came to me in graduate

school (in the late eighties) when I was writing my dissertation on the Soviet rock

tradition. It continued to puzzle me through several fieldwork trips to Russia,

where I collected historical recordings of Soviet and Russian rock and interviewed

rock musicians and other members of rock counterculture.

What struck me as peculiar was the tendency, after the fall of the Soviet Union, forsome of the most illustrious members of former anti-Soviet rock resistance to

position themselves in opposition to the newly-established capitalist system. These

groups made a radical swing to the right into the ranks of ultra-nationalism.

From the moment in the late sixties when Soviet/Russian rockers began to sing in

Russian, this rock was trying to find its own true and special Russian identity.

After years of learning and self-discovery, by the mid-nineteen-eighties this

identity emerged as a clearly defined national tradition, with clearly noticeable

national characteristics. In the early nineteen-nineties this trend asserted itsspecificity by developing a peculiarly Russian idiom.

What became apparent was that the clearly nationalist and in some instances ultra-

nationalist wing of the Russian rock community had adopted an international

American-British rock tradition as its own, but used it to further a nationalist and

often blatantly chauvinist and anti-western ideological agenda.

This seemed funny and almost absurd, and probably could be dismissed as some

sort of temporary trend or cultural aberration, if not for the inventiveness and forceof talent of some of these artists, as well as their significant influence upon fans


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Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collinsxii

from different strata of societynot only disenfranchised youth from the

impoverished industrial overskirts of big cities, but often students, intelligentsia,

and bohemians.

From this observation of processes taking place within Russian rock milieu, I

became interested in looking at the mechanisms of the adaptation of the American-

British rock legacy within other national pop music traditions, and also thequestion of weather or not similar ideological shifts were taking place within

musical outputs of other national countercultures.

The 2000 Popular Music and National Culture Conference in Ljubliana (four of itsparticipants, including myself, contributed papers here) deeply probed these issues,

with an emphasis on the rock experience in former Yugoslavia. Three papers from

that conference are included in Rock n Roll and Nationalism: A MultinationalPerspective.

Rajko Mursic, a veteran scholar of Yugoslav rock music (and particularly of the

Slovenian experience), is an author of numerous monographs and articles on

developments in the Slovenian punk rock tradition. A former rock musician

himself, Mursic, Professor of Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology

of the University of Ljubljana,covers in his work the anthropological, economic,

ideological, social, and identity-building aspects of rock musics influence onSlovenian youth. His works deal with the nationalization of international rock

music idioms and with the nationalist notions underlying their development.

Mursics contribution in this volume presents and considers the system of

distribution of rock music production in Slovenia during the nineteen-nineties.

Initially, his essay may seem marginally related to the subject of nationalism. But it

is important to the understanding of the mechanisms behind nationalist rock music

development. In this context, production and distribution is an apparatus of

extreme importance, however often overlooked. It goes without saying that withouta system of production and distribution there cannot be a national pop music

tradition.

Nikolai Jeffs, a British trained scholar of Yugoslav counterculture, contributes here

a most fascinating article on the unexpected nationalist sensibilities within rock

milieu of besieged Sarajevo in mid-nineties. His finds and conclusions strike with

their freshness and an unanticipated twist of described ideological perceptions of

Sarajevos burgeoning-under-bullets rock milieu.


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RocknRoll and Nationalism xiii

Croatian rock musician, art curator, and rock critic Branko Kostelnik contributes

an unusual insiders perspective in his journalistic essay on ultra nationalism in

contemporary Croatian rock and pop.

Two other veterans of the Ljubljana conference, Aaron Mulvany and I, contribute

articles that were not presented at that conference, but were inspired by it.

Two years after the Ljubljana conference, at theFourth International Crossroadsin Cultural Studies conference in Tampere, Finland, I organized a panel entirelydedicated to the subject of rock music and nationalism, and the name of this panel

has become the title of this book.

Three of five papers read at that conference are present in Rock n Roll andNationalism: A Multinational Perspective.

Ljubljana conference veteran and independent scholar of rock music (and multi

instrument musician in his own right), Philadelphian Aaron Mulvany delivered in

Tampere (and presents here) a thought provoking, if not provocative, paper in

which he interprets Frank Zappas musical ideology as an example of positive,

constructive nationalism, a nationalism that stems from patriots pain for his own

country.

Tarja Rautiainen, professor of Music Anthropologyat the University of Tampere,

gives a most interesting account of the historical development of Finnish rock andthe mechanisms behind the Finnishization of the rock music of Finland.

Patricia Simpson, professor of German Language and Literature from the

University of Montana, contributes a profound study of retro-nationalist tendency

in the rock milieu of former East Germany. She not only gives a very informative

overview of East German rock history, but also shows how cultural and historical

nostalgia shapes ideologies behind pop music trends.

As a veteran of both conferences I choose to contribute an essay on the subject of

national carnivalesque tradition in Russian nationalist rock music, which I wrote

for this volume.

To present the issue of musical nationalism from the perspective of rock criticism I

invited Washington, D.C.-based veteran rock journalist Kenneth Roseman, who

has been writing about progressive English and American folk and roots music for

more than twenty-five years, to contribute an article on highly influential Englishfolk rock. This music has not until now been viewed from the point of view of


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Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collinsxiv

nationalism. In an article that describes and contrasts themusical approaches takenby Ashley Hutchings, Billy Bragg, and Jim Moray, he explores the relationship of

national musical traditions found in their songs to their personal national ideologies

and their ideas of Englishness.

