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SANKALAN VOL. I 2006 COMPILATION OF PAPER PRESENTED BY THE LECTURERS OF THE COLLEGE IN VARIOUS NATIONAL & INTERNATIONAL SEMINARS.

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Sankalan A Compilation of research papers

Shri M. D. Shah Mahila College of Arts and Commerce

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Vol.: I-06 Year : 2006

Published by: Shri M. D. Shah Mahila College of Arts and Commerce B.J. Patel Road, Malad (West), Mumbai—400064. Compiled by:

Designing & Technical Unit

Printed by: Mahavir Arts

© Shri M. D. Mahila College of Arts and Commerce , 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form, by mimeograph or any other means, without permission in writing from the Principal, Shri M. D. Mahila College of Arts and Commerce. For Private Circulation

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Contents

1. Towards Total Quality Education (TQE) Through Quality

Control Circles (QCCS) - A Model

Sharma Deepa-- ------------------------------------------------------------- 05-14

2. Nalanda : Cradle Of Culture And Education In Ancient India

Mishra Ranjana --------------------------------------------------------------- 15-25

3. Grand Parents’ Awareness Of Technology:

A Study Across Different Socioeconomic Groups

Sharma Deepa --------------------------------------------------------------- 26-30

4. Implementing A Creativity Training Model For In-Service School Teachers

Sharma Deepa --------------------------------------------------------------- 31-35

5. Family Quality Circles (FQCS)- Quality Advances Homewards

Sharma Deepa --------------------------------------------------------------- 36-40

6. Drain Of Wealth : An Unmitigated Evil

Mishra Ranjana --------------------------------------------------------------- 41-49

7. Daulatabad: Yesteryear’s Hill Fort Revisited

Mishra Ranjana --------------------------------------------------------------- 50-57

8. Intercultural Voices of Women In Meera Syal’s Novels

Acharya Tamasha ------------------------------------------------------------ 58-62

9. The Global Effect Of English Today

Shome Mitalee, Acharya Shubha, Acharya Tamasha ----------------------- 63-69

10. Sri Ganesaya Namaha

Krishnan Prabha-------------------------------------------------------------- 70-73

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Preface

Sometimes we are so engrossed in details that we miss the obvious!!

This is exactly what our Research Cell realized when they discovered the

quantum of publications and presentations made by the faculty at various

national and international forums. We realized that despite sharing the same

world we did not know enough about the hidden potential of our confreres.

The outcome of our efforts to share the body of work done by our

colleagues is “Sankalan”- A Compilation of research papers written or

presented by the faculty at State, National and International Seminars. The

knowledge sharing may result in deliberations on contemporary issues

thereby enhancing the research environment and a feeling of camaraderie.

I hope that ―Sankalan‖ will prove to be a great stimulus to take up

more research work and publications.

Dr. Deepa Sharma

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Quality In Education

The emphasis on ‗Quality‘ in education has become a matter of concern in the

modern scenario. Globalization, increasing competition, decreasing funding, rapidly

developing technology and sociopolitical multiplicity are stimulating changes in redefining

education. The concept of Quality Control Circles (QCCs), which is borrowed from the

industrial setting, is envisaged as a strategy that will enable key stakeholders to repose

confidence in the monitoring of the quality and management of the outcomes in education.

It is rightly claimed that money is not the key to improve the quality of education;

the quality of education can be enhanced when teachers, staff and management members

develop new attitudes that focus on teamwork, collaboration, leadership, mutual respect

and transparency. The bottom line of all development is the human factor. Even General

motors succumbed to Deming only after investing heavily in expensive robots, in the

mistaken belief that Japan‘s success stemmed from high technology and not the attitudes of

Abstract

Quality in education is the foremost on the agenda of academia and calls for

deliberate, conscious and concerted efforts to ensure quality in the system. The concept of

Quality Control Circles (QCCs), which is borrowed from the industrial domain, is

envisaged as beneficial for enhancement of quality in the educational arena. The need for an

education-based model arises because the existing literature is industry oriented. A model

for improving quality through QCCs in educational institutions is delineated. The model

operates at three levels involving the students, teachers and management members. Parents‟

support is the key feature of the model. The model endeavors to address the issues of

providing quality education, improved employer-employee relations, improved

communication, improved team spirit, enhanced motivation, sense of oneness with the

institution, and increased efficiency of individuals‟ through QCCs.

Towards Total Quality Education (TQE) through

Quality Control Circles (QCCs) - A Model

Sharma Deepa

Sharma, Deepa and Kamath, Ravikala (2002) Towards Total Quality Education (TQE)

Through Quality Control Circles (QCCs) - A Model Long Island Education Review

Vol.2, Issue2, December, pp. 15-19

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workers and managers (Holt, 1993).

QCC is a group of 6-8 volunteers from the same work area / department that meets

regularly once a week, for an hour to solve work related problems. The members

receive training in problem solving, statistical quality control and group process.

QCCs generally recommend solutions for quality and productivity problems which

management may implement. A facilitator, usually a specially trained member

helps train members and ensures that things run smoothly (Subramanium et al,

1997).

Researchers (Hutchins 1985; Chandran 1986; Levit 1994) have found QCCs to be

beneficial for quality improvement because –

Everybody participates and contributes in the process of decision-making.

Problems are chosen and decisions arrived at by consensus.

Are performance oriented, not problem focused

Promote prevention - not inspection.

Are management - blessed, not management-directed

Removes management-employee divide and develop common objectives.

Facilitate harmonious relations at work place.

Bring out extraordinary quality from ordinary people

Recognize and taps the intellectual and creative potential of participants.

The concept of QCC has come to education from industry. Although the principles of

the concept are same in both milieus, the foci differ. In education, the objectives of

initiating QCCs are:

To provide ‗man-making‘ education i.e. to enable people to find the true meaning of

life and to raise the material and spiritual level of man.

To help in self-development, mutual development, organizational development and

eventually societal development.

To initiate Total Quality Education (TQE).

To make education more 'people building' by making it relevant and usable.

To build analytical minds so a scientific approach to problem solving is developed.

To inculcate a spirit of duty, responsibility and team work.

To develop a holistic personality. (Subramaniam, 1996 and ICSQCC 1997)

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QCC Functioning

The QCC process involves certain steps during problem solving. Each problem

passes through the following stages (Hutchins, 1985 and Udpa, 1994)-

1.) Problem Collection-The members create a problem bank by collecting the various

problems they face during the course of their work.

2.) Problem Selection- To determine the problem it wants to solve, the Circle lists as the

problems and then rate them. The problem getting the highest rating is chosen.

3.) Problem analyses and Solution-Every problem has underlying causes. The QCC

members establish the cause-effect relationships using the brainstorming technique and

drawing up an Ishikawa or Cause-effect diagram. Various alternative solutions to a

problem are explored to find the optimum solution, which is workable, feasible and gives

maximum benefits.

4.) Presentations-After selection of a problem, data collection and analyses the

recommendations are presented to the management. These presentations made before the

management for acceptance of recommendations.

5.) Implementation, Review and follow-up- Once the management gives its approval, the

QCC members draw up a schedule for the implementation of the proposals etc. They also

review the results obtained from the projects periodically and take follow-up action if

required.

The Present Study

The present action research was purported to initiate and assess the impact of QCCs

among students, in-service teachers and administrators from schools and higher

education institutions. The researchers were actively engaged in QCC initiation,

formation and functioning in two schools, two colleges and six university

departments in Bombay. Students, teachers, and office administrative staff were

exposed to orientation programs and interested individuals were encouraged to

form QCCs. The formed QCCs were monitored and assessed for feasibility by the

researcher. Information was sought through open-ended questionnaire, semi

structured interview, focused discussion and observation. The total number of

subjects involved in the study was 176.

In essence, the results indicated that QCCs have a positive impact on members.

Seventy eight percent of the participants stated that the QCC concept has

―potential‖ in education and is ―effective‖. The participants reported that QCCs

helped in improving quality of thinking and work efficiency, reducing stage fear,

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developing team spirit and problem solving techniques. Teachers reported that

QCCs provided them a break from drudgery of curriculum, furthered organisation

development, created a feeling of oneness, brought about attitudinal changes and

facilitated in identifying and eliminating the problems of students, teachers and

management together.

The outcomes and reported benefits of QCC activities formed the foundation of the

model, TQE Through QCCs.

TQE through QCCs: The Suggested Model

On the basis of the researchers‘ participation in monitoring, initiating and working

with QCCs in educational institutions for over six years, the model, TQE Through QCCs

(Fig 1) is suggested.

PHASES in the Implementation of QCCs

The initiation of QCCs in any educational institution must be preceded by the

development of a supporting environment for change. Once the institution clarifies its

goals and intent to its staff, it becomes easier to implement any new concept, educating

staff, training them and creating an atmosphere that supports the policy. The initiation

necessitates four phases:

1. Awareness Phase.

QCCs are a deceptively simple concept. It is not just getting groups of workers

together and giving them some problems to discuss! A major company took five years to

get to the point where it understood the concept and where the concept was working

optimally (Robson, 1982). Orientation programme for students/ staff/ management on the

basic concepts of quality can be conducted. These could be reinforced through the creative

expression of the students through debates, essays, story writing, etc.

2. Commitment Phase

Intensified awareness across all sections of the institution is the key to successful

implementation. The first step in creating conducive environment is that the management

understands, knows and is committed towards all quality initiatives. This phase also

identifies areas for improvement by introspection and brainstorming and by applying the

concepts of quality improvement individually and collectively for corrective action plans.

3. Training and Involvement

Active involvement of the entire institution is essential. Problems are identified and

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solutions attempted through teamwork and fact based decisions. Experts are invited for

training the staff, students and management members. Parents are involved either as

audience or as resource persons.

Implementation

Quality has to be "built in" rather than "inspected at the end". Every endeavour that

the institution undertakes reflects its emphasis on quality. QCCs require nurturing for

sustenance and the ‗implementation‘ of QCCs is an ongoing, continuous process

supplemented with insight and future vision.

Results In

Fig 1. TQE through QCCs

MANAGE-

STU-

Steering Com-

Teachers As Facilita-

L

L

Level -

Par-

Providing Quality Education

Improved Communi-

cation

Improved Team Spirit, Competence &

Confidence

Improved Employer-Employee Rela-

tionship

Improved Work At-mosphere & Job

Satisfaction

Sense Of Oneness

With The Institu-tion

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Level I

At this level QCCs are initiated among students. Students and teachers are exposed

to QCC orientation programmes and later on encouraged to form QCCs. In the orientation

programme the staff, students and even parents are apprised of the management‘s aim of

providing quality education and helping each individual student to realise his potential

The students‘ QCCs are nurtured by the teachers who act as facilitators. The

teacher‘s role at this level is to guide the students and monitor the development of their

QCCs. Assistance from the outside faculty is essential here.

Parents also play an important role at this level. They could be invited as resource

people for some special QCC problem solving or invited as audience to witness the

changes in their wards due to QCC participation. The parents and parents‘ association can

also help in the QCC programme by encouraging and helping the child to fully participate

in QCC activities. The success of the QCC programme depends on the working together of

parents, students, teachers and staff together to evolve beliefs, vision, mission and quality

standards of educational institutions.

Level II

At level-II, the teachers constitute the QCC members. QCCs are formed among the

teachers.

After making the commitment and real objectives of the management clear in

initiating QCCs, the teachers are exposed to an orientation programme of QCCs. Interested

teachers are given further training in QCC techniques and QCCs are initiated among the

teachers. Teachers form a link between students and management with close involvement

and deeper insights with both groups.

Direct communication/interaction with the management exists during QCC

presentations in front of steering committee. Teachers are also in direct communication

with students in classroom and in QCC meetings

Level III

Level-III constitutes the management‘s QCCs. Although the managements‘ role is

important at levels II, & I it is more visible at level III. At this level, the management

members can have their own QCC(s) and also a special QCC could be formed between

managements‘ representatives, teachers‘ representatives & students‘ representatives. This

special QCC, which is a departure from the accepted norm of having a homogenous group

in a QCC, can play an important role in improving communication and bridging gaps

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between the management, teachers and students. It also assists in implementing taken

decisions.

If QCCs are practiced at all three levels, the results will be as shown in the figure

leading to total quality education. However, initially an institution could choose to initiate

QCCs at any one level and than slowly progress to cover the other levels. It is imperative to

keep in mind that the number of QCCs initiated are far less important than number of

QCCs functioning effectively. Dey (1998) concludes that even when the departmental

environment is conducive to QCCs, not more than 3-4 QCCs should be attempted

experimentally at the initial stage. These experimental QCCs should be nurtured with

utmost care so that they do not fail. It is extremely difficult to revive a QCC experiment

once it has failed at the initial stage.

If any institution chooses to only focus on initiating and continuing QCCs at any

one level, although it can do so but it would limit the accomplishments of QCCs.

Managements‘ role in the suggested model is of utmost importance. At any level,

the management first has to make its objectives, reasons and commitment of initiating

QCCs very clear. If the managements‘ commitment is genuine, the chances of the

programmes success are enhanced.

As depicted in Fig I., the management is in direct communication through the

steering committee with the students and teachers‘ QCCs. It monitors and notes the growth

of QCCs in the institution. Also, it creates conducive environment and provides for needed

facilities for implementation of action plans. The most important role of the management is

in ―future vision‖. The management has to think ahead and plan for the future. It decides

on policies, which will result in better and improved quality education in future. In this, it

can take help from professionals from India & abroad. It is obligatory to remember,

―quality is determined by the top management. It can not be delegated‖ (Deming, 1997).

The Components of The Model

(a) The External Experts

An experienced faculty can help by giving expertise and an outsider‘s objective

view to the problems. A good training faculty will train the members to run their own

programme rather than come and do it for them. Later on he can visit to monitor the QCC

programme.

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However, it must be remembered that outside experts can teach useful tools and

offer encouragement, but they cannot do the work of transformation. A ‗yearning for

learning‘ emerges ultimately from within the organisation. (Bonstingl, 1992)

(b) Role of the QCC constituents

Although the roles of QCC Members, Facilitators, and Steering Committee are well

defined, it is important to keep the human touch intact. Keen and competent facilitators

and committed, receptive & fairly literate staff can make QCC programme a big success.

The parents, teachers, administrators and students will have their roles but they must also

share a feeling of oneness with the institution and NOT feel ―used‖. This can be achieved

only when there is transparency and truthfulness from the managements‘ side. The QCC

constituents must be given a lot of freedom within the constraints of the QCC programme.

(c) QCC Monitoring

Once the QCC program is initiated, it is the management‘s obligation, with the

assistance of outside faculty to keep up the energy levels. The top management -

Assures that in case of clash between quality and schedule or quality and cost or quality

and quantity, quality considerations will receive priority

Ensures that it create necessary environment and support systems to enable all employees

to implement the policies

Has an attitude that aims at prevention of errors or defects rather than detection or

correction or finding a scapegoat.

Makes available technical literature, relevant data and training facilities

Invites visitors to attend the QCC meetings or witness the QCC presentations.

Encourages the QCC members to make presentations outside the institution.

Appreciates and recognises QCC activities.

Be prepared for unforeseen risks and introspect if QCCs are not functioning well.

Is beware of over publicity but never keep QCCs a "hushed affair"

As highlighted earlier, the most important aspect of the model is ―future vision‖.

The management, in addition to monitor the existing QCC programme must keep an eye

on the future. It is managements‘ responsibility to look ahead, predict, change the product

(Deming, 1997) and expose its staff to the latest developments in the educational arena. It

ought to plan what goals it wants to set for itself & the institutions in the coming future.

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The Results of The Model

The model when carried out with authentic intent and actions leads to quality education.

There is improved employer-employee relationship, improved communication improved

work atmosphere, job satisfaction, improved team spirit, enhanced motivation and a sense

of oneness with the institution. The use of improved techniques in teaching develops

problem solving skills and competence along with increased efficiency and knowledge.

Education benefits by giving socially relevant and progressive education and the

resultant increased motivation among students, so even problems of poor attendance,

campus indiscipline will be resolved.

QCCs deal with the human resources of education and as Ghanchi (2001)

emphasizes ―the crux of the whole scenario of development is consideration of the human

factor as the most important end as well as the means of the process of development‖.

Although at face value QCCs may appear to be magic wands, they are not so.

