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particular interest and value in that it describes the special methodological style associated with operant conditioning and discusses its differences from usual sociological approaches. The introduction to Part III begins the task of applying operant analysis to complex sociological processes such as socialization and role behavior, and to sociological concepts such as the self, social system, and social structure.

The editors have deliberately organized their book to underline the sequence of applica- tion of operant conditioning techniques and ideas from laboratory to field setting to society at large, and their presentation does give an appropriate sense of breadth and coherence of applicability. However, one might question whether sociologists at large might not more readily recognize the relevance of operant conditioning principles for sociology if their initial introduction were, instead, organized primarily in terms of the application of these principles to specific social processes, such as socialization, role behavior, and concepts such as the self, the social system, and so forth. Also, while Homans' article is provocative, it may put off some sociologists because of what they would regard as its psychological reductionism.

It is difficult, however, to find serious fault with a volume which takes the initiative in per- forming the pioneer bridging role between sociology and operant conditioning and does it in such a provocative fashion. This book may be expected Co stimulate a most productive in- terchange between sociology and psychology which should contribute significantly to the theoretical and methodological enrichment of each. Indeed, a major benefit should be derived from the fact that the combined approach should provide a unique opportunity for sociologists to develop both theory and experimental method in conjunction with one another, an important prerequisite for meaningful scientific advance.

The editors have done a masterly job of explicating the principles of operant conditioning simply and concisely and revealing their potential significance for sociology by their per- tinent and interesting selection of articles. The book should therefore be suitable not only as a reference work for professional sociologists interested in this area but also as a text for graduate and undergraduate students of sociology. Practitioners and students working in applied fields such as child development and social work should also find this volume useful. The present trend towards a behavioral rather than a psychoanalytic orientation in these areas should be reinforced by this volume.

FRANCES E. CHEEK New Jersey Neuropsychiatric Institute

Princeton, N. J.

SALZINGER, K. Psychology, the Science o f Behavior. New York: Springer, 1969. 320 Pp. $3.95 soft, $6.00 hard cover.

Traditionally, an introductory textbook is designed to acquaint the novice with the basic content and techniques--the bricks and mortar--of a particular discipline. By this yard- stick, Kurt Salzinger's book does not fall into this category. In many ways it is more, yet in some ways it is less. In these times, when psychology can be seen in flux, undergoing many changes, this may be all to the good. It is not at all certain that an introductory text has to be traditional in order to be viable.

While, in some respects, the contribution and daring of the author resides more in the sub- ject matter excluded than in the inclusions, it is important to point out, at the outset, that the psychology that Salzinger does include is far from idiosyncratic. But, by present standards,

BOOK REVIEWS 4 1 9

the topics included may well be considered "partisan" in the sense that they reflect a move- ment, a credo. And, for the most part, it is a psychology that the Zeitgeist is prepared to ac- cept. But, for the traditionally oriented, and for the romantic, something has unquestionably been lost: some part of the legacy has vanished. Is it to be mourned? As instructors, few of us would deny that those psychologies now trundling offto the common graveyard are often precisely those soft psychologies which have attracted many students to our profession. As instructors, few of us would be tempted to speculate about the road by which our disciples arrive. And, for those of us who sponsor a hardcore psychology, training is often a subtle process whereby scientific psychology is introduced to the novice amidst the pulp which tradition has tended to exhort. Isn't this what is called shaping!

What we find in this book is an attempt to present objective psychology, a technology of behavior, at a level aimed towards the beginning student. Prior attempts to delineate a technology of psychology have been aimed at the professional, so that, at least in this re- spect, the book represents a signal advance. But, by the same token, the book seems to over- state its case in its concreted effort to combine simplification, objectivity, and scientific rigor all in the one text. For instance, it is astonishing to note that, with only a little over three pages devoted to all of statistics and with hardly a mention of variability, we should find, by way of objective explanation, reference to " . . . the proportion of the variance of the selectedto that of thefoundat ionpopula t ion. . . [p. 103]." In this context, assuming that the novice knows what the term means, of what consequence is "proportion of variance" as an objective index of the relationship between measures of a variable? And, still in this context, what is a population? Could it be that the behavior technology to which Salzinger devotes this book is an incomplete technology? Could it be that there is something about an objective psychology which does not lend itself to the data currently available? According to the author, the message is clear: the trend towards an objective psychology is strong and grow- ing in both academic and applied psychology, and the student might just as well begin on the right track. But, as the example cited above indicate, Salzinger's own text refutes his message.

The clarity and simplicity of Salzinger's presentation is refreshing. However, in some areas, particularly those more peripheral to the central interests of the author, simplification has resulted in oversimplification and even error. For instance, to refer to the Orienting Reflex as an investigatory response to a novel, or at least a significant, stimulus is neither ob- jective nor even correct. Such a contention ignores thousands of citations to which the student is entitled and provides a questionable answer instead of the more appropriate series of answerable questions. Another instance of oversimplification lies in the emphasis and per- petuation of the commonly held myth that the unconditioned response in the oft-quoted Pavlovian dog conditioning experiment is the salivary response. It has taken substantial pains on the part of this writer to convince his students that what happens when you inject food powder'into the mouth of a dog is that he eats it, and that salivation is only one part of a relatively complex response act. I don't know how much is game for the sake of brevity. Sal- zinger abjures an opportunity to clarify an otherwise obscure and meaningless point as cur- rently presented.

But such criticisms are relatively trivial when taken in the context of the book as a whole. For the instructor looking for updated traditional fare, this is not the book of choice. For the instructor who is prepared to develop supplementary, really mandatory, reading materials, this book of Salzinger's is a viable, rational approach to an objective psychology.

ROBERT FRIED Assistant Professor of Psychology

Hunter College, CUNY