An insiders point of view on Hungarian rock comes from Hungarian Ambassador

to the United States Andras Simonyi, who twice sat down with co-editor AndreaCollins and me to talk about the Hungarian rock tradition and his view of

nationalism in his countrys rock. Ambassador Simonyi (known in Washington as

the rockin Ambassador) is well qualified to speak on the subject. As a member

of Hungarian counterculture in the nineteen-sixties, he played guitar with his

countrys most celebrated rock band Locomotiv GT. Andras Simonyi presents his

profound from the horses mouth perspective of the Hungarian rock in an

opinioned and sometimes provocative manner.

As is apparent from the descriptions above, the contributors to Rock n Roll andNationalism: A Multinational Perspective consider its subject from vastly differing

points of view, from rock music insider, to veteran rock music journalist, to

scholars trained in cultural analysis, anthropology, critical theory,

ethnomusicology, social studies and literary criticism. Not only do the books

contributors show different angles of academic and non-academic vision, but they

write from different perspectives: from national viewing his or her own culture tosavvy international observer.

The books polyphonic tapestry of ideas, observations, views, and voices on the

subject of rock music and nationalism represent a tremendously fruitful jumping

off point for thoughtful further research into the subject.

Thats why these articles, though exciting and informative by themselves, read best

in dialog with each other. Readers may disagree with some of the authors. Some of

the essays inevitably will evoke readers counter arguments. But that is the ideabehind Rock n Roll and Nationalism: A Multinational Perspective: to provokefurther thinking and discussions of its exciting and little explored subject.

A few words regarding the geographical scope of the book (contributions cover

Finland, the United States, Bosnia, (East) Germany, Croatia, Russia, Slovenia and

England). We know full well that the list of countries where rock music and

nationalism find themselves intertwined spans the globe. By presenting a large

variety of culturally, historically, ethnically, and politically different national music

traditions, we want to underscore the universality of ideas and mechanisms of


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RocknRoll and Nationalism xv

interaction, mutual dependence and influence that can develop between rock music

and nationalist sensibilities.

Hopefully in future publications we will be able to see how these tendencies work

or dont work within the cultures of other nations.


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CHAPTERONE

SOME PEOPLE IN THIS TOWN DONT WANT TO

DIE LIKE A HERO:

MULTICULTURALISM AND THE ALTERNATIVE

MUSIC SCENE IN SARAJEVO,1992-1996

NIKOLAI JEFFS

I.

The outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992 marked the more or

less complete demise of the music scene in Sarajevo, as a number of individuals

and bands characteristic of the pre-war scene split up and/or left the city. Goran

Bregovi thus produced music from exile; Zabranjeno Puenje fell apart only to

rise to prominence again as two different bands, albeit sharing the same name,(Led by the bands lyricist Nele Karalji, the eastern wing based itself in Serbia,

while its western counterpart, coalescing around the guitarist Sejo Sexon, covered

Bosnia, Croatia, and Slovenia.); the members of Plavi Orkestar decided not only on

exile but on putting their careers on temporary hold.

Only few bands survived the transition to war intactLezi Majmune, Protest,

Sikter, and SCH. The latter proved to be a bridge, as well as pivot, between the

pre-war scene and the scene that existed in Sarajevo while it was under siege.Hence, SCHs tenth anniversary concert in Sarajevo on May 4, 1993, not only re-

established the concert scene in the city, but also represented the first large

gathering of people who had stayed behind.1

Importantly, SCHs sound and style as heard on their CD The Gentle Art of

Firing(1995), which brings together songs mostly written before the outbreak of

the war, can also be seen as forming an important context for the scenes later

production. Namely, SCH played industrial post-punk combined with foreign

language lyrics often cast in expressionist modes. These charted the fragmentation

of the society as well as the self, the rejection of a false unity and full realization,

either on the level of the subject (the bands name is an abbreviation for

schizophrenia), or in terms of its extension into collectivities of ethnicity and

nation.


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Mark Yoffe and Andrea Collins (eds)2

In the eighties SCH was relatively marginal in a city where the most successful

bands tended to performalbeit in different waysBosnianize rock music. This,

in part at least, was the case with the first Yugoslav rock supergroup Bijelo

Dugme, led by Goran Bregovi. It was also the case with exponents of the New

Primitivism movement such as Zabranjeno Puenje and Elvis J. Kurtovi. But, inthe context of the war, the delocalisation of music, as well as the awareness that a

Bosnian identity could no longer be unproblematically projected through music,

can be seen as a strategy which also casts SCHs earlier attempts of same into a

different, more influential light.

The conditions of life for those who remained in the city after the outbreak of

the war were unprecedented, but they did not dispense with the creative urge

It was necessary to find some kind of means to survive: how to find food, how to

move around the city. Only when this had been achieved could you see how muchfree time you had, and if you had any at all . . . A large number of groups started

playing, groups on the edge between life and death. You could die any moment.