Reaching out and exercising QCC principles is demanding work. It includes the ―precise

definition of roles and responsibilities, appropriate training for all staff to equip them to

fulfill their function, the constant review of procedures to guarantee that quality problems

do not arise and the use of comments from customers to identify and remedy deficiencies

as quickly as possible‖ (Geen et al, 1999). The model underscores the need of appropriate

implementation of the QCC concept in spirit and action, management support and

sustained, deliberate efforts for extensive influences of QCCs in education.

References

Bonstingl, John Jay (1992) The Quality Revolution in Education. Educational Leadership

November pp. 4-9.

Chandran, S.A. (1986) Quality circles – The Technique to Get The Total Person. Essae

Chandran Institute Bangalore.

Deming, Edwards W. (1997) The New Economics for Industry, Government and Education

Massachusetts Institute of Technology 2nd edition, 4th printing, U.S.A

Dey, B.R. (1998) Quality Circles: An Indian Approach- Part I. Management and Labour

Studies. Vol.-23, no.4, October. pp. 459-470.

Geen, Arthur; Bassett, Phil and Douglas, Lesley (1999). Quality Assurance in School based

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Initial Teacher Education. Education Today. Vol. 49, No.2 pp. 94-110.

Ghanchi, D.A. (2001) Nation, Destiny and Education. University News. Jan. 1, Vol.39, no.1

pp. 1-5.

Holt, Maurice (1993) Deming On Education: A View From The Seminar. Phi Delta Kappan.

December. pp. 329-330

Hutchins, David (1985). Quality Circles Handbook. Pitman Publishing Limited. London.

ICSQCC (International Convention of Students' Quality Control Circles) 1997 held at

Lucknow, India from 18th –20th December.

Levit, Steve (1994) Quality is Just the Beginning McGraw Hill International Editions

Robson, Mike (1982) Quality Circles – A practical Guide Gower Publishing Company Ltd.

England.

Subramaniam, B. (1996). Quality Circles- Can it be made an everlasting movement?

(Director, QCFI) Paper presented at 7th Gujarat State level Convention of Quality Circles,

Vadodara, India 7th – 8th October

Subramanian B, Nanarayana V. and Ganapathy K. (1997). Quality Circles- Concept and

Implementation. QCFI Publication, Secunderabad.

Udpa, S.R. (1994) Quality Circles- Progress Through Participation. McGraw Hill, Delhi

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Nalanda : Cradle of Culture and Education in Ancient India

Mishra Ranjana

A Paper published in “Buddhist Studies Journal” of Delhi University Vol. XXIV. 2003

Introduction Primarily concerned with social problems, Buddhist preachings, between 500 to 1200 A.D.

underwent a sea change. Two of them were very conspicuous. First, Buddhism

incorporated Tantricism, which resulted in a new Buddhist sect called Vajrayana; and

secondly, it witnessed the efflorescence of Buddhist mahasanghas, which led to firm

institutionalisation of Buddhism as a religion. All the major mahasanghas () viz. Nalanda,

Vikramashila, Odantipura Somapur, Ratnagiri, etc. were thriving religious and economic

centres that worked as catalyst for the growth. Of these Nalanda mahasangha was the most

developed and widely known educational and cultural centre, where philosophy, theology,

logic, science, medicine and even fine arts were taught. It attained great heights because of

the high standard of teaching and academic atmosphere that, in turn, attracted savants

from other countries. Nalanda played a key role in spreading Buddhism and Buddhist

philosophical schools. The sculptural and architectural remains discovered at Nalanda

confirmed a great surge of artistic activities and its influence over contemporary sculptural

art.

Nalanda in Reference

Nalanda, located at a distance of about 11 km., north of Rajgriha in Bihar, was the greatest

seat of education and culture in ancient India. Our knowledge of day-to-day life of

Nalanda depends chiefly on the account of Hiuen-Tsiang, who described the monastery as

a seat of intellectual activity. Silbhadra averred that it was not confined to Buddhist order

but candidates of other faiths who succeeded in passing a strict oral examination were also

admitted into the institution. The Archaeological excavations at the site brought to light

several imposing edifices and antiquities, corroborating the accounts of the Chinese

pilgrims.

The earliest reference to Nalanda was found in the Buddhist texts, which explicitly

mentioned the village near Rajgriha during Buddha's lifetime. According to Bhagavat

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Sutra, a Jaina text, it was a suburb of Rajgriha called Bahirika, where Mahavir had met

Gosala Maukhaliputta, the head of Ajivika sect. Sutrakritanga, a Buddhist text, mentioned

that Nalanda had a few hundred buildings where Lepa, one of the prosperous natives,

offered his hospitality to Buddha. Buddha visited the place several times with his favorite

disciple Ananda and Lepa later became his disciple. ()

Taranath, a Tibetan pilgrim, had mentioned in his work that Nagarjuna and Aryaveda,

exponents of Madhyamika philosophy, took interest in educational institutions of the

place. He averred that Suvisnu, a contemporary of Nagarjuna, established 108 temples at

Nalanda to prevent the decline of Buddhist philosophy. () According to Sankalia, an

archaeologist, this tradition could not be older than the second century A.D. () It appeared

that Nalanda was famous as a religious centre long before the Christian era and became

educationally important by the second century A.D. Nalanda was a prosperous educational

centre when Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang visited the place and studied there during the

first half of 7th century. The royal patronage helped the Nalanda mahasangha to grow into a

prestigious residential university.

The rulers of different dynasties, such as the Guptas, the Vardhanas, the Maukharis and the

Palas played their respective roles in the significant development and maintenance of the

mahasangha. The Nalanda stone inscription () of the time of Yasovarman, dating back to

first half of the eighth century, mentioned that a minister's son Malada in Yasovarman‘s

kingdom donated one aksyayanivi (probably a money endowment) for the perpetual

offering of various items to the monks. Hieun-Tsang also described the early royal

patronage for the mahasangha. () He mentioned that six monasteries built over the years by

many kings constituted the Nalanda establishments during his time. In his time the king,

Sankaraditya, remitted the revenue of about 100 villages for the endowments of the

convent.

I-Tsing, who came to Nalanda more than 40 years after Hiuen-Tsiang mentioned that

'Nalanda' was built by an old king, Sri Sankraditya. () Both the Chinese travelers mentioned

the name of Sakraditya as the first king who built a mahasangha at Nalanda. Sankaraditya

had been identified with both Kumargupta I and Kumargupta II. Whatever might be the

exact identification of the king mentioned by Hiuen-Tsiang, they certainly belonged to the

imperial Gupta lineage who reigned in the late fifth and sixth century. Seals and sealing

excavated at the site demonstrated that Gupta kings were among the earliest patrons as

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much of culture and education as of monastery. () Sankalia had taken 425 A.D. as the most

approximate year of the royal establishment of the university. () He further remarked that

Nalanda as a university came into existence only during the reign of the early Guptas.

Continuation of the royal patronage was supported as much by epigraphic materials as by

accounts of Hiuen-Tsiang and others. After the Guptas, Harsha was one of the most

distinguished royal benefactors of the mahasangha. It appeared that after establishing his

authority over Magadha, Harsha provided Nalanda with generous endowments. He

constructed a great mahasangha adorned with brass plates () and a high wall around all the

buildings. ( ) Hiuen-Tsiang further referred to one Purnavarma, the last of Maukhari king,

who presented to Nalanda a figure of Buddha, made of copper, 80 feet in height, standing

upright and constructed a pavilion of six stages for it. ()

The Pala rulers of Bihar and Bengal were great patrons of learning and art. They made

generous endowments to the convent at Nalanda and championed the cause of education

in general. Gopala, the first Pala king, according to a Tibetan tradition, had also constructed

a monastery at Nalanda in 8th century A.D. () Dharmapala, the successor to Gopala had

patronised educational institution in various ways. The copper plate inscriptions of his

period described him as a great patron of education as he was the founder of Vikramsila

and Somapuri mahasangha for higher Studies. () Education expanded during his reign as

never before. Nalanda had acquired the patronage of a king from far off Suvarnadvipa

(Sumatra) and Yavadvipa (Java). The Nalanda copper plate of Devapal () had mentioned

that king Balaputradeva of Suvarnadvipa built a monastery at Nalanda and requested king

Devapala to grant villages for maintenance of monks and vihara. Other Pala kings such as

Gopala II, Mahipala I, Ramapala and Govindpala had patronised too Nalanda in various

ways. The ties between the Buddhists in eastern India and South east Asia were

strengthened at this time and were of significant consequences in subsequent centuries

when the Buddhists, harried by the Turks and Afghans, fled and sought refuge in the

monasteries of South east Asia. All these inscriptions and copper plates of different

dynasties had proved beyond doubt that there was a great monastery 'Nalanda' that

existed between 1st. to 13th centuries A.D. through the patronage of various kings of

different dynasties.

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It appeared from the account of Hiuen-Tsiang that there were atleast six colleges at

Nalanda () I-Tsing, who spent a decade at Nalanda mahasangha between 635-645 A.D., had

also mentioned in his account that there were atleast eight halls and three thousand

apartments occupied by equal number of monks. The land in its possession contained more

than two hundred villages. () They might have been bestowed by various kings of different

dynasties.

According to the Tibetan accounts, Nalanda had a well equipped grand library called

Dharmaganja, which consisted of three magnificent buildings called Ratnasagara,

Ratnadodhi and Ratnaganyaka respectively. The Ratnadodhi was a nine storey structure,

treasuring valuable sacred texts particularly the Prajana paramta sutra and Tantric

collections. It helped the teachers and the students in their constant quest for truth and

wisdom.

Remains as witness

Archaeological excavations at Nalanda have brought to light extensive remains of a great

monastic establishment. () The excavations showed that these monasteries had undergone

numerous phases of rebuilding. The first block of buildings at southernmost end of the

eastern row of monasteries, known as site No. 1 revealed at least nine such constructions.

These stupas or temples provide new insight to the architectural grandeur of Nalanda,

besides providing evidence about religious aspect of the learning.

The great stupa at site No. 3 was the most important and sacred of the buildings at

Nalanda. It was perhaps the principal sanctuary of the mahasangha. The stupa facing the

north is said to be the result of seven successive stages of construction. () The main body of

the shrine was decorated with niches and pilasters having stucco images of Buddhist

Pantheon. There was a Brahmanical temple known as the Pathar Gatti at site No. 2. It was

the only structure at Nalanda where stone was used as building material. It had 220

sculptured panels including the ones that had fallen from their original place around the

perimeter of the plinth. The themes of these panels vary widely, but not a single Buddhist

deity could be identified among them. In the present state, it was not possible to co-relate

the actual remains of monasteries with the accounts left by Hiuen-Tsiang, I-Tsing and

others. The difficulty arose because of the numerous additions, alterations and

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modifications of the site and buildings. It ought be remembered that numerous mounds in

the vicinity still await archaeologist's spade.

Available sources demonstrated that almost all the branches of learning, Buddhist as well

as non-Buddhist, were taught and included in the academic curriculum at Nalanda.

Altekar remarks ―Educational institutions usually mirror the ideals of a nation and enable

us to understand the spirit of civilization. Hwui Li, the biographer of Huien-Tsiang

mentioned () that students, apart from studying the great vehicles and the 18 sects, studied

too other works such as the vedas, the Hetuvidya, Sabdavidya, the Chikitsavidya, the work

on magic (Atharveda), the Samkhya; and the miscellaneous work‖ () Hiuen-Tsiang himself

studied the Yogasastra (Yoga), the Nyaya-Anusasna-Sastra (Law), the Sabdavidya

(Etymology) and work on Mahayana such as the Kora, Vibhasa etc. at Nalanda. () The

students and scholars who sought admission to Nalanda were supposed to have deep

knowledge of all the above-mentioned subjects. Hiuen-Tsiang noted that it was

prerequisite for prospective students to have a fair grounding of old and new school of

thoughts for getting admission. () H.D. Sankalia stated that knowledge of Sanskrit was

essential for Buddhist and Hindus alike, who wanted to pursue their studies in University.

() The aspirants had to undergo a strict admission test and satisfy erudite scholars through

discussions. () After being admitted, a student was not required to take up all subjects

mentioned earlier, it seemed they chose selective subjects for specialisation. However, some

branches of knowledge were compulsory for Study. () All the students at Nalanda had to

study the Mahayana doctrine besides all the eighteen schools of Buddhism. By that time

Mahayana consisted of at least two schools - Sunyavada and Vijnanavada. Among all the

doctrines of Mahayana, the ―sky flowers‖ doctrine was more popular at Nalanda. The

Surangama sutra composed by Dharmapala at Nalanda fully explained this doctrine. It

propounded that ‗all objective phenomena were only, like sky-flowers, unreal and

vanishing'. ()

Quest for Knowledge

The great pandits at Nalanda composed and interpreted many a work to propagate the

Mahayana cult. Logic, as a curriculum was very popular among students. Buddhist, Jaina,

Samkhya and other schools of thought had their own system of logic. Dinnaga, one of the

greatest pandits of Nalanda () was credited with bringing logic to prominence. He

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composed Nyayadvara, Nyayapravesa and Pramanasamuccaya. The principal contribution of

Dinnaga appeared to be the rejection of Upanaya and Nigmana as superfluous. For the first

time he discussed the significance of the middle path for inference and theory of reasoning.

As a result, the doctrine of the three phases and ca-asattvam of Hetu, enumerated in

Paksadharmatvam, Sapaksha Sattvam and Vipaksa ca-asattvam was propounded by him.

I-Tsing claimed that after Dinnaga, Dharmakriti made a further improvement in logic. The

pandits of Nalanda mahasangha composed encyclopedic work dealing with theology

philosophy, logic, grammar etc. to disseminate knowledge. One of such works was Tattva

Sangraha composed by Santaraksita and its commentary called the Paanjika written by his

pupil Kamalasila. () Santaraksita examined different schools of thought that included

Samkhya, Nyaya, Vaiserika, Mimamsa, Jaina Lokayaa & the Vedanta. Both these eminent

philosophers, had strengthened by their writings the foundations of Vijnanvada laid down

by Asanga. The work showed that Nalanda was not only a Buddhist educational centre but

a universal centre for learning, where all subjects Buddhist and non-Buddhist were taught.

Nalanda was a renowned centre for Tantric studies. Tantra was a very popular subject both

with the students and Pandits (Teachers). Several tantric works had been ascribed to the

pandits of Nalanda in China. () Tibetan books contain various references to Nalanda as a

centre of Tantric studies besides mentioning the name of Kamalasila as a great teacher of

Tantra. The Nalanda copper plate of Devapala mentioned that ―Nalanda was the abode of

Bhiksus (saints) and Bodhisattvas (scholars) well versed in the Tantra. () The sole aim of the

Tantrics was to obtain siddhi or the Guhyasamaja and the Sadhanamala evidenced

enlightenment, which is defined as the attainment of superhuman powers of the mind,

body or the sense organs as. Subsequently, Tantrayana was developed into Vajrayana,

Kalacakrayana and Sahajayana, in which scholars of Nalanda played a vital role. One of the

main contributions of this aspect of Nalanda education seemed to be the development of

the Buddhist icnographic school. A host of images were made according to the description

given in the mantras or sadhanas. Nalanda was a unique educational centre of ancient

India in a sense that it was not only famous for religious studies but also for astronomy. I-

Tsing gave a detailed description of a clepsydra and it mentioned that water clock was

there to determine the right time. () Hiuen-Tsiang‘s biographer Hwui Li gave an interesting

description of observatories. These references showed that there was an astronomical

observatory at Nalanda. The presence of an observatory proved beyond doubt that

astronomy formed an integral part of the educational curriculum.

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The glamour and glory of Nalanda, as a "Temple of Learning" spread far and wide. The

students from abroad and different parts of India flocked to Nalanda to quench their thirst

of knowledge. At the time of Hiuen-Tsiang, the total number of resident monks was as

high as 10,000 of which 1,510 were in the rank as teachers. 1000 monks could explain

twenty collections of sutras and sastras; 500 could explain 30 collections and perhaps 10,

including Hiuen-Tsiang could explain 15 collections‖.()

The account of Hiuen-Tsiang clearly revealed that the principal method of teaching was

tutorial. Both Hiuen-Tsiang and I-Tsing had noted that the students acquired much of the

knowledge through group discussions. () The biographer of Hiuen-Tsiang, Hwui Li said

that ―within the temple everyday they arranged about 100 pulpits for preaching and the

students attended these discourses without fail. () According to Mookerji, a hundred

different subjects were taught daily to many students and that work was continuing in all

the colleges throughout day and night, except those prescribed for sleep.() It seemed that

teaching on the whole was tutorial and great attention was paid to the needs of individual

students.

