sandra e. trehub musical universals: perpsectives from infancy

8/12/2019 Sandra E. Trehub Musical Universals: perpsectives from infancy

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6. Musical universals:

Perspectives from infancySandra E. TREHUB

The search for musical universals continues to be inspired by the pervasive belief inlanguage universals and their innate basis (e.g. Pinker, 1994). However, there areincreasing challenges to the notion of language universals and to Universal Grammar,in particular. Evans and Levinson (2009) contend that misconceptions about cross-linguistic similarity have arisen from the consideration of a relatively small set ofEnglish-like languages. They point out that linguistic typologists have documented

important differences in sounds, meaning, and syntax in the thousands of extantlanguages worldwide. Accordingly, they argue that cognitive scientists should beattempting to account for language diversity rather than similarity. Other scholars,including Christensen and Chater (2008), are challenging prevailing notions about thedomain-specific biological factors that are presumed to underlie language structureand acquisition. They conceive of language as a complex cultural product that hasemerged in response to human social needs. Syal and Finlay (2011) also consider socialmotivation as critical for the evolution and acquisition of language.

In the case of music, there is general acknowledgement of a universal capacity ordisposition for music but much less attention to the diverse ways of expressing thatmusicality across cultures (Blacking, 1995). Even the boundary between musical andnon-musical behavior (i.e. what is music and what is not) differs across cultures (Nettl,

2005). In any case, the musical universals tentatively identified to date, including octaveequivalence, five to seven notes per octave, unequal-step scales, temporal regularity, andrepetition (Dowling & Harwood, 1984; Sloboda, 1985), are very basic as well as beingderived primarily from relatively recent forms of music. Moreover, these universalsfocus largely on musical products rather than on behaviors, processes, or functions.

1. Musical universals in developmental perspective

If there is a universal disposition for music, some signs of that disposition should beevident in early childhood. In fact, pre-verbal infants are surprisingly capable musiclisteners (Trehub & Hannon, 2006). For example, they detect subtle differences inmusical pitch and timing (Trehub & Hannon, 2009) as well as global pitch and rhythm

patterns (Hannon & Trehub, 2005a; Trehub, Thorpe, & Morrongiello, 1987a; Trehub& Thorpe, 1989). Moreover, they exhibit long-term memory for music heard regularly


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6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 6

(Saffran, Loman, & Robertson, 2000; Trainor, Wu, & Tsang, 2004), and they retainmore detail from vocal than from instrumental renditions (Volkova, Trehub, &Schellenberg, 2006). By their first birthday, if not before, infants show sensitivity toculture-specific regularities in the music around them (Hannon & Trehub, 2005b;Soley & Hannon, 2010).

Universal disposition for musical parentingThroughout the world music plays an important role in cultural rituals (Merker, 2009),fostering communal identity or goals, and regulating emotion or arousal (Blacking,1995; Trehub, Hannon, & Schachner, 2010). A cross-cultural disposition for musicalparenting is also evident. Caregivers everywhere soothe or amuse their infants with amusical repertoire consisting of lullabies and play songs (Trehub & Trainor, 1998).Lullabies are readily recognizable as such. For example, when nave listeners hear pairsof foreign lullabies and non-lullabies matched on culture of origin and tempo, theyeasily identify the lullabies (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor, 1993a), perhaps on the basis oftheir simplicity or repetitiveness (Unyk, Trehub, Trainor, & Schellenberg, 1992). Whatis remarkable is that listeners are equally successful at identifying lullabies fromfamiliar musical cultures (i.e. Western European tradition) as from unfamiliar cultures