Everything was dangerous. It was dangerous to go and get bread, it was dangerous

to go and visit your neighbour living across the road . . . People started gathering in

the streets, in cellars, anywhere they could play. In the beginning, they were usually

out of tune and out of practice, trying to make electronic music without electricity.2

Thus, a new Sarajevo scene emerged from the ruins surrounding it.

The concern of this essay will be to outline not only the scenes brief history

and socio-political context, concentrating on an analysis of the compilations RockUnder The Siege (1995) andRock Under Siege B (1996), but also its philosophy of

multiculturalism, as one of the most important issues relating to the cultural forms

arising out of the war, and their ability to confront the tasks war necessitates.

First though, it is important to note that the discourses and practices of

multiculturalism identified as emancipatory have usually postulated the need for

the full recognition of cultural difference based primarily on ethnic collectivities as

the enabler of a more equitable, tolerant, social, and historical dynamic.

Such is also the dominant discourse of multiculturalism in the specific context

of Bosnia, where the recognition of cultural difference postulates social space asthe sum rather than the transcendence of cultural differences comprising it.

Therefore, and to give a practical example, it sees social space as ideally

ecumenical rather than secular.

Of course, in conditions of war, the recognition of cultural difference and thepractices of tolerance arising from it seem a necessary and obvious task. However,

the hypothesis put forward here is that the philosophy of multiculturalism as

discernable on the Sarajevo scene is difference blind.

In order to understand multiculturalism as discernable on the Sarajevo scenes

appeal, it should be remembered that in a war underwritten by violent nationalisms,where cultural difference literally becomes a matter of life and death, the resolution


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ROCK 'N' ROLL AND NATIONALISM 3

of the oppositions generated by conflict can be false if the principle element that

organizes social lifebetween destruction and ethnic cleansing on the one hand

and peace and parity on the otherremains intact.

At the same time, the postulation of the recognition of collectivities of cultural

difference as offering full realization to the individual can lead to a condition, notonly of an a priori, but also singular, extension of individual identity into the public

sphere and hence the postulation offrom the part of the collectivitylife-

scripts that have certain expectations and demands with regards to the proper

manner in which individuals should act, for instance, as patriotic and therefore

also as heroic Serbs, Muslims, and Croats . . .

This can affect relations between the collectivities themselves, and recognition

of their difference can lead to a possible situation of neo-racism, which upholds

the separation of these collectivities, precisely in the name of the retention of the

ideal of cultural difference. Also, the final horizon of the cultural difference, itsend of history, is bounded and contained by its realization in state recognition

and/or state formation, rather than in the postulation of a possible society andhistory beyond the state itself, including the socio-economic forms of life it

upholds and those classes, internally as well as globally, in whose interest it is that

this state of affairs obtain.

II.

Its significant here to note that one significant background to the

multiculturalism of the scene is contained in the multicultural make-up of Sarajevo.

Bands that emerged from the siege included Muslims, Croats, Serbs, others as well

as individuals of mixed parentage. Similarly, their audiences were not ethnically

cleansed either.

In terms of age structure, at one point the scene was more or less dominated by

fifteen or sixteen year olds. This is partly a reflection of the degree to which bands

that had younger members had a greater chance of continuing playing together, asthey were subject neither to mobilization,3 or compulsory labor. Hence, younger

band members could spend more time making music.

Nevertheless, if the war opened up possibilities for a new generation, it did not

open up possibilities with regard to gender. This is surprising because waron the

most immediate level, through the mobilization of men to the frontusually opens

up the somewhat emptied public sphere for women, who fill it up and are

empowered by taking up roles previously monopolized by men. Despite this

tendency, the Sarajevo scene was, and today still is, a predominantly male scene

(in terms of band members), with women emerging only in secondary roles asradio editors, concert organizers, and music journalists, etc.


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During the war, culture was an integral part of the struggle, and music was no

exception in this. While Sarajevo would be shelled to the tunes of traditional

Serbian folk music and kolo dancing around the heavy artillery pieces, syncretic

musical forms such as newly composed folk music, known locally as novo

komponovana narodna muzika, and/or straight rock and pop, would also contributeto the drawing of real (in terms of definite topographies, locations), as well as

symbolic, boundaries of inclusion and exclusion.

In these forms, the denunciation of one group and the upholding of another (for

instance, honourable Serbs, as opposed to cowardly Muslims and Croats) was often

achieved through recourse to past historical performances. In this way, culturally

determined songs not only pre-empted the identities of their audiences,

determining certain courses of social action, but also tied them in with specific

political structures, and elites and their ideologies. This would be done through the

specific deployment of the names of historical, political leaders, or theforegrounding of various classes and formations (soldiers, military units) not only

as representatives, but also as representative of the ethnic groups in question.The musical delineation of the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion was not

only confined to extreme Serbian nationalists. Indeed, the official and government

controlled media of Bosnia-Herzegovina would also favor songs expressive of

definite ethnic collective identities. A telling example of this is the manner in

which, in late 1993, government controlled TV and Radio Bosnia-Herzegovina

would start and finish their news bulletins with a song performed by the choir from

the Gazi Huzrevbeg Mosque.This song was associated with the Muslim nationalist party SDA and was

understood by staff and audience alike as further signal of Muslim political

predominance, or even of Islamization.4 On the other hand and in the same year,

the privately owned Radio M, broadcasting from within Sarajevo, was attacked by

members of the Bosnian Army, in part for playing Serbian songs.5

This was when the city was, as is the case today, officially multicultural. The

scene itself did not abstain from the cultural, nor the actual, battles being waged at

the time

During the war, a genuine underground has been operating in Sarajevoin its

most literal meaning of cellars, garages and different improvised shelters, in time of

a total struggle for survival. For those young people this was the crucial moment of

the struggle. For many of them, a guitar in a hand had the same weight as the gun

that awaited them in the trenches after rehearsal.