Religion and Art in practice

Nalanda was not only a centre of learning but was also a centre of contemporary art

movement. The theological teachings did not consist of only theoretical studies, but the

students had to observe the religious rites and worship of the images as prescribed by the

texts. Individuals as well as collective worship of the idols by the students were perhaps a

distinctive feature of the Nalanda curriculum. I-Tsiang, while describing the daily routine

at Nalanda recorded that morning bath was followed by the ablution of an idol of gold,

silver, copper or stone in the temple by resident members. () He too mentioned that in

individual apartments of a monastery, the priest used to bathe the idols carefully everyday

without omitting any ceremony. () Perhaps this mode of worship was mainly responsible

for the mass production of idols at Nalanda. ()

Interesting to note here that neither Hiuen-Tsiang nor I-Tsing spoke of any of the Tantrik

idols and their worship. Hiuen-Tsiang referred only to the idols of Tara, Avalokitesvara,

Hariti, () Buddha and Bodhisattva while I-Tsing mentioned the idols of Buddha and Hariti.

() However, a fairly large number of tantric and brahmanical figures had been discovered at

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Nalanda. These sculptures were more formalised than the Sarnath figures. From the eighth

century onwards independent stone and bronze figures were made at Nalanda on a mass

scale.

Development in Mahayana Buddhism known as Tantryana, and in their later forms,

Vajrayana and Kalacakrayana influenced the artistic activities too. The collective worship

of idols was gradually replaced by individual worship in accordance with Sadhana. This

form of worship necessitated the production of numerous idols to cater to the growing

demands. Figures of Buddha, Maitreya, Manjushri, Avalokitisvara, Hariti and Tara

continued to be made in large numbers. The figures of Prajanaparamita Vasudhara,

Trailokyavijaya, Heruka, Jambhala, Marici, Yamantaka, Vajrasattva, Aparajita, Manjuvara

and Vajrapani were now added.

Nalanda's contribution in the art of bronze castings was of very high order. No site in the

entire subcontinent had yet yielded as many bronze idols as Nalanda. These figures

reflected a broad range of style and quality. The bronze figures were more ornate than

their counterparts in stones. Many images of Nalanda bronze had close resemblance with

the bronze images of Java. The Javanese bronze images were considered by some Dutch

scholars as strongly and directly influenced by Nalanda metal imagery. ()

Barnet & Kempers, by a critical and detailed study of the art of both Nalanda and Java, had

shown that the Javanese metal images had only a superficial resemblance to the Nalanda

metal imagery. () A close cultural relation between Java and Nalanda was proved by the

Nalanda copper plate of Devapala. As the metal casting art was at its peak at Nalanda

during this period, it was presumed by scholars that it must have had influence on

Javanese artists. Historian Mookerji suggested that Dhiman and Bitbalo were teachers of

Arts and Crafts at Nalanda. It appeared that the artists flocked to Nalanda in the pursuit of

knowledge due to the presence of master craftsmen and permanent residential workshops.

The master artists imparted training of iconography and the students then moved to

different contemporary monastic centres to disseminate their acquired knowledge.

Nalanda was a torchbearer of Indian culture and contributed immensely to disseminating

knowledge and spreading Buddhist thoughts and religion abroad.

Chinese and Japanese looked upon Dinnaga, a teacher of Nalanda and his works with great

admiration in the later part of the 5th or early 6th Century A.D. The Tibetans knew

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Sthiramati, a distinguished pandit of Nalanda, as a great interpreter. Santaraksita, a

distinguished philosopher, logician and tantric of Nalanda, had the distinction of being the

first pandit who was officially invited to Tibet by the king Khir-son-den-stan. On his

advice, Padmasambhava, a great Tantric scholar of Nalanda, was also invited there. Both

the pandits erected a monastery in Tibet after the model of the monastery of Odantapuri in

about 749 A.D. Santaraksita was the first abbot of this new monastery called BSAN-YE. He

propagated Buddhism in Tibet for 13 years till his death in 762 A.D. Padamasambhava

founded Lamaism in Tibet. Komalasila, another teacher of tantra at Nalanda, was specially

called to Tibet on the request of Santaraksita to defeat Hoshang, a great pandit from China,

in debate and he did that without any difficulty.()

In the beginning of the 8th century, Subhakara Simha, a pandit of the Nalanda mahasangha,

went to China and translated many Sanskrit work into Chinese. He was appointed there as

a member of the Imperial Board for the translation of Indian Buddhist Texts. The emperor

Thei-Tsun conferred upon him the title of Kwhan Kai-Tash in recognition of his services

rendered in the propagation of Buddhism in China.

The Nalanda mahasangha created an intellectual fervor among the knowledge seekers of

India and abroad. Besides the princes of Magadha, () Kashmir, Kanchipura, () Samatata, and

() Purusapura, () truth seekers from China, Tibet and Korea came to study at Nalanda. ()

Nalanda was perhaps the only known educational centre for higher studies in India that

attracted a king of foreign land - King Balaputradeva of Java & Sumatra - to erect viharas

for Students. () After the visit of Hiuen-Tsiang and preceding I-Tsing, about 57 pilgrims

from China, Japan and Korea had visited Nalanda for studies.() Students from abroad

continued to come to Nalanda in search of knowledge and learning. Thomni, son of the

minister of the Tibetan king Srong-Tsan, came to India to acquire knowledge in the art of

writing and studied at the great monastery of Nalanda. () Dharmasvamin, a Tibetan monk,

visited the place about 1234 A.D. when the grandeur of mahasangha had faded but

Nalanda till then was the seat of higher grammar studies. ()

Nalanda was undoubtedly the cradle of Buddhism. Through the ages it acted as a beacon

of hope in disseminating spiritual message of the enlightened ones. Sometimes, historians

find it quite baffling and perplexing that an institution that was once at its zenith as the

fountain head of knowledge, and attracted native and foreign scholars came to a sudden

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end. There were two possible reasons advanced to argue this point: i. the decline of the

Gupta empire and weak rulers of other dynasties who had subsequently patronised it, and

ii. Various onslaughts of foreign invaders, especially Muslims, who had pillaged its

libraries, burnt and demolished its monasteries and killed the scholars. Educational

institutions can flourish only under good governance and stable society, because such

institutions were not financially viable, although it ever provided an important input to

sustainable economic development.

Conclusion

Prof. G. Navalkar, feels that the rise of Vikramsila must be the outcome of the decline of

Nalanda. He opines that with the schism in Buddhism, came a new school of thought

known as vajrayana. All the old abbots of Nalanda refused to adapt themselves to the

changing situation. They refused to change the curriculum. As a result, the students started

going to Vikramsila, patronised by Pala kings to further their knowledge, in tune with the

changing times. But Nalanda played a determing role in the propagation of knowledge

and it is indeed commendable that modern tenets of education were conceived at such an

early period. Nalanda was thus a great seat of education and culture. The academic

curricula, the representation of Brahmanical deities along with Buddhist images and the

concept of Chaityas all testify to the general religious catholicity and universal character of

the institution. Similarly, the structure of buildings and stupas, their architectural design

and planning, the art of making metal idols for worship and all other related edifices are

symbols of a fundamental material culture that imbued a sense of spiritual purity in the

society. The spiritual culture of the time was therefore laden with worship of deities,

intellectual discourses on religious matters at a philosophical level and resultant verbal

epithets for moral behavior in the society. Aside from these material and spiritual culture,

most striking was the emphasis on physical well being of the society. The inmates of the

Monasteries at Nalanda were doing yoga were witness to their integral approach to life. A

combination of all these - material, spiritual and physical- made Nalanda a cynosure of all

eyes and citadel of a unique culture.

Mahasangha or ‗great monastery‘ was a massive complex consisting of several smaller sanghas. In other words it was a great university consisting of several colleges, as such it was in itself, the academic centre of India. These were of two kinds

Sanghas and Shrines ; Sec. A.K. Narain, Studies in History of Buddhism, Wisconsin, 1976, P. 197.

Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Parts III and IV, 1918, pp. 266-280. Taranath, History of Buddhism in India, Potala edition, 1946, tr, Lama Chimpa and Alka Chattopadhyaya from Tibetan

Chronicles, Simla, 1970, P. 274. H.D. Sankalia, The University of Nalanda, Madras, 1934, P. 41. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX, pp. 43-44.

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Hieun-Tsang, Buddhist Records of the Western World, translated by Samuel Beal, Calcutta, 1958, P. 170. Hwui Li, The life of Hiuen-Tsiang, translated by Samuel Beal, New Delhi, 1973 reprint, P. 112.

S.R. Gopal, A History of the Imperial Guptas, Allahabad, 1967, pp. 321-324.

Sankalia, op.cit, P. 57. Hwui Li, op.cit, P. 159.

Hiuen-Tsiang op.cit II, P. 170. Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit, II, P. 174. R.C. Majumdar and A.S. Atlekar Ed. The Vataka - Gupta Age, Banaras,, 1954, P. 44.

ASI, AR, 1926-27, pp. 138-139. Epigraphia Indica, XVII, P. 310-327.

Huien-Tsiang, op. cit, II, P. 170. J. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practiced in India. India and Malaya Archipelago by I-Tsing, Oxford, P. 65.

D.B. Spooner, A.S.I.A.R (E.C.) 195-176 to 1977-118, Hiranand Sastri A.S.I.A.R.E.C. 1919-20 to 1921-22 to 1928-29, P. 128-132, A. Ghosh. The City Early Historical India, Simla, 1973, pp. 306-328.

J.A. Page, A.S.R., A.R. 1926-27, pp. 128-132.

A.S. Altekar, Education in Ancient India, Varanashi, 1951, P. 1 Hwui Li, op. cit., P. 112. Ibid, P. 121

Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II, P. 170.

H.D. Sankalia, op.cit., P. 166. Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II P. 170.

Hwui Li, op.cit., P. 112. Ibid, P. 159. Tsing, op.cit., P. 186-187.

G.O.S. N. XXX

P. Cordier, Catalogue du Fonds Tibetian de la Bibilothique Nationale. Epigraphica Indica, P. LXXXV.

I-Tsing, op.cit., P.P. 114-146. Hwui Li, op.cit., P. 112. Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II, P. 170.

Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II, P. 170. I-Tsing, op.cit., P. 177.

R.K. Mookerji, Ancient Indian Education, London, 1947, P. 120. I-Tsing, op.cit., P. 120. Ibid, P. 149.

Ibid, P. 149. Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II, P. 103-174.

I-Tsing, op.cit., P. 37.

D. Barnet - Kempers, The bronzes of Nalanda and Hindu Javanese Art, London, 1913, PP. 10-11. Ibid, PP. 70-77.

Das, Indian Pandits in Tibet, JBTS I PT, I, pp. 1-31. J. Takakusu (Trans) A record of the Buddhist religion as practiced in India and the Malay , Archipelago by I -Tsing, Delhi,

1966, P. 44. Hiuen-Tsiang, op.cit., II, P. 288.

Ibid, P. 110. Takakusu, op.cit., P. 35. S. Beal, Si Yu Ki Buddhist records of the western world, London, 1883, P. 556.

E.1, XVIII, P. 327. Beal - J,RA.S., XIII (IV.S), P. 556.

Das, Indian Pandits in the land of snow, pp. 47-48. Sankalia, op.cit., P. 237.

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Grand Parents’ Awareness of Technology: A Study

Across Different Socioeconomic Groups

Sharma Deepa

ABSTRACT

The study to ascertain the impact and awareness of technology among grandparents was

conducted for a sample of 89 pairs of grandparents across three socio-economic groups. The criterion

for sample selection was grandparents living with their grandchildren who were between the ages of

3yrs. to12yrs. Interview schedule was used for data collection. The results of the study revealed that

grandparents of low socio economic group lag severely behind in their technological awareness as

compared to middle and high socio economic group grandparents. Grandparents of high

socioeconomic status were significantly more aware about technology. No significant difference was

found between grandfathers and grandmothers with in the same socioeconomic group. Overall

technology does not have a significant influence on grandparents. Grandparents do not feel

threatened by the advances in technology and opined that it is not “their times” to keep up with

technological advances.

Nair, Vinita; Sharma, Deepa and Kamath, Ravikala (2003) Grand Parents’ Awareness of Technology: A Study Across Different Socioeconomic Groups Ageing And Society,

Vol. XIII, No. I & II, pp. 17-23, June

INTRODUCTION

Technology has changed our lives including the lives of elderly in the twentieth century

more rapidly than in any other age. Never before has technological advancements

introduced so much change in the world of work, family life, leisure, health care, religion,

and education. Technology has become particularly important because of the explosion of

knowledge and its technological consequences and the rise of the number of the aged. The

technological progress in transport, communication etc. has resulted in the exposure of the

aged to the multiple culture of the world (Mammen and Sanders, 1992) 1.

Some of the favourable outcomes of technology have been reduction in workload,

facilitating communication and reduced stress (Roberto and Stroes, 1998) 2. Rapid

technological changes have helped to solve problems that were unsolvable in earlier

decades. Recent applications like portable telephone, alarm systems etc. have also helped

the elderly (Lessnoff &Caravaglia, 1988) 3.

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The study to understand the influence of socioeconomic group to awareness regarding

technology was taken up with the following objectives in consideration-

To ascertain the awareness & impact of technology on grandparents in the different socio-

economic groups.

To determine grandfathers‘ awareness of technology in the different socio-economic

groups

To determine grandmothers‘ awareness of technology in the different socio-economic

groups

MATERIALS & METHODS

Eighty-Nine pairs of grandparents from three socio-economic groups formed the

sample of the study. Twenty-five pairs of grandparents from low socio-economic groups,

Thirty-two pairs of grandparents from middle socio-economic and Thirty-two pairs of

grandparents from high socio-economic group were selected for the study. The criterion of

sample selection was grandparents who lived with their grandchildren between the ages of

Three and Twelve years.

The tool used for data collection was an interview schedule as it elicits unrestricted

and in-depth information in an informal and natural set up. To study the awareness and

the impact of technology, an interview schedule consisting of open and closed questions

was constructed pertaining to the areas of ―banking & finance, transport & electronic

media‖. After pilot testing the schedule and making necessary changes the tool was used

for data collection. No time limit was set for completion and the subjects answered at their

own pace.

The data obtained was coded and analysed both qualitatively and quantitatively.

Based on the objectives, the means, standard deviations and ANOVA were calculated. The

qualitative analysis is depicted through percentage graphs.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The study was undertaken to ascertain the awareness and impact of technology on

grandparents. When the over all impact of technology was assessed, it was found that

grandparents are not influenced by technology. Grandparents‘ awareness regarding

technology was not found to be statistically significant.

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During interviews the grandparents reported that they do not feel threatened by the

advances in technology and feel it is not ―their times‖ to keep up with the technological

advancements. They said that they have ―already lived their lives‖ and do not want to take

up the challenge of keeping track of the latest technology. However some reported that if

their children or grandchildren took the initiative of teaching them they would not mind

learning ―few new things‖. These reflections assume importance as they indicate the need

of taking initiatives by the young ones to reach out to the aged. The findings are also

indicative that the grandparents may hesitate to take the initiative themselves and the first

step should come from the younger generation.

Comparison between grandmothers and grandfathers‘ awareness levels revealed

that within the same socioeconomic group there were no significant differences between

grandmothers and grandfathers‘ awareness levels. All the same there were significant

differences found in the awareness levels between the socioeconomic groups.

Grandparents from high socioeconomic group were found to be significantly more aware

of the technological advances as compared to the middle and high economic groups.

To ascertain the differences in perception regarding the influences of technological

advances between the socioeconomic groups ANOVA was carried out. The results are

presented in table 1.

Table 1 depicts that grandparents of high socioeconomic group are significantly

more aware about technology. Grandparents of low socioeconomic group are lowest in

their awareness regarding technology. It also indicates that the socioeconomic group of the

grandparents affects the level of technological awareness.

These findings corroborate with the findings of Vijay Kumar (1999) 4 who

commented that high socio-economic class generally kept themselves abreast of

information as compared middle socio-economic group who relatively lagged behind. The

low socio-economic groups have poor exposure levels hence have inadequate information.