(Trehub et al., 1993a).Although play songs also have a distinctive form, they are especially notable for theirdistinctive performances in infant caregiving contexts (Nakata & Trehub, 2011;Trehub et al., 1997). When nave listeners hear paired samples of the same song by thesame singer, one performed for an infant, the other performed informally with noaudience, they readily identify the infant-directed version (Trainor, 1996; Trehub et al.,1997), even when the language and culture are unfamiliar (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor,1993b). Listeners seem to base their judgments primarily on the singers vocal tonerather than on the measurable differences in pitch level (higher) and tempo (slower)for infant-directed versions (Trainor, Clark, Huntley, & Adams, 1997; Trehub et al.,1997). Performances for infants also have more timing regularity and greaterexpressive variations in dynamics than typical informal performances of the same

songs (Nakata & Trehub, 2011). Mothers do not seem to have conscious didacticgoals when they sing to pre-verbal infants, but they intuitively highlight the structureof the music, especially its timing and pitch contours.

Musical elements are also prominent in mothers speech to pre-verbal infants. Forexample, maternal speech involves a greatly expanded pitch range, exaggerated pitchcontours, and considerable repetition (Fernald, 1991). There are similar pitch contoursin mothers speech across cultures (Fernald et al., 1989), but the pitch intervals areindividually distinctive (Bergeson & Trehub, 2007). These signature tunesmay facilitatematernal voice recognition.

Similarly, despite global similarities in some aspects of maternal singing, it isindividually distinctive. In fact, maternal performances of the same song on different

occasions are virtually identical in pitch level and tempo provided the infants mood iscomparable (Bergeson & Trehub, 2002). As would be expected, mothers fine-tune


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their performances to infants mood or state of arousal. Maternal affect or arousal alsoaffects the nature of these performances. For example, maternal singing is moreexpressive when mother and infant can see one another than when they are separated byan opaque curtain (Trehub, Plantinga, & Russo, 2011, March). Heightenedexpressiveness in the face-to-face context cannot be attributed to mothers dependenceon infant feedback because video feedback from the infant fails to close the

expressiveness gap.Although spoken and sung interactions with infants are typically multimodal, featuringgestures, touch, and movement, researchers attention has focused largely on theacoustic features. What has escaped attention is that the visible components ofmaternal speech and singing differ substantially. For example, mothers smile andmove considerably more when they sing than when they talk to infants (Plantinga,Trehub, & Russo, 2011, June). In fact, singing mothers commonly move in time withthe music and smile almost continuously.

1.2. Universal responsiveness to musical parentingInfants are highly receptive to singing in the maternal style, as they are to speech inthe maternal style (Cooper & Aslin, 1994; Fernald, 1985). For example, infants listensignificantly longer to infant-directed singing than to non-infant-directed singing(Trainor, 1996), even as newborns (Masataka, 1999). When presented with audio-visual renditions of maternal speech and singing, infants are substantially moreengaged by the singing than by the speech (Nakata & Trehub, 2004). Live maternalsinging also modulates infant arousal, as reflected in changes in cortisol concentrationsin their saliva (Shenfield, Trehub, & Nakata, 2003).

What is the essence of maternal singing for the infant audience? The simple, repetitivestructure of lullabies and play songs is likely to make some contribution. However,expressive voice quality, facial gestures, touch, and movement seem to make a muchgreater contribution. The various vocal and non-vocal features are combined to yieldperformances that are irresistible to infants.

2. Implications

The available evidence is consistent with a human disposition for music listening andlearning (Trehub et al., 2010), which may capitalize on our capacity for vocal andbodily imitation (Merker, 2009) and on our intensely social nature (Christensen &Chater, 2008; Syal & Finlay, 2011). The cross-species disposition to care for infantsseems to include, in the human case, musical care. Although mothers are highlyselective in the music they provide for infants, they seem more focused on theirperformances. In that light, it is interesting that the search for musical universals, withsome notable exceptions (e.g. Lomax, 1976b), has focused largely on musical form


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rather than on style and context. A renewed focus on music from the oral tradition, asperformed in context, might yield fruitful perspectives on musical universals.1

1 Acknowledgements ! Preparation of this paper was assisted by grants from the Social Sciences andHumanities Research Council and the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.


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