The cruciality of the moment of struggle is reflected not only in the spectacular

growth of the scenethe thirty new bands to emerge from the siegebut also of

its immense popularity. For instance, segments of the radio program No Sleep till

. . , that aired demo tapes of the Sarajevo scene and were broadcast on Radio Zid,


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the citys most popular FM radio station, commanded large audiences, up to 2,000

callers per night when the telephone lines where open.

In addition, the whole scene came to represent the cultural identity of the city to

the outside world. Hence, the July 28, 1994, concert by SCH, Lezi Majmune,

Sikter, and the Moron Brothers was broadcast by MTV. Soon after, the RockUnder The Siege concert, organized by Radio Zid, powered by generators and held

during a short lull in the conflict on January 14, 1995, was described in the words

of one its organizers as . . . the best concert in Sarajevo ever. I cannot remember

better one because simply there was not any . . . Another most poignant testament

to the cruciality of this moment can be discerned from the CD compilation RockUnder the Siege (1995), which was recorded live at the afore mentioned concert.

In Rock Under the Siege, the techno funk track Rock Under Siege, byOrnamenti, uses a mixture of Bosnian and English to outline the dire conditions of

life in the city, while at the same time calling for its liberation. The song offers proof of the ability and resolve to carry out this dual task by self-referentially

drawing attention to its heavy bass line, a triumph over the conditions in a citywithout electricity.

Such a doubling of the tasks of actual and cultural liberation and the previously

quoted equation of the guitar and the gun, however, should not lead us to conclude

that there was, with regards to the alternative music scene, a coextensiveness which

recalls similar conceptions postulated in the course of various colonial, liberation,

and revolutionary movements.

One way to show the problematic relationship between the political-militaryand the cultural spheres is to show the context for the relationship between the two,

with a particular emphasis on how Radio Zid, being the patron of the alternative

music scene, entered this relationship.

Thus, Radio Zid, while undoubtedly contributing to the defense of the city and

its externalisation, can be seen as forging, on the terrain of culture, a discourse and

practice opposed to those shelling Sarajevo, and (in contrast to the political and

military command structures within the city itself) the cultural forms as well as the

nationalist ideologies underwriting them.

Needless to say, such resistance brought on problems. While the initial RockUnder SiegeCD (masterminded by Radio Zid) received international coverage andreviews in The New York Times, Billboard, and Time Magazine, making Radio Zida veritable cultural institution, reactions from the Bosnian government were hardly

accommodating. Thus, in January 1995, the Bosnian government attempted to

mobilize Radio Zids staff, a move that can be interpreted as an attempt to disperse

the enemy within.

One can easily understand why Radio Zid could be seen as a threat to the

government. Its mission was simpleto overcome all the walls that divide people

(the translation ofzid is wall). One of Zids methods for overcoming these wallswas to forge a multiculturalism that rejected dominant forms of nationalism,


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regardless of their particular ethnic affiliations, and combine this multiculturalism

with the articulation of a civil society independent of party political interests.

Thus the alternative music scene (then its own specific multiculturalism) can be

analysed on a number of different levels. As pertains to the question of genre

choice, the scene adopted and advocated what it saw as the universal andplanetary code of rock culture. Of course, there were also a few techno bands on

the Sarajevo alternative music scene. Their emergence is quite striking, because if

it is relatively easy to play proto rock on an acoustic guitar, while banging out

rhythms on pots and pans in periods when the city was without electricity, then

there are no acoustic samplers to offer the same for techno!

The specific form of rock during the siege was marked by a sharp break with

the hegemonic tradition of popular music, in rock as well as novo komponovana

narodna muzika, as it existed in the city before the war. Syncretic and hybrid, such

music scored some important domestic and international success (for instance, byKalesijski Zvuki or, more importantly, by Goran Bregovi in his Time of theGypsies soundtrack from the late eighties, or those produced in exile for the films

Arizona Dreamingand Underground.). In contrast, and for the new bands

emerging out of the siege, there was No more Balkan inspiration, folk motifs, or

traditional sounds mixed with modern trends.

The importance of this refusal can be better appreciated in the context of the

war and the earlier mentioned specific manner in which the scene entered the

cultural struggle. Forms deemed local and traditional can be considered

ethnically determinate, and as such have the possibility to play into the hands ofone or another nationalism.