A comparison between grandmothers across different socio-economic group for

technological awareness revealed that grandmothers of high socio-economic group were

high in their level of awareness in contrast to grandmothers of low socio-economic group

who were low in their level of awareness. Comparison between grandfathers across socio-

economic group revealed similar results where grandfathers of high socio-economic group

were significantly more aware about technology as compared to low socio-economic

group.

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These results were corroborated during interviews where grandfathers and

grandmothers from high-economic group opined that keeping themselves informed was

one of their priorities. Grandparents from low socio-economic commented that paucity of

time was the chief constraint in keeping pace with technological advances as they were

required to put their resources in the home front. Another main reason reported was

inaccessibility to the technological advancements.

However when statistical analysis was done to ascertain the difference between

grandfathers and grandmothers with in the same socioeconomic groups, no significant

difference was found. This finding is interesting as generally it is assumed that the

grandfathers are much more ―techno savvy‖ than the grandmothers. The finding indicates

that both grandfathers and grandmothers need assistance to become more techno friendly.

The impact of technology on grandparents was qualitatively analysed and is

represented through percentage graphs

FIGURE 1

Figure 1 reveals that 85% of grandfathers and 80% of grandmothers remained

unconcerned about technological advances. The grandparents reported that it was no more

―their age‖ to learn something new whereas 15% of grandmothers and 20% of grandfathers

reported ―left out‖ and wanted something done in this regard.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, it can be commented that advances in technology require more

propaganda and access as far as grandparents are concerned. Inputs from family and

society such as special batch classes for learning computers, special television programmes

catering to grandparents can help them avail of necessary information and in keeping

themselves abreast of latest developments.

The younger generation needs to invest more resources in terms of time and

information sharing to assist the elderly become more

Table1 Awareness Of Grandparents Regarding Technology Across Different

Socioeconomic Groups

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TABLE 1

* Significant at 5% level

85% 80%

15% 20%

Unconcerned Left Out /Threatened

Fig. 1 Impact of Technology on Grandparents

REFERENCES

Mammen, S and Sanders, G (1992). The Elderly Family And Society: Intergenerational Inequity? Journal of Gerontology, 84 (4), pp 46-51

Roberto, V. and Stroes, R (1998) The Psychology Of Grandparents. The Indian Journal of Gerontology, 8 (1,2)

Lessnoff, T and Caravaglia, D (1998); in Cox, H (1993); Later Life: The Realities Of Aging New Jersey, Prentice Hall

Vijaykumar, M (1999) Aged Parents: Dependence On Children. Social Change, 29(1,2), pp 77-89.

About the Authors Ms. Vinita Nair has recently completed her Masters in ‗Human Development‘ from P.G. Studies and Research in Home Science, Sir Viyhaldas Vidyavihar, Santacruz (W), Mumbai-400049. Dr. Deepa Sharma, M.Sc. (Child Development) M.Phil. (Human Development), Ph.D. (Human Development) is a lecturer at a S.N.D.T. Women‘s University affiliated college in Mumbai. Dr. Ravikala Kamath, M.Sc. (Child Development), Ph.D. (Developmental Psychology) P.G. Diploma in Human Resource management is Director, Post Graduate Studies and Research in Home Science, Mumbai.

Socioeconomic

group

Mean values F values Level of significance

Low 29.93 63.52 0.000*

Middle 37.16

High 39.80

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Implementing a Creativity Training Model

For In-service School Teachers

Sharma Deepa

Abstract

Although the importance of creative thinking is universally acknowledged, efforts to foster the same

are wanting in the existing education system, especially vis-à-vis in-service teachers. The present

study was an action research undertaken to field test a Creativity Training Model for in-service

teachers. It assessed the receptivity and changes in creative thinking of the teachers as a function of

the creativity-training model. The sample comprised of twenty-seven fulltime employed teachers

from a school in Northwest Bombay. The research design envisaged pretest-posttest comparison of

attitudes, knowledge and performance of teachers on creativity tasks. The analysis of impact of the

four Creativity-Oriented sessions (CO‟s) conducted indicate that the sessions influenced the

teacher‟s attitude and knowledge of creativity positively.

Warrier, Manjula; Sharma, Deepa and Kamath, Ravikala (2003) Implementing a Creativity Training Model For In-service School Teachers Long Island Education Review

Vol., Issue, December, pp.

Introduction

Teachers leave a life long mark on a student‘s personality. They are the most

important adults in a young child‘s life, almost like demigods; and a source of inspiration

for adolescents. The role of a teacher in fostering creativity in his students cannot be

underestimated. The teacher is a guiding agent for the learner‘s personality, a catalyst that

accelerates growth and development of students (Aggarwal, 1992). Teachers can help in the

realization of their students‘ creative potentials that may otherwise remain dormant or get

dissipated.

Present Study

The present study was undertaken to develop positive attitudes among in-service

teachers towards creativity. The underlying rationale being that teachers‘ personal

opinions, views and orientation towards creativity will reflect in their teaching and

influence fostering creativity among students. The study was also undertaken for field-

testing a ―creativity-training model‖ for mobilizing and stimulating creativity of in-service

teachers. It aimed to assess the receptivity, reactions and changes in creative thinking of the

teachers as a function of the creativity-training model.

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The model was adapted from the recommendations of a suggested training model

for in-service teachers (Sharma and Kamath, 1998), focusing on enhancing creativity

amongst In-service teachers. While the initial impetus for the present study arose from the

recommendations, many elements included thereafter also emerged from conceptual

models of other researchers.

The sample consisted of twenty-seven fulltime-employed teachers from a co-

educational school in North-West Bombay. The students of the school were largely first

generation learners and from low economic background. The study comprised of pretest-

posttest approach where in the creativity-training model was introduced as the

experimental treatment for a period of five months.

The Model

Conceptually the model comprised of three phases (Fig. 1).

Knowledge Phase

This phase is primarily concerned with equipping the teachers with the knowledge

base, which would make them aware of creativity, its importance and ways of developing

it. There are sessions of discussions, lectures by experts in the field, workshops for the

teachers. Related reading material (support material) is also provided. The focus during

this phase is to equip the teacher with the knowledge base and develop right attitudes

towards creativity.

Tryout Phase

The second phase involves applying the knowledge gained by the teachers. In this

phase the teachers present microteaching sessions, or ask their doubts regarding

implementing a creative session. The teacher may use practical experiences, creative

puzzles, and brainstorming. They may plan to employ various methods in their teachings,

for e.g. they may encourage writing autobiographies; promote criticizing constructively,

include debate on current affairs, role-play, story telling, visit to museums, encouraging

use of library. It is emphasized that the teachers extend as many ways for creative teaching

as possible in their regular teaching and curriculum.

Evaluation Phase

The third phase involves evaluation of self. In this phase the main components are

accepting criticism, discussing the problems encountered and sharing the success with

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other teachers. Self-evaluation is imperative for a teacher trying to improve her own

creativity and students‘ creativity. For self-evaluation, the teacher can confer with

supervisors and peers. The teachers learn from the reflections of the peers and supervisors

and ameliorate their teaching plans.

Fig. 1 Creativity Training Model For In-Service Teachers

Adapted from Sharma and Kamath (1998)

Methods And Procedure

The study comprised of pretest-posttest approach where in the creativity-training

model was introduced as the experimental treatment for a period of five months. As a

function of creativity training, Creativity Orientation sessions (CO‘s) were carried out and

support material provided. Personal discussions, interviews and pre-test-post-test were

carried out to assess the impact of the CO sessions on the sample.

Knowledge Phase

In the knowledge phase CO sessions were conducted and support material was

provided. The sample was exposed to Creativity Orientation (CO) sessions, each of half-

Lectures, Discussions, Practical experiences,

Workshops, Media, Seminars, Reading, Observa-

tion

Self-evaluation, Discussions

with peers, Exchanging

notes, Planning for Future

Projects, Discussions,

Quiz, Brainstorming,

Synectics, Questions, De-

bate

Knowledge Phase (1)

Evaluation Phase (3)

Tryout Phase

(2)

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day duration over a period of five months. The four CO sessions were carried out with a

minimum of a fortnight gap. The sessions included exposure of the sample to creative

tasks, lectures, discussions, practical experiences, and observation e.t.c. Support material

was provided along with. The sessions were conducted by the researchers and other

experts in the field.

The CO sessions (Table 1) were drafted with an aim to enhance the creativity of in-

service teachers. The sessions were chalked out with great care and detail on different

themes. Experts in the field were consulted and the sessions were planned much ahead of

the execution. Each session was charted with specific objectives and activity. Each activity

was pilot tested and was either rejected, accepted or modified. Some of the creative tasks

were taken from Passi‘s (Passi, 1974) and Mehedi‘s (Mehedi, 1977) tests of creativity. As the

school had low economic background, care was taken to include activities that did not

incur many expenses. Most of the activities selected for the CO sessions were the one that

could be incorporated in the regular curriculum and did not necessitate much expenditure.

The sessions were planned with the implicit aim that the teacher - a) provides support for

creative development b) helps to understand the divergent thought c) encourages

communication of ideas d) and recognizes the creative talent.

Support Material was provided to the teachers attending the CO sessions to

reinforce creative thinking. Support material was tailored with the help of experts in the

field. It was crafted to reinforce the impact of the CO sessions. Support material included-

Facts on creativity - myths regarding creativity were clarified (For e.g. it was stressed that

creativity can be cultivated, nurtured and can be used to the optimum in the learning

process and school curriculum).

Suggested creativity activities that can be incorporated in the curriculum –Teachers can

teach language through play (for e.g. using picture cards and asking open-ended

questions, creative writing, expressive communication, children could be given unusual

topics to write essays on).

Some interesting activities were included for the teachers to solve (for e.g. finding hidden

objects from pictures).

Try out Phase

In the try out phase the teachers were encouraged to plan lessons and present in

front of the peers. The researchers and experts worked with the teachers and formulated

lesson plans. The teachers were encouraged to select the topics from their regular

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curriculum and were urged to include as many creative activities as they could in their

plans.

Table1

Contents of The Creativity- Orientation Sessions

C-O Ses-sions

Aspects covered Objectives

Ses-sion I

Theme- Kaleidoscope of Thoughts

Game (Discussion of feelings based on a game) Observation (Awareness about the importance of observation) Story Formation (Building a story based on a given picture) Interpretation and discussion (Identifying underlying images from an array of pictures) Relaxation exercise (Awareness regarding de-stressing)

To Arouse General interest Increase critical Thinking To encourage thinking To relax and de-stress

Session II

Theme- Think creatively

Johari’s Window (The mind is divided into four parts reflecting the process of thinking, feeling and behaviour) Game (Coloring to evolve a figure followed by discussions) Brainstorming ((Encouraging free flow of ideas without any criticism) Self Appraisal (A thorough self assessment) Picture completion (Drawing picture out of an abstract figure) Story completion (Changing the ending of a given story)

To increase flexible responses to given stimulation To enhance thinking To enhance self awareness To identify the strengths and weakness

Session III

Theme –Concept Attainment Model

Concept attainment for optimal thinking (Methods and opportunities for altering and improving the concept attainment strategies) Role of the teacher in a classroom (Methods for improving the concept building strategies)

To induce thinking process to learn concepts To encourage observation

Session IV

Theme -Synectics Essay writing (Essay on a given topic) Similarities (Similarities between two entirely different objects like ‘friend’ and ‘mountain’) Comprised conflict Analogy (Rewriting the essay using sharply conflicting words)

To enhance various ways of using new words To facilitate expression of feelings

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―Without a family unit to deal with the insecurities of children, the emotional needs of

adults, or the idiosyncrasies of aged parents, very likely not enough adequately functioning

people would be produced to man the industrial system‖ (Goode, 1964). Families remain

the most important institution influencing a child‘s development (Zigler and Finn-

Stevenson, 1999). Families give human beings a sense of contentment and worth that the

industrial world can only occasionally provide. It is in the family setting that adults and

children enjoy life and each other – in the family gatherings and celebrations, around the

family table, in family rituals, on family trips and in many other activities that family

members find satisfying.

Family is the stitch work of life. Our connections with one another help us to define

ourselves and provide purpose to our life. Yet, people tend to take their families for

granted by focusing on less than desirable dynamics, like a lack of togetherness and sense

of disharmony; or the distance, whether physical or emotional, that may separate

individuals from one another.

However, families can learn to develop harmonious relations, evolve unparalleled

Family Quality Circles (FQCs)- Quality Advances Homewards

Sharma Deepa

Abstract

Families remain the most important institution influencing an individual‟s development. Families

give human beings a sense of contentment and worth that the industrial world can only occasionally

provide. It is in the family setting that adults and children enjoy life and each other – in the family

gatherings and celebrations, around the family table, in family rituals, on family trips and in many

other activities that family members find satisfying. Families can enhance the quality of life by

developing new attitudes that emphasize leadership, teamwork, cooperation, responsibility and

recognition. “Family Quality Circles”, Quality Circles in family setting can assist the families in

developing togetherness and a sense of harmony. A case study of a FQC initiated by “Mahindra

Tractor Division” a Bombay based company is discussed. The steps the family members of FQC

called “Sankalp” undertook to solve the problem of “perpetually overworked homemaker” are

elaborated.

Sharma, Deepa (2004) “Family Quality Circles (FQCs)- Quality Advances Homewards” Indian Journal for Training and Development,

Vol. XXXIV:2,April-June

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bonding and cherish the peculiarities that bind them together. In doing so, individual lives

are enriched and a deeper appreciation for one another develops. The quality of life is

enhanced as families focus on developing new attitudes that emphasize leadership,

teamwork, cooperation, responsibility and recognition.

―Families Quality Circles‖ can assist the family members to come together. Parents

and children can actually construct their relationships as no one model fits all children and

parents (Dacey and Travers, 2002). What‘s right for a family means what works for parents

and children in their situation and culture. Children of different ages, with different

problems and from different cultures require different types of problem solving.

―Family Quality Circles‖ (FQC) are simply defined- Quality Circles in a family

setting. In industry, Quality Circle is a group of 6-8 volunteers from the same work area /

department that meets regularly once a week, for an hour to solve work related problems.

The members receive training in problem solving, statistical quality control and group

process. Quality Circles generally recommend solutions for quality and productivity

problems which management may implement. A facilitator, usually a specially trained

member helps train Circle members and ensures that things run smoothly (Hutchins, 1985).

FQCs also work on the same lines. The members meet regularly to discuss and solve

problems confronting them.

Objectives of FQCs

To have a happy family

To help the families overcome personal problems

To enhance the potential of each family member

To improve communication in the family thereby creating an environment of happiness

and enthusiasm

To create a feeling of cohesiveness

To create a feeling of responsibility in each member

To make family life more relevant and worthwhile

To provide man-making experiences i.e. to enable people to find the true meaning of life

and to raise the material and spiritual level of man.

Importance of FQCs

Every family member participates and contributes in the process of decision-making as

decisions are by consensus, not by majority

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Problems are chosen by mutual agreement

The focus is on problem solving and not shifting the blame

Harmonious relations at home

Brings out extraordinary quality from ordinary people

Recognizes and taps the intellectual and creative potential

FQC Functioning

The first step to all FQC activities is training of the members. Professionals in the

field, impart the training regarding the skills of organized problem solving.

FQC functioning is as follows (adapted from Hutchins, 1985; Udpa, 1994)-

1.) Problem Collection-The members create a problem bank by collecting the various

problems they face during the course of their work. For each problem the members give a

priority number depending upon the criteria evolved by them, such as urgency, need, etc.

2.) Problem Selection- One of the first tasks of a Circle is to determine the problem they

want to solve. The Circle may list as many problems as they can and then rate them. The

problem getting the highest rating is taken up for solving.

3.) Problem analysis-Every problem has an effect and underlying causes. The FQC

members first establish the cause-effect relationships using the brainstorming technique

and drawing up an Ishikawa or Cause-effect diagram. To establish facts QC tools like

Check sheets, Control charts, Histograms, etc. are used.

4.) Problem Solution- Various alternative solutions to a problem are explored to find the

optimum solution, which is workable, feasible and gives maximum benefits.

5.) Implementation, Review and follow-up- After problem solving the members draw up

a schedule for the implementation of the proposals etc. They also review the results

obtained from the projects periodically and take follow-up action if required.

Important Factors Influencing FQCs

Time- Time is one factor that plays a very significant role in the success of FQCs. Paucity of

time is the chief reason of FQC failure. Families need to manage time for the FQC activities.

Time management is the task of coordinating the many overlapping elements of family life

and work schedules. It requires a level of mutual agreement, coordination and planning

that was unnecessary in earlier generations.

Training- Education & Training are the critical inputs required by any unit for achieving

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their goals and objectives. The process starts from basic education to that provided by

professionals or training institutes etc. Families can approach national/ state level bodies

associated with QCs to acquire the requisite know-how.

Motivation- The evolving societies of the knowledge era increasingly require people with

knowledge and problem solving abilities but the inner urge to learn and perform is the

origin of all development. Families may face the problem of decreased enthusiasm and

they need to be motivated.

Failure- The failure rate of FQCs totally depends upon the way the programme is initiated.

If the FQCs are introduced in the right manner the failure rate is low. Failure can range

from ―all of sudden due to the some key support being withdrawn‖ to ―gentle vanishing in

thin air‖ due to lack of interest or support. Either way the results of failure will always be

the feelings of "I-told-you-that-this-will-not-succeed" to "Oh-I-am-disappointed-that-it-did-

not-succeed". A feeling of loss of motivation may also prevail. So it is very essential that

FQCs be initiated in the right way. Failure does not mean that FQCs cannot work; rather it

is an indication towards a need for better implementation.

Kind of problems- FQCs should not be compared with QCs in manufacturing units. The

problems undertaken by FQCs may not result in financial profits. No problem taken by

FQCs is small. Any problem that comes in the way of harmonious relations among the

family members can be taken up by FQCs. FQCs can solve problems ranging from

communication, better housekeeping to improving academic performance of children.

A Case Study - Hands On Experience

―Mahindra Tractor Division‖ at Kandivali, Bombay initiated ―Family Quality

Circles‖ in August 2002 through the Employee-Development scheme. The chief objective

behind the endeavour was to enhance quality of life of the employees. Eleven FQCs were

initiated among fourteen families on experimental basis. The company provided the expert

help needed for the project right from creating awareness to motivating them to continue

with the endeavour.

One FQC called ―Sankalp‖ took up the problem of ―perpetually overworked

homemaker‖. The family experienced that the mother or the homemaker is always busy

with perpetually no time to spend with the family and as a result she was also becoming

irritable. The Circle, with the youngest member aged 10 years, brainstormed and through

FQC functioning using Ishikawa diagram, Pareto chart delineated some solutions.

They decided that every one would do his/ her own work. Each child will try to

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help the mother like for e.g. the children will make up their own bed or try to help the

mother in doing the household work. The urge to rebel and not being responsible would be

controlled. The members decided that in future they would help each other to improve and

point out gently as to how the other person could change his behaviour to improve the

communication. The homemaker promised that instead of showing her irritation in

behaviour she would verbalise what she wants. She will communicate her expectations

directly rather than feeling hurt when others do not fulfill her expectations even when she

did not tell them.

The FQC resulted in improved communication in the family. The interaction within

the family has improved drastically. The mother feels valued and children more

responsible. The mother also realizes that the children ―intend‖ to help her so she also does

not get irritated. Quality of life has undergone a drastic improvement. **

Conclusion

The ultimate aim of FQCs is to create a haven. A home is a haven, a safe place for family

members to express life's daily joys and disappointments. We all need to feel that those at

home understand and accept us regardless of what the rest of the world thinks of us or

inflicts upon us. There's nothing that can beat the feeling of 'being home' after a rough day.

References

Dacey, John, S. and Travers, John,F. (2002) Human Development-Across The Life Span. 5th

Edition. Mc Graw Hill, New York.

Goode, William, J. (1964) The Family. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice Hall, New Jersey

Hutchins, David (1985). Quality Circles Handbook. Pitman Publishing Limited. London

Udpa, S.R. (1994) Quality Circles- Progress Through Participation. McGraw Hill, Delhi

Zigler E. and Finn-Stevenson, M. (1999) Applied Developmental Psychology. In Dacey, John, S.

and Travers, John,F. (2002) Human Development-Across The Life Span. 5th Edition. Mc Graw

Hill, New York.

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INTRODUCTION

The drain is a unilateral transfer of social service or potential investible capital to Britain by

the colonial state, its officials, its foreign merchants and other capitalists through

unrequited exports. India received no equivalent economic, commercial or material returns

in any form. The result was that a substantial part of the surplus generated in India served

as capital in Britain and its white colonies. Till 1858 the drain mainly took the open form of

tribute on direct transfer of resources, but after 1858, it consisted of the expenditure in

Britain under home charges, the remittances, the export of profits of private foreign capital

invested in trade or industry in India and the invisible charges on account of shipping,

banking and insurance.

The basic element of colonialism was economic exploitation. This, however, did not mean

that maintaining political hold was not essential to colonialism. Basic nature of colonialism

was minifested through various means of economic exploitation. The ensuing study has

four sections. While section one highlights the views of eminent nationalists on economic

drain, section two seeks to ascertain the impact of drain of wealth in various areas in Indian

society. The conclusions of this part suggested that the economy got ruined, resulting in

total impoverishment and underdevelopment of the country. A critical analysis of the

views on drain of wealth by foreigners has been done in Section three while section four

offers conclusions stemming from the overall analyses.

METHODS

One of the main theoreticians who propounded the drain theory was Dadabai Naroji. His

theory was given credance by a host of others like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Justice Ranade,

Bholanath Chandra, R.C. Dutt, G.V. Joshi, P.C. Roy, Madan Mohan Malviya, D.E. Wacha,

Drain of Wealth : An Unmitigated Evil

Mishra Ranjana

Paper published in the journal “Man & Development”, in Vol. XXVI—No.2 on June 2004

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G.K. Gokhale, G. Subramaniam Iyer Surendernath Banerjee and many other Indian leaders.

They all joined the stream of agitation around the issue of drain. It was in his paper

"Englands's debt to India" presented at a meeting of the East India Association in London

on 2nd May 1867 that Dadabhai Naroji first expounded the idea that Britain was extracting

wealth from India s the price of her rule in India and that "out of revenues raised in India,

nearly one fourth goes clean out of the country which is added to the resources of England

and that India was continuously bled." He quoted copiously from two of the leading

newspapers of Bombay the "Native Opinion" and "Rastgofar", to show that his opinion was

shared by the increasing number of educated Indians.

G.V. Joshi, Writings and Speeches, Pune, 1912, pp. 636-641, 683, 793-4. P.C. Ray, Poverty and Indian Famines, Calcutta, pp. 6-

8, 242, 278, 315-320, 328-9; M.M. Malviya, Speeches, New-Delhi. Pp. 232-3, 248-51; D.E. Wacha Rep-INC for 1886 in CPA, p.62.

Dadabhai Naoroji, Essays, Speeches and Writing, Madras, 1887, pp. 29-31.

Ibid. pp. 32-3.

Almost simultaneously with Dadabhai Naroji, three other Indian leaders pointed out the

evils of the drain. Justice Govind Ranade delivered a lecture at Pune in 1872 on Indian

Trade and Industry in which he criticised the drain of capital and resources from India.

Bholanath Chandra was a other Indian writer who discussed at length in 1873 the

"yawning gulf of the drain which was widening every year". In his view the drain began at

the time when the East India Company set aside a portion of the Indian revenue and

earmarked it for commercial investments. If earlier the money poured out through a single

channel, it began now pouring through thousand outlets. Another prominent Indian leader

who stressed the drain theory and propogated it through his writings and other public

activities was R.C. Dutt. In the preface to volume-I of "The Economic History of India", he

pronounced that "verily the moisture of India blesses and fertilises other lands".

Among the nationalist newspapers, the "Amrit Bazar Patrika" was the doughtiest

champion of drain theory. As early as 28 July 1870, it had put forward drain as the only

cause of India's poverty and made repeated assertions about it over the years. Other

newspapers like Maratha, Indian Spectator, Samaya and Bangbasi condemned too the

drain of wealth from India. By the end of the 19th century, Indian nationalists had fairly

acquired an understanding of the basic features of India's colonial economy, their

relationship to its underdevelopment and the resultant stagnation. Estimates of the drain

over a long period from 1757 to 1947 differ vastly. Very few had corroborative evidence to

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deny or defy the drain. According to R.C. Dutt, the drain constituted neraly one half of

India's net revenue. G.V. Joshi felt that it was nearly one third of its social surplus. Irfan

Habib's view was that it amounted to 9% of the national income during 1783 to 1792 and

4.4% of the national income in 1880. While Ramkrishna Mukherjee felt that the drain

between 1834 to 1857 was to the tune of ₤ 603 million, Shah and Khamba averred that it

constituted Rs.2200 million i.e. ₤14.6 million in the year 1921-22. A.K. Banerjee interestingly

felt that India's export surplus enabled Britain to meet a large part of its trade deficit with

the rest of the world.

Pradhan & Bhagwat, Loknayak Tilak, Bombay, 1958 p.8.

Bholanath Chandra, Vol.II 1873 p. 93. Native Opinion 30 Dec, 1877, RNP, Bombay, 5 January 1878, Maratha, 19 June 1881, 13

April 1884, D.E. Wacha Rep. INC for 1886 pp. 61-2, Rep . INC for 1898, p. 104 in CPA. Welby Commission Vol.III Q.S. 18695,

1870, p. 125.

R.C. Dutt, Economic History of India, London, 1907, Part XIII also see Part XII.

G.S. Iyer, Welby Commission Vo. III Q.S. 189639, S.N. Banerjee in CPA pp. 253-5, 263-75, 637, 708-11; B.M. Malabari, Indian

problem, Bombay, 1894, p. 23; Rajnarain Bose quoted in studies in Bengal Renaissance, Jadhavpur, 1958, (edit.) Atulchandra

Gupta, p. 209; A. Nandy in Indian politics pp. 124-71.

Bipin Chandra, The rise and growth of economic nationalism in India. Economic policies of Indian National leadership 1880-

1905 Chapter – 13, New Delhi, 1966.

Irfan Habib, Relationship of capitalism and colonial accumulation – The Indian case, Dept. of History AMU, Aligarh,

Mimeographed, 1988.

Arun Bose, Foreign capital in V.B. Singh (edit.) Economic History of India, 1857-1956 pp. 503-4, 1965, New Delhi.

A.K. Banerjee, India's balance of payments, Estimates of current and capital accounts from 1921-22 to 1938-39, Bombay, 1963,

p. 147.

RESULT

Those among Indian leaders who were economists however, dreaded the drain more as a

loss of capital than as loss of wealth. They averred that the drain of wealth denuded India

of its productive capital. Dadabhai gave a clear expression to such a view and said:

Whatever revenue was raised by the other countries, for instance the ₤700 million by

England, the whole of it returned back to the people and remained in the country.

Therefore, the national capital upon which production of the country depends did not

suffer diminution. On account of India, being a subject to foreign rule of the ₤50 million

revenue raised every year, some ₤12 million or more were carried away to England. So the

national capital and its capability of production continually diminished year after year.

The drain of wealth got accelerated due to penetration of foreign capital. It facilitated and

deepened the process of exploitation of India by foreign capital in two ways. Firstly, by

preventing capital to accumulate within India, it permitted foreign capatalists to come to

the country without facing any indigenous competition. Secondly, the drain helped

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accumulation of foreign capital invested in India, a large part of the profit became

reinvestible and was brought back to India as foreign capital in an unending cycle of

investment-profit-investment.

G.V. Joshi also looked upon the drain as a loss of capital. He suggested that the drain need

not be regarded as a proportion of the annual gross national product, albeit high enough. It

ought to be regarded as a proportion of the net annual potential surplus or saving. He,

therefore, concluded that the drain on national resources amounted to more than half the

net profit of national production. Joshi also emphasised that insufficiency of working

capital available in India for industrial purpose was in part due to the absence of any large

accumulation of capital, which in turn, partially, resulted in the drain of wealth. NO nation

can stand such a drain, he asserted, and yet hold its own in the industrial field.

Similarly, D.E. Wacha too felt that since capital was accumulated by Britain, India was

deprived of the opportunity of primitive accumulation of capital, and thus could not

embark on new industrial enterprises, so long as its capital was being depleted by the

drain. As a result, India underwent a commercial transformation and not industrial

revolution. This was another negative aspect to India's industrial progress under British

Rule. The distribution of industries was extremely lopsided and concentrated in a few

regions and cities of the country. Even irrigation and power facilities were very unevenly

distributed.

The nationalists criticised the role of imperialist states in preventing India's industralisation

and its growth. They assigned the primary responsibility for underdevelopment in its

failure to take positive steps to aid the process of mobilisation of capital growth for

development. More specifically, it concentrated on such matters as the British Govt.'s

position of free trade with India, its failure to give tariff protection to Indian industries and

to aid and encourage them through direct state support in the form of state subsidies,

purchase of stores, encouragement to credit institutions etc. Neglect of research on applied

sciences where educational standard remained least attended and unavailability of capital

for industrial sector to an otherwise improper framework of institutional finance had

cripplings effect on industrial development. The laissez-faire policy further destroyed the

industrial growth in India. The prime reason for India's underdevelopment therefore, lay

not in colonial policies but in the nature of its contacts with the world's capatalist economy

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through trade and capital. Therefore, the drain of wealth was responsible not for limiting

India's contacts with the world market forces, but for making it a full though unequal

member of the international economy.

Dadabhai Naoroji, Speeches, op-cit. Appendix p. 181.

Naoroji, ibid, pp. 152-3, 196, 319, 382 Appendix pp. 3-5-7-8.

G.V. JOshi, Writing and sppeches, Pune 1912 p.683.

Joshi, ibid. pp. 793-94.

D.E. Wacha in CPA pp. 625-6 also see pp. 602-03, 606 and G.S. Iyer, Welby Commission Vol.-III 18702, Bengalee, 19th June,

Swadeshmitra Rep. INC for 1886, p.81.

P.S. Loknath "The Indian Economic System" in Calvin B. Hoover ed. Economic systems of the Commonwealth, New York

1962 p. 263, For an earlier liberal view, see D.H. Buchanan, The Development of Capitalist Enterprises in India 1934, Chapter

XIX, New York.

R.C. Dutt concerned with others like David Ricardo, J.M. Keynes, who felt that extra

expenditure on the army led to the depletion of wealth. According to them in 1918, 45.5%

of India's budgeted expenditure was spent on the armed forces, 37.5% on civil

administration of which 18.7% was spent on education, medical and scientific departments

and 81.3% on non developmental aspects of administration. Indians pointed out very early

that in 1880s India spent in absolute terms more on its army than Britain, Germany, Russia,

Japan or the USA. The per soldier cost in India was the highest in the world. It was higher

than that of the most efficient armies in the world. For example, the growth of military

expenditure in Britain and India in the second half of 19th century was as follows :

The position was aggravated during the war time as the expenditure in 1913-14 was Rs.

83.2 crores which jumped to Rs. 170.5 crores in 1920-21, thus saddling this poor country

with unnecessary burden.

What was surely involved was not balanced budgets but a particular pattern of allocation

in the budget to suit imperial interests. Excessive emphasis on the military and neglect of

industrial infrastructure for growth and development made British India largely a raw

Year Army Navy Total Percentage

1861 15.00 13.30 31.30 16.20

1881 14.70 10.50 25.80 213.00

1891 17.90 15.50 33.50 24.60

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material appendage of the metropolis lagging far behind the real parameters of an

industrialised nation. The method of Taxation also helped in draining out the coffer.

Government officials, professional groups, traders, moneylenders, landlords and

zamindars, planters, foreign trading companies etc. paid very little in taxation. When

Income tax was finally imposed in 1886, its rate was less than 2.7%. Income tax was not

imposed on salaries, pensions and leave allowances paid in England, profits of shipping

companies incorporated in England, interest on securities paid in England and profits of

railways upto the amount of the guaranteed interest. Moreover, the exemption limit for

military officers was placed at Rs.6000 per year. Consequently, when the century ended,

the gross revenue from income tax ws only 1.9 crores, while from land revenue, it was Rs.

26.2 crores and from salt tax Rs.8.8 crores. G.V. Joshi thus complained that in 1888 under

the official taxation policy 'the richer few, who profited mostly from British administration,

paid the least while the poorer millions, who profited least, paid the most."

However, quite a few western scholars do not accept the exploitative thesis, According to

them "the British Raj introduced a political framework of the 19th century liberal nation

state. Morris, one of the supporters of British policy in India, wrote that due to definite law

and order and efficient economy, there was economic growth of India".