Diachronically, the adoption of syncretism can signify delving precisely into

the tradition that the nationalist elites were also busy unearthing. Synchronically, it

can reach beyond urban areas (as the epitome of modernity) into the village (the

location of tradition), and reinforce what many saw as the real cause of the war: the

primitivization and ruralization of Bosnian social life, its domination by small

town philosophy. The latter is expressed succinctly below

The spirit of the small town is between the tribe and the world; it is not an urbanspirit but one opposed to the city and civilization, close, finished, petrified spirit of

the tribe, finished in the time which is gone and unrepeatable, the spirit from the 14 th

century, living like a ghost in the consciousness and soul of certain classes of the

people. It tends to revive in its unchanged form and content. The fact that its

realization is impossible leads towards a monstrous behavior towards oneself and

the world in the form of aggression, destruction and self-destruction.6

Of course, oppositions of the traditional and the modern, the local and the

global, or their tie-in with definite topographies, such as the village and the city,

are not without problems. The division between rural (traditional, monocultural,intolerant, local, closed), and urban (modern, multicultural, tolerant, global, open),


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can be seen as metaphysical and ideological in the sense that the divisions are

somewhat predicated on topographical and temporal sectioning off, as well as

hierarchization in relation to subjects, forms, practices, and ideologies that have a

simultaneous existence in the city and the countryside. Precisely because of this

simultaneity, they also refuse historicizing.However, the false opposition of the country and the city is not necessarily

resolved through its seeming transcendence as witnessed in some strategies of

syncretism and hybridity, which combine, for instance, urban rock with rural folk.

The reasons for this are similar to the reasons why such strategies do not

necessarily resolve the problem of ethnic and nationalist determination. Namely,

the composite elements in a given hybrid form can still be seen as retaining their

original auras, these being coupled, not deconstructed, by hyphenation. Even if

these forms are not specific in their ethno-nationalist designation, they can still be

perceived as postulating the necessity for a continued divide between the city andthe country, or a generalized ethnicity, as a necessary determinant of cultural

expression and of political life.In this context, the only example of hybridity on the Rock Under The Siege

compilation can be thought of as undoing the relativizing claims of hybridity itself.

Thus Vera by Bedbug, is announced as a folk song. It then leads on from a

Balkan unaccompanied vocal in Bosnian to a syncretisized Balkanic bridge with

guitar riffs reminiscent of the eighties hit Suada by Plavi Orkestar. The main part

of the song dispenses with its Balkanic elements and turns to hardcore. Sung in

English, this original seems to return its opening to its proper status, rendering itsfolk elements as sentimental and kitschy, the object of parody rather than serious

attention, superseded by a form that seems to express more relevance. It is

modernizing and universalising in relation to its predecessor.

The hardcore of Vera on Rock Under The Siege is not the exception, but therule. Hardcore as well as other subcultural musical forms were dominant on the

Sarajevo scene. Of course, subcultural forms were present in the city before the

war, but with its outbreak, their popularity was somewhat radicalised. The reasons

for this can be considered in psychological, economic, and political terms. Thus,

when Primo Oberan travelled from Slovenia to Sarajevo, he was surprised by thepopularity of raw guitar music outside main trends. Oberan first understood this

popularity in terms of a lack of a fresh flow of musical information predicated on

the conditions of the siege, but only later came to realize it as the integer of a more

emotional context of cultural reception. Marinela Domani and Amir Hodi

explained to him that

Rage Against the Machine and Clawfinger are bands, which were more popular

in Sarajevo during the war than anywhere else in the world. Both have the kind of

energy and rebelliousness that is very familiar to an isolated group of people.

Listening to this kind of music was one of the few opportunities to go wild and

forget. If, that is, you had somewhere to listen to it.7


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Important though these moments of imaginary flight were in terms of offering

temporary emotional relief from the constant pressures of war, in the context of

Sarajevo under the siege going wild while listening to Rage Against the Machine

and Clawfinger, the desire to forget the realities of Sarajevo should not be seen so

much in terms of a manifestation of escapism (as a form of final disengagementwith social reality), as it should be seen as an abstention from the tasks of its

ultimate transformation,

Subcultural forms are by definition those arising out of economic, political, and

aesthetic marginality; they are particular forms of empowerment in conditions of

general disempowerment, alienation, and dispossession. They refuse the

reproduction of these conditions by remaining outside the dominant modes of

social life. Indeed, desiring energy and rebelliousness can be read as desiring

subjectification, self-expression, and self-realization in a context in which these are

generally absent. This is an understandable emotion given the conditions of siegeand the experiences of objectification arising out of being the daily target of

bombing and sniper fire.The affinity felt with subcultural aesthetic forms not predicated on the

experience of actual and immediate warfare in its classical sense also signals just

how much feelings of frustration can traverse zones of war and those of peace.

That these feelings can engender sentiments that can be recognized by those living

in the conditions of extremity reveals the conditions of a perceived normality as

somewhat false.

Apart from this, affinity with global subculture reveals how expressions and projections of the transcendence of existing social conditions, laid down by the

political and cultural elites internal to Sarajevo, fail to arouse the same conviction.

This sense of disengagement with the narratives of these elites, narratives they

expected the minnows to sacrificially realize, is aptly caught in Karim Zaimovis

characterization of the impetus behind the Sarajevo scene: There are some people

in this town whose main goal is not to die like a hero.