According to Morris, L.C.A. Knowles and Vera Anstey, the taxation and commercial

regulation were rationalised only under the British rule. They cite development of a

substantial system of road and railway transport as infrastructure of the enlightened rule

of the British. The imperialists averred that wide fluctuation in land under cultivation

ceased and more land was brough under cultivation. They also believed that

commercialisation helped in per acre productivity. In 1891-92, out of the total acreage of

168 millions, only 27.9 millions acres were devoted to non-food crops whch was just 16,5%.

According to British writers perhaps the prerequisite for growht that British rule had

provided in India was surety of life and property, law and order within the country,

security from external aggression and an impartial system of justice. Most of them

thought India's past as one perpetual and continuous invasion, plunder and messacre and

internal strife accompanied by maladministration. Indians should therefore, be thankful to

the foreign investors for making good the deficiency in India's own capital resources. The

benefit for India was furthe renhanced by the fact that India's political connection with

England enable her to borrow from the cheapest market in the world. Even borrowing in

India, in case it had enough investible capital of its own, would have been costlier. Thus

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India's industrial development would not have been possible in more positive terms.

India had got an administration favourable to economic evolution cheaper than she could

have otherwise provided for herself.

An opposite view prevailed among Indian leaders, who stressed that foreign capital was

not as beneficial as it was made out to be by its supporters. Interest charges witnessed a

steep increase from Rs. 411 crores in 1913-14 to Rs. 544 crores in 1920-21 and it was largely

to meet the rise in war time military expenditure. Thus no tangible benefit had accrued to

India as such engagement was unnecessary for this country. The railways were not an

unmixed blessing and were being pushed on at a speed not needed by the country.

Ostensibly, sans it humanistic purposes, it was actually for serving the imperialist interests.

The expansion was precipitated by the urgency of sppedier movement of troops and

increasing access to the hinterland for carrying agricultural produce and raw materials for

export purposes. Private foreign capital carried away not only the interest; but also all the

profits of enterprise, leaving the country without any secondary beneifts of capital

reinvestment. Moreover, the railways had not yielded any profit till the end of the 19th

century. The India nationalists further contended that foreign capital was injurious to the

country since it suppressed indigenous capital accumulation and prevented profitable

parking by tending to monopolise. In general, foreign capital stood not for the

development and enrichment of India; but for its exploitation, impoverishment and

despoliation. Reaching to the assertion that India was benefited by getting foreign loans at

a cheaper rate, the nationalists replied that the loans were not needed as it was not

generally gainfully used. Moreover, the loans were nothing but India's own drained

capital. They pointed out that foreign loan was entirely political in nature and useless,

unessential and unproductive in character.

The nationalists surmised that although India had an export surplus, a closer scrutiny

however, revealed a definite drain. Britain was the major trading partner in terms of

exports as well import and currency management was with them. An artificially increased

exchange rate was affecting India adversely in terms of cheaper imports and costlier

exports, limiting thereby industrial growth stimulus. Pricing of goods was one disturbing

area and increased freight charges during the was time, especially when shipping was

managed by them, was another area of concern. The choice of export destination was

governed not be profitability but by the imperialist policy of Britain. India was mainly

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exporter of raw materials and importer of finished goods. Sicne export surplus was

necessary to pay charges to Britain, essential items such as large quanjtities of wheat was

exported. Even during famine years, the quantum dipped but it never stopped.

The Indian Economy 1905-1947 in R.C. Mazumdar (edit.) Struggle for Freedom, 1969, Calcutta, p. 866.

These figures are roughly worked out from Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. –IV, Delhi, 1908 & C.N. Vakil Financial Development in

Modern India 1860-1924, Bombay, 1924 pp. 547-48.

Robert Griffen, Economic Inquiries and Studies, Vol. –II, p. 329, Vakil, ibid., pp. 547-48.

The Indian leaders also declined to admit that India's case could compare with that of the

USA which too had at the time an export surplus. Apart from the fact tha the USA usually

paid only interest on borrowed capital, keeping the profits of enterprise within it, there

was another startling difference between the export surplus of India and the USA. The

USA was paying at that time through its export surplus for loans it had contracted in the

past from foreign countries. This meant that it had an import surplus in the past.

Alternatively, its current import surplus represented deferred receipts. India's case

however, was different. It was not paying for past loans. India's export surplus was

calculated only after capital imports had been included in the imports. The money

borrowed in the past was paid for at that time itself with exports as India had no import

surpluses from the past, except for a few years after the Revolt of 1857 and that too the

amount was paltry. On the contrary India's export surplus gave it no claim over the

countries in the future, and therefore, no import surpluses would compensate it later on.

Consequently, India's export surpluses was a strange phenomenon – a capital transaction

without any past or future. It was extinguished instantly just at the time of its creation.

However, one part of the drain which could to be excused under any circumstances was

the expenditure on European employees of the Govt. of India. Payment for their services

was precisely the heart of the drain theory. Obviously, India received no economic

equivalent in return for this part of the drain. On the other hand, the Indian leaders denied

that the drain under this head was compensated for by non-economic services rendered.

Thus services were to essential to India; not even required by it since these services could

be made available relatively cheaply and equally well by India themselves. As to the final

assertion of the drain theory that in return for the drain India received an administration

that was favorable to economic development, the entire Indian leadership rose up in chorus

to protest that the British administration in India was inimical to economic growth of the

country.

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49

C.N. Vakil Financial Development in Modern India, 1860-1924, Bombay 1924, Appendices.

Ibid., p. 164 George Blyn, Agriculture Trends in India 1891-1947, University of Pennsylvania Press 1966, p. 102

F.C. Channing, Economic Review, January 1902, p. 121 Theodore Morrison, "The Economic Transition in India, Chapter VIII

& IX, London, 1911 reprint in 1916, Morison, ibid, pp. 239-41 Morrison, op-cit., 237 Ibid., p. 241

CONCLUSION

Thus there is no denying a fact that India's backwardness and underdevelopment was not

traditional or inherited from the pre-colonial past. India of the 18th century was

undeveloped and not underdeveloped. On a world scale, it was not less but more

developed than many other nations as majority of them developed after the 18th century.

In fact the economic condition of Mughal India was not very different from pre-industrial

Europe and Japan. It was the colonial rule that impoverished India.

Economy is the pivot of any society around which revolves progress and development. It

was the drain of wealth that emaciated the pivot thus resulting in stagnation and

underdevelopment. The culmination came with stagnating per capita national income,

abysmal standard of living, stunted industrial development, low productivity and semi

feudal agriculture.

No country works on the principle of pure philanthropy. Given their reluctance to leave

India, it is therefor,e obvious that the British were gaining extraordinarily from their

colonial rule. No doubt this transfer of wealth accelerated their indistural renaissance at

the expense of India. This aspect of drain was acdepted even by the British, and if there is

any disagreement in this regard, it is only the quantum and dimension of its ill effects.

Nonetheless its remifications were apparent in the economy of India which was simply not

comparable with that of Britain's economic growth.

Bipan Chandra, Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman Ltd., New Delhi, 1999, p. 58 Chapter III ibid.

Bipin Chandra, op. cit. Dadabhai Naoroji, Poverty and UnBritish Rule in India, London, pp. 37, 131-2, 136-141, 568-9, 574,

Speeches, pp. 382-3. Naoroji, Speeches, op-cit., Appendix, pp. 42-354.

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Archaeology is a useful tool not only for verifying authenticity of literary records, but also

for unraveling unknown facts. Based on archaeological findings, historians reconstruct

history, repudiate what was once irrefutable and enlighten the mankind with proven

evidence about the days of yore. Thus, the old townships and forts are important sources of

history in any given country. Fortifications have had social and economic relevance besides

providing security to the King, his kingdom and subjects. They represent the

administrative prowess and the monumental efforts people had made to erect those

edifices. They corroborate existing information; help us understand the literary scriptures,

manuscripts and documents, and sometimes, cast lurid light on certain non-descript

features.

Daulatabad is one such natural and best-preserved fortress of the Middle Ages in

existence. Intricately complex in architecture, it owes its beginning to what Stuart Piggott

called ‗its geological formation and its strength from the peculiar nature of mountain

ranges and spires‘. Maulana Isami, Ibn-e-Battuta, A. H. Lahori, Farishta, Ziauddin Barni

and Amir Khusro had all written volumes on Daulatabad, describing it a metropolitan city

of international repute. It was designed after the cities of Baghdad and Samarkand. All

these literature and Islamic chronicles had been analysed to find out information about

Daulatabad. While most of them provide general information, reliable details about water

supply, water storage and hydraulic engineering etc. are hard to obtain. With a view to

unveiling totality of the picture, the Department of History and Ancient India Culture of

Marathawada University and the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute of

Pune had taken recourse to archaeology. The Archaeological Survey of India jointly with its

state counterpart and Bharat Itihas Samsodhak Mandal, Pune have in 1992 started a joint

venture under the title ― Historical and Archaeological investigations at Daulatabad to read

coins, epigraphs and Persian records.‖

DAULATABAD: YESTERYEAR’S HILL FORT REVISITED

Mishra Ranjana

Paper published in the journal of Haras Institute of Indian History and Cultural, Vol. 41-No.2 on Sept. 2004

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The joint findings made it clear that Daulatabad was under the Islamic rule for more

than six centuries i.e. from 1320 to 1948 A. D. During this long Islamic reign it witnessed

the era of grandeur as well as that of frustration. Once it was a booming metropolitan

centre full of public activities. Private structures, mosques, hammams, gardens, and

markets adorned the city. However, at present, the site looks like a deserted necropolis. The

fort itself is the best example of the medieval defence technology. It had fortification walls

at different places along with large number of gates, strong bastions; naturally scarped

steep cliff, ditch around the circuit of the hill and good water supply from its perennial

springs. All these features made Daulatabad secure; so secure that it was an inaccessible

and impregnable fort.

The present paper tries to make an humble attempt at highlighting why such a

stronghold of the bygone era, Daulatabad fort, has lost its importance. With a chequered

graph of being the regional capital to state capital to imperial capital, and then a state jail,

Daulatabad fort has gradually lost itself in the oblivion. An attempt is made to prove or

disprove that the fort of Daulatabad never exercised any lasting influence on evolving

political objectives or a grand strategy. The security of the state did not depend upon the

fort exclusively and it was used as a mere symbol of sovereignty. This was why when

Daulatabad fell to the hands of Bahmani ruler; its impregnable character could not come to

its rescue. The seat shifted from Daulatabad to Gulbarga, and later in the eighteenth

century, when Peshwas looked northwards, the forts ceased to have any role to play in

politico-strategic considerations.

If only the Peshwas had first consolidated their power in the South, Daulatabad would

have continued to play an important role for a decade or two. In course of extensive

research and study at various libraries and archives in the country, the author found that

very little evidence in terms of books or documents that would contain engineering

drawing or any other scientific or mathematical note relating to the construction of the fort.

Further research may throw only some more speculative light

Devgairi, as Daulatabad was first called, had been a Buddhist monastic settlement in

the ninth century. By the end of the twelfth century it was an important stronghold of the

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Yadav kings.For the purpose of defence Bhillama, the fifth king of Yadav family selected an

isolated cone shaped hill, rising from the plains to the height of 700 feet, surrounded by

spurs of Balaghat ranges.As the hill is separated from the rest of the area by naturally

scarped steep cliff, Stuart Piggott remarked that minimum of artificial defence would be

required on this hill as it was strongly fortified by nature itself. Hence it rightly deserved

the name ― Devagiri‖ or stronghold.

The scarping of the hill was too smooth to make the fort impregnable. A. M. Lahori,

the official chronicler during the reign of Shahjahan, remarked that neither an ant nor a

snake could scale it. From the contemporary defence point of view, the above arrangement

was more than essential. The Yadav kings never thought of cutting a ditch surrounding the

hill and storing water in it. They constructed a huge palace complex locally known as

Yadav Darbar at the tableland on the top of the hill. Arrangements were made to store

rainwater in two rock-cut cisterns presently known as Moti Taka and Hathi Taka although

both of them had little water containing capacity. The entire work was completed by about

1187 A.D.

From the contemporary records it was evident that the Devagiri of the Yadav period

was a twin city complex consisting of the suburbs of Kataka and Devagiri itself. It was the

wealthiest trading centre in the Deccan and the seat of intense political activities and army

headquarters. By the end of the thirteenth century the fame of richness of Devagiri echoed

in the courts of Delhi Sultanate and Allauddin Khalji was so fascinated by its fabulous

wealth that he deviated from his proposed invasion of Warrangal at Elichipur and

surprisingly arrived at the gate of Devagiri. The king Ramadeva was trapped in at the top

of the citadel and his small contingent was defeated at Lasur. Hence he was forced to

accept the humiliating terms.

It was surprising that Allauddin managed to pocket the victory with the help of barely

8000 soldiers without any major battle. One of the main reasons of the defeat, the author

considers, was neither the cowardice of the Yadav king nor the bravery of the Khalji. It

was due as much to the absence of a scientific approach as to the lack of military

engineering skill of the Yadav ruler. For construction of forts, they relied more on intuitive

knowledge than on scientific practicalities. The fort was impregnable, but not integrated

into any cohesive master plan. Other subsidiary forts were far too apart to be mutually

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supportive. The main approach from the north was through the Burhanpur gap; yet there

were no main or subsidiary forts between Devagiri on this space. For instance, Abhasgarh

and Baitulwadi were nearly a 100 kilometre south of the gap and nearly 80 kilometre north

of Devagiri. These two forts were neither strong enough; nor adequately manned during

that time. In this event Khalji did not use the Burhanpur gap but came through Malaghat

from the east. Nowhere he was checked till he reached close. Thus, lack of military

engineering strategy impaired the natural strength of the forts. This state of affair was

surprising as during the same period the art and science of fortification were far too

advanced in foreign countries. With considerable contact between India and other

countries through trade and travelers, one would naturally tend to think that this

knowledge could have reached India to be assimilated by Indian engineers and artisans. In

fact, there were some speculative evidences to suggest that Indian rulers employed non-

native artificers with knowledge of foreign methods. However, no corroborative

information was available in either Mughal or Maratha scriptures.

The invasion of Allauddin Khalji and successive raids by his successors ruined

Devagiri. The Tughluqs followed the Khalji‘s and the advent of Muhammad Bin Tughluq

on the scene signaled the dawn of a new era. Realising the significance of the location of the

place and perplexed with the Mongol raids on the northern boundaries and rebellious

attitude of his subjects at Delhi, he resolved to shift his capital to Devagiri which was first

named as Quat-ul-Islam, and finally Daulatabad, or the city of fortune. According to Yahya

Sirhindi, the city was erected within a span of six years between 1321-27 A. D. and

migration from Delhi was effected in two phases. The city was planned on modern lines

and each sector was provided with all sorts of amenities. There were separate units in the

secretariat for the Qazis, the Ulemas, the merchants, the artisans and the army etc. The old

fashioned Hindu ramparts were replaced with double line of ramparts in lime-mortar

masonry. These had round bastions and gun turrets. The moat in front was deepened and

widened. A counter scarp was built and a glacis provided for, and this was around

Mahakot. Simultaneously, around the lower city or Ambarkot, new inhabitation was set up

to accommodate the Delhi population and a strong town wall was erected. It was also

provided with bastions and well-guarded gates. A stream coming down the hills in the

northeast was utilized for the moat and it covered the eastern and southern sides. On the

north – west a ditch was excavated.

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The Daulatabad of Muhammad Bin Tughluq, was a well-defended fort; with new

fortification walls to withstand any enemy attack. During this small span of time, a large

number of private and public structures were erected. This development made every

suburb a self contained units like the colonies of modern towns. The accounts provided by

the contemporary writers appear to be a wee bit exaggerated in the backdrop of

archaeological evidences as very few structures of that phase have been revealed from the

excavation. One plausible reason in support of the chroniclers could be that the conversion

of structures of Tughluq period into subsequent new ones would have taken place very

smoothly. During this period, due to forcible migration, the population of the township

was overflowing. This abrupt and abnormal increase in population warranted a

guaranteed supply of water. For this purpose, it was believed that Muhammad appointed

Qutulq Khan, one of the loyal brothers to make the necessary arrangement pertaining to

the water supply of the city.It seems that Qutulq Khan managed to divert water from the

mausala tank towards the fort, but nothing is known about the hydraulic contrivance

introduced by Khan.The remains of a small streamlet connecting the above tank with the

Devagiri tank (modern Ab-Pash-Dar) situated at the lower level were visible.

After Tughluq, the Bahamani dynasty occupied the region and provided a fillip to

further growth of the town. It remained as a state capital for a few decades but because of

the constant fear of the invasion from the north, they shifted to far south and made

Gulbarga, its capital city.

Therefore, despite having rampart, fortified walls, bastion towers, moat or ditch, zig-zag

passage, secret iron gates, parapets, the merlons, embrasures, machicolations, citadels,

scarps, water tanks, cisterns as well as store houses for oil and grain at Daulatabad that

made it impregnable, the rulers failed to realise its politico strategic importance and shifted

the capital to Gulbarga. It was just treated more as a bureaucratic seat than as a fore-post of

strategic defence as in other foreign countries. In order to ensure further safety, the

Bahamani rulers strengthened the fort by adding some fortification walls, particularly the

wall of Kalakota and double walls of Mahakota with formidable gates and solid bastions.

Besides, a larger number of public structures including Chandminar were erected. The fort

and the township were made stubborn in order to ward off any future military attack.

Immediately, after the death in 1485 of Muhammad Gawan, the capable Prime Minister of

the Bahamanis, the kingdom split into five principalities and Daulatabad passed under the

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over lordship of Nizamshahi kingdom of Ahmednagar. For a century, there was no change

in the fortification of Daulatabad, but when Ahmednagar was captured by the Mughals,

Malik Ambar, the de facto head of the kingdom, was forced to shift his capital from

Ahmednagar to Daulatabad.

Malik Ambar further fortified it. He introduced a number of defensive devices and

constructed a magnificent palace complex at the top of the hill. The complex was known as

Baradari of Shahjahan and people believed that Shahjahan constructed it.

Dr,R.S.Morwanchikar believes that the complex was constructed by Malik Ambar because

the construction had the features of Nizamshahi architecture. Such types of structures were

common at Ahmednagar, Sholapur, Parinda, Naldurga and other Nizamshahi centers.

Though it was a fact that Shahjahan during his Deccan campign occupied it for a couple of

months, he did nothing about construction.

Besides this magnificent palace complex, Malik Ambar constructed all sorts of royal

amenities such as hammams, mosques and gardens. In order to make the fort impregnable

he broadened the ditch around the circuit of the hill and isolated the central hill from the

rest of the area. In this process the present Jain caves were detached from the original hill.

To reach the above citadel he excavated a subterranean passage right from the entrance of

the cave to the entrance of the gate of the uppermost fortification wall. The entrance to the

palace was controlled by a strong horizontal iron gate, covering the exit like a trap door. At

a point about halfway through the tunnel, where it passed near the vertical face of the rock,

a hole was cut through to secure a draught for the fire in an iron brazier. It was installed in

a small chamber opening into the tunnel. When the fire was kindled, the current of air from

the hole would waft the smoke up the tunnel and checked by the iron door at the top,

rendering the passage impossible to be crossed. The original trap door is still in place and

working well. It was not a large iron grating, but a solid sheet of iron through which no

draught could penetrate.

From the tunnel, flights of steps ascended to pavilion in series. From the pavilion

further series of long steps raised in zig-zag form up to the summit, passing in succession

two gateways which were thrown across the path from one precipice to another. On the

summit there was a square enclosure with a dilapidated building at one corner. Two gun

batteries were set in commanding position around the middle of the seventeenth century;

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one heavy cannon was brought to the top and mounted here under the direction of a

skilled Dutch artilleryman. The introduction of artillery was the most revolutionary one at

that time. The defendants had to take care of the firepower. But Malik Ambar did not use

enough guns for counter attack. The guns within the fort were either too heavy or too light.

Heavy guns were fixed on rigid mounts and could not be traversed, elevated or depressed.

The light guns could be moved along the rampart but did not have adequate range to

silence the guns of the enemy. This reflects the poor military engineering that weakened

the fort of Daulatabad.

The above facts were confirmed by a few literary sources. According to Ibn-e-Battuta,

Allauddin had to climb the ladders to reach the top of the hill. There was no doubt that

Daulatabad was unique and impregnable in its designs and construction. The conical rock,

a powerful wall defended by moat and glacis and citadel with two other encircling walls

made this fort inaccessible. But each ruling dynasty fortified Daulatabad with specific

motive or deserted it as a bureaucratic seat. Because of these reasons, the rulers did not

concentrate on its military defence engineering and Daulatabad despite its natural,

geographical and strategic attributes witnessed the twists and turns of history.

In conclusion, one could add that Daulatabad fort remained politically sovereign,

strategically vital, location-wise impregnable and economically influential. Its unique

design, construction and town planning was one of the rarest developed infrastructures of

that time. The pitfalls, however, lay in its solitariness atop a hill that speaks more about its

rulers than about the ruled. The up-down swings in importance of the fort were more

perceptional than real. As a result, with ups and downs of history, the fort was variously

used from a central fortification to that of a prison. Successive rulers failed to project it as a

place of political might or economic grandeur, nor did they envision the military and

strategic significance of the place. The outcome was obvious. Political, economic and

military glory of the fort gradually declined to naught.

References:

J. W. Briggs, History of the rise of Mohammedan power in India, Calcutta, 1908, Vol. I, pp. 306-308 Citation from R. S. Morwanchikar, Devagiri-Daulatabad, An archaeological overview, Pune, 1993, p.8, All the available translations and original works were searched to seek the information regarding water supply or water storage. No book had

given any clue to the fact. The books referred were A. H. Lahori, Badshahnama Bibliothica Indica, Vol. I, R. A. Bengal, Maulana Isami, Futuhas Salatin, Trans. M. Husen, Agra, 1938, Ibn-e- Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa, Trans. M. R. A Gibbs,

London, 1929 M. S. Mate, Maratha architecture, Pune, 1959, pp. 47-48 and V. C. Bendre, Gad Kot Durga and tyanchi vasti do not mention

the existence of any drawing of engineering

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Virginia Fass, The forts of India, London, 1986, p.189 Hemadri Vratakhanda, V-39 in E. 1. Vol. – XVII, pp. 208-316

Stuart Piggott, Some ancient cities of India, Oxford, 1945, p. 45 Ibn-e-Battuta who visited Daulatabad in 1340 A.D. wrote that there were leather ladders to reach the top. This confirms that

there was no subterranean passage and no ditch. See M. Hasan, Rise and fall of Muhammed Tughluq, London, 1989. Ibn-e-Battuta, Rehla, pp. 194-195. M.A.Gibbs, Travels in Asia and Africa, London, 1929. S.A.S. Rizvi, India during the Khaljis,

Aligarh, 1955, Deccan expedition – India during the Tughluqs, Aligarh, 1956, pp. 227-228, E.I. XXXVI, p.34. M.Habib, Campaign of Allauddin, p.35. M.S.Narvane, Forts of Maharashtra, New Delhi, 1995, p. 272

Brown Percy, Indian Architecture, Vol. I, pp. 47-217 B. G. Kunte, Bahamani Rajacha Itihaas, Bombay, 1966, pp. 1-28 and T. S. King, The history of the Bahamani Dynasty, London,

1990, p. 66 Yahya Sirhindi, Tarik-i-mubarakshahi, p.98 M. Husain, Rise and fall of Muhammad Tughluq, London, 1998, p. 198

R. S. Morwanchikar, Devagiri-Daulatabad, An archaeological overview, Pune, 1993, p.14, p. 13 Radhey Sham, Kingdom of Ahmednagar, Delhi, 1966, p.298

B. G. Tamaskar, Life and work of Malik Ambar, Delhi, 1978, pp. 34-38 Toy Sydney, Strongholds of India, London, 1957, pp. 33-39; A history of fortification, London, 1955, p.36

A. H. Lahori, Badshahnama Bibliothica Indica, Vol. I, R. A. Bengal

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It was during and after the eighties that the existing boundaries and certainties of the world

shrunk and a phase of writing emerged which dealt with the experiences of immigrant

children – expatriates from Asia whose parents had made different compromises and

accommodations to establish their and their children‘s lives in the golden shores of

England. If we analyse the Asian-British context both Ravinder Randhawa and Hanif

Kureishi have been key players in pioneering this branch of Diasporic writing which later

on proliferated in the fiction of writers such as Bidisha Bandopadhyaya, Meera Syal and

Atima Srivastava. For the purpose of this paper I would like to borrow a question which

Rushdie asked in his Imaginary Homelands, ― What does it mean to be Indians outside

India ?‖ and apply it to the novels of Meera Syal - ―Anita and Me (1996) ‖ and ―Life is just

not Ha Ha Hee Hee (2000) ‖. Both the novels delineate the main characters caught in Asian/

Brummie culture despite their attempt to shake it off and adhere to the British culture

alone. It is their experience of community and kinship values of Indians and their parent

culture which ultimately helps them to grow up and handle life.

Meera Syal, herself a second generation immigrant and an actress, novelist, screenplay

writer brings out in these two novels in a delightfully hilarious way young women who are

acculturated but not fully assimilated in foreign lands and foreign ways. As an insightful

depiction into Anglo-Asian identity, the roots of the stories go deep into the cultural

confusions and the darker sides of Diasporic communities. In both the novels, women are

highlighted in comparision to their male counterparts.

Anita and Me is a fictional rendering of a small town in England – ―Tollington‖, where nine

year old Meena lived with her Punjabi family. As a reviewer from the Times Literary

Supplement, Anita Roy puts it , ―Syal mines here a rich vein of Indian-English life.‖ Set in

the 1960‘s Meera traces the formative years in the life of Meena from the time she is nine till

her eleven plus examinations. Her civilized sheltered home life jars with the harsh

Intercultural Voices of Women in Meera Syal’s Novels

Acharya Tamasha

A Paper presented at State Level Seminar on “ Portal of Women in the fiction n of Women writers after 1980” at Dhule

on Nov,2004

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environment of the village life in which lurks the growth of an overt racism from the seeds

of unconscious prejudice. Meena wants fish fingers and chips, rumbabas and jam tarts and

not just ‗chapatti‘, ‗dal‘ and ‗subzi‘, she wants an English Christmas and an ornate front

garden not the interminable, teary Punjabi songs about ‗apna desh‘ and a garden with

herbs, she wants mini skirts and sensible corduroy trousers not voluminous ‗salwars‘ and

laced and beaded ‗dupattas‘.

All this forms a wonderful contrast to her idol and ideal Anita Rutter‘s family which is

actually bereft of values and beliefs as each member in the family lead their own lives in

their own way. Feisty Anita is the local lewd flower, as described by the ―Observer ‖ she is,

‗skinny of hip, vicious of nature and owner of a dog called Nigger‘. The story traces out

how finally Meena is inducted into Anita‘s gang where she learns shoplifting, stealing from

home, lying to her parents, using swear words and is also given a peek into dating and

kissing. It is only when she is doing what she had always wanted to, that Meena realizes

how different Anita, her family and the locals of Tollington are from her people, her

parents, grandma and even the embarrassing aunts. The end finds her passing her eleven

plus examination and onto newer grounds both physically and mentally mature,

consequentially conforming to her Indian identity.

―Life is just not Ha Ha Hee Hee ‖ deals with the youth and middle age of three school friends

– Sunita, a former law student and social activist who has married her university sweet-

heart Akash, beautiful gutsy Tania who has rejected tradition, family, marriage in favour

of a career in TV and childlike, fat, unassuming and un-alluring Chila, who has managed to

bag the seemingly perfect Deepak. It is a story where the inherent embryonic Indian values

in them unfolds through a realization of what their mothers and ultimately their families

stand for. What is unique is that the protagonists have become empowered and emerge

stronger through a revelation of their true identity.

The children born to immigrants are twice removed from India. But, inspite of their desire

to shed off the physical and mental baggage and to identify more with the host culture than

the parent culture, they find multiple lacerations of their psyche resulting in cultural and

linguistic estrangement and an ultimate solution in going back to Indian ways.

Conflicts are both mental and physical as these children cannot identify with an alien India,

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which is pictured as a divine utopia by their elders. Away from India, but tied by invisible

historical, regional, religious and caste strings there is a deep sense of belonging which is

dormant and is fostered by Hindi films and songs. It is a feeling which emerges suddenly.

The earlier generation of women found housework an expression of love and warmth,

which a lady has for her family. Cooking, eating, and feeding were as important as

breathing. Dieting was an unheard of fashion statement as mountains of chapatti, chicken

with spinach, pickles, pakoras, ladoos, kebabs were always there, the snack cup-board was

always full of masala pea-nuts, crisps, savoury vermicelli, which were only starters.

Tania, the most modern of the three, rebels against her parents on the issue of domesticity

and marriage because of the important position held by her in the office and her

confidence in her capabilities of handling the world outside. She cannot imagine a life

which her friends live where once home they cringe, bow and stoop and within minute are

enmeshed in a world where they baste, bake, pack lunch boxes, bathe in-laws and burn

with guilt. Yet, she is the one who buys spices and crushes fresh coriander under her

father‘s nose when he is in a coma. She also jingles silver bangles and is ready to swear that

he registers all these even though he is comatose.

Clothing in Meera Syal‘s novels is almost a metaphor for India. We find that Meena‘s

mother Daljit was a contrast to other Indian women who wore embroidered salwar suits

screaming with green and pink and yellow with bright make up and showy gold plated

jewellery. Daljit, despite being an educated working Indian immigrant felt differently. It

was her duty to show them ( the English) ―we could wear discreet gold jewellery, dress in

tasteful silks and speak English without an accent‖. In ―Life is just not Ha Ha Hee Hee ” ,

Chila is the typical immigrant Indian, but Sunita and Tania are quite westernized in their

hairstyles and clothing.

Music forms an important part of feelings in the Indian community and part of every

celebration. There were mehfils with Urdu Ghazals and Punjabi Folk songs. After the

customary dinner in Meena‘s house the harmonium would be brought down and nostalgia

would seep in as Indian songs were sung. As a child Meena could not identify with her

highly emotional relations as she says ―when I looked at my elders in these moments, they

were all far away‖.

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Syal‘s new brave, first generation British born heroines face a more privileged world than

their mothers did. They are educated, better accustomed to the ways and life of the western

world but inspite of not embracing India and her ways fully- India does loom large,

subconsciously in them. It is steeped too deep in their psyche, dormant and yet active.

They might scorn at a land they have never visited and even laugh at its people, but when

Chila walks out on Deepak it is India she wants to go to, to the Himalayas with her son-

dumpy, podgy Chila who has never taken any decision and when she has to – thinks of

India. She realizes the importance of the dupatta as she describes, ―yoke of ages,

transparent as air, heavier than iron- a family‘s honour symbolized by its daughter‖. She

wants to sweeten her son‘s soul with, ―Lata, of course all the seventies soul stuff‖ and has a

desire to feed him simple wholesome food, ―straight from the earth‖.

Tania too leaves Deepak and returns to her comatose father, ‗linking back‘ in her own way

though she too had rebelled when she was taught how to read the mood of men, walk

softly, talk sweetly and save any rages and rumbles for the privacy of her bedroom. Sunita

does not identify with the Asia Society and yet forsakes her career for her family, her

instinct saving her from breaking up her marriage as she and Akash patch up- the

importance of home and hearth overriding everything else. Meena for all her eagerness to

identify with Anita and her gang and to feel British realizes exactly where and when she

goes wrong and at the last minute breaks off with Anita.

Meera Syal in both the novels leads us in an exotic, spicy, and hilarious journey as she, to

borrow a reviewers comment from SHE, ―Meera Syal unfolds one by one the ties that bind

these young women to their East End Punjabi roots even as they head West for trendy

careers, café bars and sexual freedom‖.

The protagonists in both the novels discover the lives of their mothers and in doing so find

the culture strings which are too deeply impregnated and imprinted in them. This is true

inspite of all the clubs- pubs, mates –dates, cars-bars, holidays-hideaways, mags-fags, sex-

shopping-bed hopping, fusion-confusion. After Chila gives birth she and Sunita are

suddenly flooded with a realization and understanding of all the old world sayings their

mums frequently quoted- ―When a woman gives birth she has one foot in death. But when

she has given birth she gives birth to two new people – the baby and herself‖. The

subconscious imprint on their psyche is clear as the maxims tumble out on their own-

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―Never leave the house if you have sneezed‖, ―don‘t wash your hair on a Thursday‖, ―left

handed people bring bad luck‖ and so on. Everything falls in place at the end, a

reinforcement of what they were taught – Karma, God and his sense of justice. This is

probably why Meera wrote at the beginning of Life is just not Ha Ha Hee Hee

― For all our mothers and daughters

And the East London ‗Kuriyan‘

You know who you are‖.