Questions of language choice as well as questions of genre have an important

place on the Sarajevo scene. Here and certainly, the use of English became more

widespread than before the war. Its deployment can be seen as a way to externalizethe conditions within the city and Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole. Such

externalization could mobilize opinion abroad and hence bring about more decisive

outside interventions to end the war. Thus Meldin Hota, of D. Throne, once

substantiated his bands use of English by noting that since everybody in the city

knows about the war, the task is to communicate this experience to the outside

world.

The necessities guiding such externalization (and this argument also pertains to

the problematics of genre choice) are one reason why we cannot dismiss the

cultural forms discussed here as mere manifestations of cultural imperialism.These strategies also avoid the reproduction, and challenge the monopoly, of

the imperialist culture seemingly being internalized by the periphery. Foreign


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language use can be seen as wresting the imperial linguistic standard from the

metropolis itself. The English lyrics of the scene under siege are often marked by

individual mannerisms that evade the standard and engender a plurality within the

English itself. At the same time, such communication to the metropolis undermines

its image of the other. What is absent in this communication is the reproduction ofethno-nationalist ideology as expected of the Balkan subject. Moreover, the lyrics

on the scene are marked by a critical stance towards the socio-economic order that

the metropolis epitomizes.

Foreign language use can also internally subvert the dominant ideological and

political structures own postulations of cultural determination and necessity and the

final limits of creative freedom within these. Embarking on singing in English or

German during the days of socialist Yugoslavia could prompt an almost Pavlovian

denunciation by the authorities of these examples of western decadence or Nazisympathies. In the context of emergent nationalism in ex-Yugoslavia, the

denunciation of foreign language lyrics in popular music would be based on a

romantic nationalist view of language as the highest expression of a peoples culture

inherently springing from their land. Thus, as one authority critic explained: Some

of them write in English as if they were ashamed of their mother tongue. I doubt that

these people would be willing to protect our country if it were necessary, since they

seem to surrender to foreign influences so easily.

With the break up of Yugoslavia, such conceptions of language not only pitted

the pure mother tongue against that of the seedy foreigner, but also gave rise to thelinguistic wars paralleling the actual ones raging at the time. In this context, usages

of Serb, Croat, and Bosnian were being redefined in strict ethno-nationalist terms

in order to bring them more in line with the desired and properethnic identity oftheir speakers. The consequences of this were the ethnic cleansing of languages

for instance of Turkish elements in Serband the rise ofwar newspeak, in whichthe adjectification of ethnic identity was idiomized to serve functions of the

glorification of the Self and the denigration of Other.

Archaisms and neologisms were also used in this process, an example of which

would be Jugo-unitaristic srbochetnik bandit groups, as well the substitution of previously common place names with other ones in order to reflect the proper

ethnic identity of their constituencies.8

In contrast, the adoption of English can be used to avoid the reproduction of

such war newspeak, and hence address an audience without necessarily

interpellating it into a given ethnic and national identity. The same refusal can bediscerned in connection with the actual contents of the lyrics. These, regardless of

whether they are in English or Bosnian, are marked by a complete absence, in

contrast to propaganda songs, of positing the subject in terms of definite and

determining ethnic identities; there is no ethnic naming of the friend nor the foe,no presence of Muslims, Croats, and Serbs in the songs, nor any postulations of


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our culture and practice against theirs: nothing which could be traced back to

singular ethnic origins.

This strategy of non-naming the aggressor through ethnic designation, adopted

at the beginning of the war and then dropped by the non-nationalistic media, and

criticized by some as the expression of a false transnationalism,9 does have theadvantage of avoiding the reproduction of the ideologies of ethnic causality that led

to the outbreak of the war. In this strategy, ethnic particularization not only

engenders the process of homogenization desired by their elites, but also obscures

multiculturalism, the degree to which those defending were made up of all of

ethnic groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina (and similarly the territories they inhabited).

Thus, the strategy of avoiding strict ethno-national designation has the advantage

of pursuing precisely the point on which it has been criticized as it attempts to

erase the element of nation from social organization,10 and tries to avoid

reproducing the very terms under which the siege of Sarajevo was beingconducted.

The absence of ethnic designation (and the causality as well as homogenizationstemming from it) runs across the whole ofRock Under the Siege. Story from

Sarajevo, by D. Throne, laments a former friend who crossed over to the other

side of the frontline and was killed in action.

The song offers an explanation of the wedge between themreligious

differencein a manner that signals a lack of belief in its absolute determination.

And, where the lyrics directly address the friend on the other side and ask if he

thinks about the friendship when he turns his guns towards the enemy, his friend,the lyrics imply a refusal to completely disown the former friendship and its

intimate community, while still gesturing towards the possibility of dialogue

carried out by means other than weapons.

Such reconciliation is further underlined by the refrain It does not matter, life

goes on. Of course, this can be seen the ironic deployment of a popular saying

that enables the management of the harsh life under siege, but it can also be

understood as an optimistic postulation of a future beyond specific national and

religious ideologies and the divisions they engender.

In Story from Sarajevo, if the crossing over of the friend is posited in termsof a particularized act rather then being the a priori fate and realization of every

Serb (thereby avoiding constructing an essential and necessary link between ethnic

and religious identity), then A lot of Idiots per Day, by Grafit, again not only

avoids positing a determinate collective identity that always fully signifies the fate

of the individual, but also points to alternative life-scripts for those on both sides

of the frontline.

Thus, in English, the song sings of a women who left the city of bad rules,

where shes not been well been killing by her own. A refugee, she still remains

unhappy, for she is separated from her loved one who has remained in the city andwho, however, also realizes that My life, here is wrong, a lot of idiots per day.


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[original English preserved] These idiots, the song seems to imply, are not only

those attacking the city, but also those within it.

Another strategy that can be seen as subverting war newspeak, is the use of

irony and cynicism, both figures identified as one of the hallmarks of the Sarajevo

scene. The Bosnian lyrics of Sarajevo feeling, by the punk band Protest,celebrate conditions of life in the city under siege: one can cry with joy when there

is electricity, everybody is so happy, they just stay at home, nobody drinks water

but dew, there is no need to bathe or wash ones hair.

The song directly addresses those who have left Sarajevo either to seek peace

and plenitude elsewhere or to participate in its shelling: Our dear friends, come

back here so that you will see how we much fun we are having here.

Such ironic celebration is not only a device for emotionally managing the

realities of life and death in Sarajevo, but also one that in this context dampens the

resentment felt towards refugees, as well the charges of betrayal they had to face.Even for individuals who were most vocal in their critiques of those who had left

the city, irony, in the long term, is a safer bet than open hostility. Moreimportantly, irony is also a means to challenge censorship and the stakes of

transgression against dominant social mores and political structures. These stakes

and the responses to them were already high under socialism: in war they are even

higher. However precisely because of its celebrative nature, Sarajevo Feeling

cannot be understood as demoralizing in terms of the conditions in the city, nor in

terms of encouraging refugees to leave, a practice not only resented by those who

stayed behind, but also by the Bosnian government.The context of the violent extension of individual identity into publicly opposed

ethnic collectivities, the demands made by the representatives of the ethnic

collectivity in question or the state on individuals regarding their proper realization

(for instance as heroes), and the determinations and dangers of public space that

give rise to the objectification and reification of those signified by nationalist

discourse and living under shelling and sniper fire, can herald a retreat from public

space altogether. Rijei, (Words) by Pessimistic Lines, describes a happiness

which is distant in its temporal as well geographical sense, a present marked by

isolation, the realization of the disappearance of the individual, the awareness ofthe transience of life, and the impossibility of communication: Empty words

travel somewhere between us words travel.

Similar sentiments are expressed in Ponekad pomislim, (Sometimes I

wonder) by Hindustan Motors: the subjects realization that nobody needs him and

that he has no one to count on, leads him to a misanthropic rejection and isolation

from the world. Dark side of Me, by Beastly Stroke, is even more radical in

thisthe psychological disintegration of the Self offers an insight into the true

nature of the war. However, only the subject cares and knows about its true nature.

In this he remains alone.The subversion of the discourse of war is also contained in songs where it

ceases to be a theme and a motif altogether. The strategy is hardly escapist: while


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such songs postulate a private and public space that has not been completely

destroyed by war and colonized by nationalism, the social conditions they portray

are still those of contradiction and alienation. For example, the English lyrics of

Mainthing, by Down, take a critical stance towards a world characterized by

consumption and accumulation. Gudra, by Sikter, is a Bosnian warning againstthe danger of drugs and the problems their abuse lead to.

Here, the very strategies of representation that Mainthing or Gudra

deployan excision of war from the social fabric that does not, however, imply a

resolution of social contradictionalso work against seeing the immediate

transcendence of war, i.e. peace, as the absolute deliverance from violence,

alienation, and dispossession. Also, and through the depiction of concerns and

experiences that are immediately recognizable to those outside the war zone, they

force a different consideration of Bosnians and Balkan subjects, as well as the

seemingly opposed periods and topographies of calm and crisis.Namely, if the case can be made that The tradition of the oppressed teaches us

that the state of emergency in which we live is not the exception but the rule,11then the manner in which these songs transcend the postulation of temporal and/or

geographic difference of the state of emergency challenges the normalization

of the misery, exploitation, and violence with which those outside the war zone

themselves otherwise live on a daily basis. This transcendent manner also refuses

the displacement of this condition onto a Balkan other.

Moreover, an uncritical desire for a future deliverance from the exceptional

state of emergency or the belief that it exists with other people and elsewhere, alsoforces us back into the embrace of the dispossession and exploitation in which we

all live on a daily basis. Hence, it defers the moment through which we can

challenge the rules by which society is currently ordered.

Is such a deferral the case with songs whose departure from the realities of

Sarajevo seems complete? Examples of this are Gnus Chala, which describes a

non-compromising motorcycle road warrior always watchful of his brotherhood,

and A.P. Sound, by the band of the same name, which in tropes typical of its

techno genre, upholds the sound of the band itself as being the best in town, so to

speak, and invites the audience to display its appreciation through dancing.But, rather than seeing these songs in terms of a hedonistic deferral

reinforcement of the social order, a manifestation of repressive desublimation, they

can be considered in terms of the political unconscious, that is also motivating all

the other songs discussed so far. This reveals itself as a yearning for the full

realization of a life (precisely because it is postulated in a realm beyond pre-

existing life scripts, hierarchy, and labor) that goes beyond not only the

specificities of Sarajevo in particular and the war in general, but also the current

forms of socio-economic and political life globally.


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III.

The alternative music scene peaked in 1995 with the release ofRock Under theSiege and SCHs The Gentle Art of Firing. In October of that year, Lezi Majmune,SCH, Protest, Beastly Stroke, and Adi Lukovac participated in a festival of

Bosnian culture in Prague. Once there, however, the strain of returning to a city

torn apart by war proved too great for the majority of the participants. Thus, the

only intact returnees from Prague were Protest and Adi Lukovac (SCH decided to

call it day). With this, part of the wartime scene came to an end, as did the war

itself with the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement of November 21, 1995.The conditions as well as the actual implementation of the Dayton agreement

left a lot to be desired, even in the years following it. Internal displacement

remained a reality of Bosnian life, and the return of refugees partial if not paltry. In

addition, while there were many who wanted to return home, there were also

numerous others who had little motivation to return to Bosnia under the current

conditions of the country. The political formations that mobilized the populace into

war remained largely intact, and individual identity continued to be

overdetermined by ethnicity when it unfolded into the public sphere. This was not

only predominantly ethnically territorialized, but also still monopolized by

nationalist parties. Poverty and dispossession also remained widespread.

Of course, the new conditions of post-Dayton Bosnia prompted speculationson the nature of the scene. Thus, in the fanzine Rock Under Siege, Adi Lukovac

linked the fate of the scene to that of the country as a whole. According to him, thisfate was not only still developing but also, more importantly, doing so under

conditions of a very uncertain and unstable peace. Thus, the actual existence of a

scene as well as its future was difficult to determine: . . . in essence it exists,

however, it is same as a child, changing and growing, and I think that in a year or

two it will be completely different.12

Radio Zid continued to foster the scene with the release of the compilation

Rock Under Siege B (1996). This was followed by a concert held November 8 9,1996, featuring C.I.A., D. Throne, Pessimistic Lines, Down, Tmina, Protest,

Maelstrom, Moron Brothers, Quasimind, A.P. Sound and Adi Lukovac fromSarajevo, Deaf Age Against Gluho Dobo from the Bosnian town of Zenica, as well

as Hic et Nunc and Its Not For Sale from Slovenia.

To some extent, the degree to which some new bands replace those present on

the first Rock Under Siege reflects the flux Lukovac referred to above. However,

the overwhelming picture is that of continuity between both records. There is notrace of syncretism and hybridity; hardcore and metal as well as English language

lyrics are dominant.

In terms of the concerns of the lyrics themselves, then the retreat into the self, a

radical form of internal exile, as one strategy through which to manage thediscourse as well as actual the effects of the war, declines. This can be seen as a


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possible reflection of the relative opening up of the public spaces of the city in the

advent of peace. Nonetheless, the songs on the new compilation still refuse to posit

social causality in ethnically determinate terms and to draw the boundaries of

inclusion and exclusion according to them.

Some also take contradiction to be their point of departure from the socialrealities they describe. Through this they remind us not to obscure the geographic

and temporal oppositions that construct peace in the context of the war in Bosnia as

a specific manifestation of the end of history. They do not construct or

compartmentalize the Other in a Balkan context, i.e., as inherently ethnocentric and

violent. Also, they do not legitimise the generalized and global state of

emergency and the elites who preside over it.

A striking example of all this is the opening track ofRock Under Siege B. Thestandard metal format of CIAs Enough is not only substantiated in the guitar

riffs, but also in the songs apocalyptic imagery, this being presented in English. Itdescribes the ideology of ethnic cleansing, epitomized in the belief of one land for

one race, not in a particularized Bosnian setting as one might expect, but as aglobally dominant practice in a world otherwise marked by continuous armament

and living under the threat of nuclear destruction. Thus, Enough links the

experience of dispossession and violence as it exists across societies and culturesrather than exclusively within them and reminds us that the New World Order ishardly one of life in the bliss of eternal peace and mutual understanding.

Concerning other songs on the compilation, the overwhelming absence of the

war in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a specific and definite theme and motif is alsosurprising, all the more so when you consider that the compilation was recorded in

the immediate aftermath of Dayton, between January and August 1996.

One way to consider the relative lack of even retrospective accounts of the war

can be to draw a parallel with the experience of socialist Yugoslavia, when

precisely in the aftermath of the war of national liberation (1941 1945), and

indeed more or less right up to its demise, the constant invocation and ritualization

of war was a mechanism through which the political elite legitimised its rule, as

well as constructed life-scripts, (through which acceptable standards of behavior

and the validity of political demands were defined and judged) for the post-wargeneration.

More importantly, rather than the absence of war constituting an erasure of

historical memory, it can also be seen as an avoidance of using history. Here it is

valid to remember the deployment of history in nationalist songs, as a means of

interpellation and mobilization that could threaten the unstable peace.

The conditions of this peace (albeit in abstract terms) as the conditions of any

society, are again the object of critique. Thus, we find Not You, by Quasimind,

warning of a sense of false salvation coming from the West, or A.P. Sounds

techno track Little Ninja (To Whom it May Concern) trying to make the massesrealize the truth about the elites that preside over them, these being responsible for

rock n roll nationalism

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