The end shows their understanding, an identification with the culture, values and

traditions of their origins but these characters are more successful because they manage a

fusion of their actual identity and the adopted culture. So does Meera Syal succeed in

creating for the immigrant children as Foucault would say a new heterotopia?. Certainly,

Rohington Mistry‘s statement in his novel, ―No New Land‖ sums it all, ―We are but

creatures of our origins and however stalworthy we march paving new roads, seeking new

worlds, the ghosts from our past stand not far behind, not easily shaken off‖.

Bibliography Syal Meera. Anita and Me. New Press, New York (1996) Syal Meera. Life is Just not Ha Ha Hee Hee, New Press, New York (2000) Abercrombie Nicholas Warde Allan (ed) The Contemporary British Society „Polity Press ,Cambridge (2001). Ballard, R.(ed) Desh Pardesh :The South Asian presence in Britain: London, Hurst,(1994). Dasenbrook Reedway, Intelligibility and Meaningfulness in Multicultural literature in English PMLA102 (1987) Hall Stuart, Cultural Identity and Diaspora Colonial discourse and Post Colonial theory, ed Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman Columbia university Press NewYork (1994) King Bruce(ed), New National and Post Colonial literatures-An Introduction, Clarendon Press Oxford (1996). Phillips, M. and T. Phillips Windrush : The irresistible rise of Multi-racial Britain. London : Harper Collins. (1998) Rushdie, Salman . Imaginary Homelands : Essays and Criticism 1981-1991, Penguin / Granta

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A SELECTIVE STUDY OF THE ENGLISH WORD IN NON-NATIVE DISCOURSE

In keeping with the theme of the Conference , ―The Non-Native Phenomena of English‖

our paper aims at a selective study of the English word in some regional discourse. The

importance of English in India or Indian English cannot be understated. To quote Bill

Bryson, ―About 300 million people in the world speak English and the rest want to speak

it.‖ English has stepped down from its pedestal at the language of the elite to that of the

common man. The purpose of this paper is to explore how in some specific contexts

English has opened up vistas of knowledge, opportunity which were unheard of,

unexplored and made the unachievable reachable. It has changed from a stylistic language

to one of necessity and now, most Indians inspite of being non-native speakers or users of

the language intersperse English words in their daily interaction with others, both

consciously and sub-consciously. Baumgardener, in his book South Asian English points

out that, ―No other language has been used by more people in more places. In India alone

there are approximately 25 million users of English‖ – a figure which he pointed out in

1996.

As teachers of English we observed an increase in the use of English words in vernacular

discourse both in academic circles and the world outside. This triggered off a series of

questions:

Why has a non-native speaker of the language taken to interspersing his mother tongue with English words?

What prompts the vernacular student to use English words outside an English classroom?

Has usage increased because of media exposure and loss of snob appeal in the English language?

THE GLOBAL EFFECT OF ENGLISH TODAY

Shome Mitalee, Acharya Shubha,

Acharya Tamasha

A Paper presented at National Level Seminar on “ Non-Native phenomena of English at the Institute of Advance Studies, Pune

on 24th—26th June, 2005

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Does the teacher teaching vernacular subject use English only while explaining

technical language and concepts?

Does use of English words enhance the face value of the speaker and the speech? In other words the paper aims at trying to find out the extent to which the people use the

language to communicate in a comprehensible manner.

A conscious effort was made on our part to observe teachers teaching in vernacular

language classes. Our College offers under-graduate courses in Arts and Commerce and is

affiliated to SNDT University, Mumbai. There are four mediums of instruction i.e. Hindi,

Gujarati, Marathi and English. Most of the subjects being taught in the three vernacular

mediums were taken up. The subjects where we conducted our observation were Literature

in the vernacular languages, Psychology, Sociology, Child Development, History,

Economics etc.. During these lectures the teachers were informed that they could use their

natural teaching methods as, an administrative problem with students was being analysed

by the observer.

Here, in the course of this subject specific context it was observed that the teacher used

English in various roles thereby strengthening our initial hypothesis. From this context we

shifted to a larger one- the world outside where English is used as a means of

communication from the local bhajiwala to the bai, the grocer in the kirana shop to the

durwan in the shopping mall, the courier boy to the plumber, all use their regional or the

national language with certain English words. In such a scene Rahul Goswami‘s title of an

article rings true, ―Globalization Erodes Local Language, Fuels ‗Global‘ English‖ –

Intersperses Service , 2003.

Methodology

The method of data collection was based on the case study, observation and finally

evaluation method. Merriam and Simpson (1984) define case study as ―….. an intensive

description and analysis of a phenomenon or social unit such as individual, group,

institution, community.(P-95). While using this method we limited ourselves to 1000

minutes observation. Our observation focused on recording the conscious and the un-

conscious use of English words by the teacher and the students during the course of the

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lecture. The study also focused on whether receptivity of students who used English as a

second language was hampered and communicative competence impaired in the

classroom. After this was noted we took interviews with the concerned teachers and

students who confessed that sometimes they did use English consciously to reinforce some

point, make a concept clearer, while teaching technical language .Sometimes, it was also

used as students were more familiar with the words in English than their mother tongue.

More findings in the class room are given later on. Students were evaluated by verbal

questioning, their discussions and clarification with the teacher were also observed along

with their answer sheets in the internal and annual tests. Our questions were based to find

out whether the receptivity of the students was hampered or not?. In other words our

study also highlighted instructional effectiveness and student‘s reception of the subject.

An analysis of 50 programme hours of Television chat shows and news items provided us

extensive input on the excessive use of English words in the Regional channels. Some

channels are telecast at the national level – Sahara Samay, Star Plus, Aaj Tak, Surya, Udaya

while others were region specific like the Alpha Channels. Television with its increasing

viewer ship, multiple channels and intensive news coverage forms a potent source of

research. One would like to mention here that the Aaj Tak channel which telecasts a full

fledged Hindi news channel felt the need to promote itself and to increase its viewer ship

in the south. It did so by introducing an all English news Channel.

Procedure

During the analysis it was found that English is used as a bridge language and in many

other forms most of which overlap. It should be understood here that the words stated

below are drawn out after much analysis from the utterances of both teachers and students.

Common words like question, answer, exams, project, syllabus, item, sorry, excuse me,

hello, exchange, common, advertisement, holiday, late, miss, room etc. are no longer

considered as ―English‖ words. They have become native.

English in the classroom is used as the language of experience when the teacher uses it to

explain concepts like definition, means, maximum advantage, clean chit, direct control,

transport, communication, flexible, third rate, contact, quota, process. In a Hindi Literature

class, the teacher while explaining says ‗Jal‟ ya Water and ‗Kyun maine Sita ko quote kiya hai‟.

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An Economics teacher says „Bankecha direct control asthe‟, „Rate of interest monthly nahi count

hoicha, yearly che‟, „Lagna nantar kititari problems asthe‟.

English is a link language when the teachers teach in the vernacular medium and use the

words like generally, usually, suppose, let‘s say, imagine, finally, to conclude quite

frequently even while using the mother tongue.

It was surprising to observe that English is used as the language of reinforcement and

encouragement eg. Yes, ‗Aur uska natija khas hota hai‟, ‗Imagine karo ki‘, right ‗Secondly very

good point‟, okay continue, that‘s right, understood, etc. are commonly used as

encouragement terms. Sometimes both the English words and the word in the regional

language was used, as in ‗antar bhaya‟ in Marathi and also internal-external in English, ‗rang

-bhoomi‟- theatre, ‗labh aane gairlabh‟ – advantages and disadvantages in Gujarati. To

continue with the concept of familiarity it was seen that certain words had percolated to

the native language, words which the student used with confidence – family, classroom,

library, principal, problem, year etc.. It was observed that the teachers of Economics, Child

Development, Commerce use a lot of technical terms in English even if it has a substitute in

the vernacular language. Example – Industry, shares, origin, tax, debentures, stocks, profit

and loss, co-ordinate axis, remand homes etc.. As a teacher of Social-Science says ‗Cottage

industry ka benefit milat nasthetar‟, „Day to today expenditure as the aani thyala calculate kela

jatho‟. An analysis of answer sheets in Sociology, Psychology and Economics showed

students using many English words in the Vernacular language in their answers.

Commonly cited words are Socialisation, Community, Survey, Interview, Conditioning,

Emotion, Attention, Stock Exchange, Sensex, Share, Provident Fund, Engineering etc. to

just mention a few.

English acts as a language for increasing interaction in the classroom. Commonly used

words to express this are Good Morning, Good Afternoon, Hello, Bye, See you, How are

you doing, Thank You and Sorry.

The data for television was analysed by continuously surfing channels. As mentioned

earlier only vernacular channels and only news items were analysed. It was a conversation

analytical approach. The study was limited to distinctive inter-actional dialogues between

the common man and the anchor person. The arguments were sometimes asymmetrical

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and it was felt that television has changed the use of English in India. The common man

when interviewed about issues intersperses a lot of English words in his regional language.

So, while the teacher uses it as a natural output of studied knowledge, the man in the street

uses it for recognition, because it carries face value or it specifies a confident non-native

user. For example a Darbhanga Madhubani painter said ―exhibition se middle men paisa le

jaate hain‖ . A group of people from a remote village in Bihar spoke about Laoo Prasad

Yadav as ―Nahi kabhi public se milte hain, Bihar ke majority janata badlav chahate hain”. On the

Anara episode, an official who spoke about the issue said ―Anara ko clean-chit diya. Sample

pictures dee gayi thi. Woh comparision ke liye bheja gaya. Lifafa seal karke behja gaya tha,

examination se pata chalta hai ki face, eyes, lips photograph se milta hai‖.

Findings

The interspersing of English words in the vernacular language in the classroom and

television is probably because of exposure to English words. Many people use it more than

any other Indian language because of its flexibility, accessibility and empowering value. It

is a tool to get across attributed to loss of the earlier snob attitude. An idea which the

teacher elaborates with help from English words gives global significance to the concept or

issue of discussion.

Despite using L1 and L2, the shifting is rapid even in media specific situations. The

utterances form a part of the on-going dialogue thereby achieving complete

communication. This language cross-over is thus a vehicle of regional interaction.

The use of English words in answers was sometimes grammatically incorrect, but it was

more a case of exhibiting confidence and familiarity with the language. Technical words

even inspite of having translated equivalents were used in English, though written in the

mother-tongue.

The teacher uses English as a tool to clarify, get across, understand, reinforce. English has

almost gained the equivalent status of a national language.

When interviewed it was interesting to note from teachers that they used English

consciously in the first and second year and in the third year, it was less. Interestingly,

teachers of subjects taught in vernacular languages, use words in English which are not

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used in the English language class.

Code switching in classrooms and television is sometimes deliberate and people use it for

better acceptance and understanding.

English words used in communication are used interchangeably as a noun and a verb.

Despite the resistance to study English as a subject, it is a much sought after language. The need to speak, write and understand the language outside the classroom is felt and yearned for. This results in the appearance of the English word in their discourse which arrests attention and commands respect there by elevating the self respect of the user.

Conclusion :

In the current socio-political context, when RSS Chief K S Sudarshan ranted against English

and said that it cannot rival the rich vocabulary and emotional texture of our regional

language, Dileep Padgaonkar in his article in Times Of India dated July 25, 2004 questioned

where would one find Indian words to impart instructions in the Physical and Social

Sciences not to speak of Management studies and IT.

We have adapted and adopted the English language. Rukmini B Nair titles English as a

―lifestyle language‖, ―a power and a money language‖. English has sublimated its status in

India. It is not a strain to the tongue. It is a user friendly language and from observations it

has been noticed that its slips into and fits naturally in the regional language. It has

switched from being the language of intellectual makeup to one of emotional makeup,

from being a sought after language to a native version. In this sense, English in India has

truly arrived, it is truly Glocal. To rephrase Darwin‘s theory on survival of the fittest, it is a

survival of the successful – English being the successful language here. English is not only

a pot pourri of words from different languages, other regional languages have made

English words native by incorporating English in their mother-tongue. To confirm with the

preamble of this Conference, Yes – the awareness and ownership of this once foreign

language has a different meaning now. It is accessible, flexible and utilitarian. To conclude,

as quoted by Anne Pakir ―English is going Glocal – going global while maintaining local

roots‖.

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Paper presented by : Dr. Mitalee Shome, HOD Ms. Shubha Acharya, Lecturer Ms. Tamasha Acharya, Lecturer Department of English, M D Shah Mahila College, Mumbai References :

Article ―Is Globalization killing our Languages?‖ Economic Times dated 15/02/2005 Baumgardner, R J , South Asian English : Structure, Use and Uses, Oxford University Press, Delhi-1996 Goswami Rahul, Globalization Erodes Local Languages, Fuels ‗Glocal‘ English, Inter Press Service, July 30, 2003 Hammerly, H. (1985). An integrated theory of language teaching. Blaine, WA: Second Language Publications. Kachru B. B., ‗The Pragmatics of Non-Native Varieties of English‘, L. Smith ( ed ), English for Cross-Cultural Communication, MacMillan London – 1981 Merriam, S. & Simpson, E. (1984). A guide to research for educators and trainers of adults. Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger Publishishing Company

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You of the twisted trunk and the massive body, with the dazzle and light of millions of

suns, lead me on a path that has no obstacles or hindrances, clearing the way in all that I

do, ever and always.

As the holy month of Shraavan draws to an end, the normally begrimed, dusty,

sooty, bustling — and this year almost floating in water — Metro of Mumbai morphs into a

real fantasy-land. The streets are flooded with colourful lights, incense fumes and music

which spills out of the microphones into the atmosphere sur­charged with the frenzied

chanting of mantras by the thronging devotees congregated at the various pandals. There is

a daily renaissance, a daily flowering of the spirit. And before you know it the mystique of

the God, Sri Ganesa, is all around you.

And the city prepares itself to welcome one of the most beloved of all the gods in

the Hindu pantheon ­Sit Ganesha whose birth­day falls on the fourth day (Chaturthi) of the

lunar month of Bhadrapada.

One by one, as if by magic, the sarvajanik pandals materialize from nowhere mak-

ing the hearts of harried Mumbaikars cavort in unconcealed delight as they fervently look

forward to the 10-day reprieve from the nerve-wracking grind of daily life. Intriguingly,

the disproportionate four-armed figure of Sri Ganesa with his short rotund stature, uncom-

monly large flapping ears, long curling trunk, small slit eyes and a grossly bulky belly sit-

SRI GANESAYA NAMAHA

Krishnan Prabha

Vakra Tunda Mahaakaaya

Suryakoti Samaprabha

Nirvignarn Kurumedeva

Sarvakaaryeshu Sarvada

A paper published in Dileep (Quarterly Journal on Religion and Culture), Vol. XXXI,3

July—Sept., 2005

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ting atop the pitifully contrasting tiny body of a rat does not look grotesque, absurd, comi-

cal or ugly. On the other hand, the figure exudes a magnetic appeal that compels one to

peer at the smallest of the small Ganesas with as much curiosity, eager­ness, wonder and

admiration as one would mar­vel at the larger 22-foot ones on display at the pandals.

Interestingly today, He even enhances the aesthetics of many an interior decor of

modern homes in India as well as abroad. But this fun-loving and funnily-formed god is

certainly in no frivolous mood for any child­ish pranks. He means seri­ous business.

For indeed He is ―OM‘ -the primordial sound of the universe - the very breath that

keeps us alive - and is therefore also known as the god of breath or ‗Omkara Ganesa‘.

Needless to say any Hindu Puja has to compulsorily start with the words, ―Gananaam tva

Ganapa­tigum Havaamahe .... the word ―Ganah‖ in Sanskrit means multitude, (or at­

tenders of Siva),, "Isa" means lord.

Ganesa therefore means ‗Lord of all beings.

But, besides being a lord to a multitude of beings, His form is such that it lends it-

self to be represented in multifarious ways. One can make an image by going into a very

elaborate and intricate method or make it simply by drawing a few curved lines. It can be

made in any medium - wood, canvas, glass, clay, stone, papier mache, plaster of Paris or

metal. In recent years, it is. made of Pepsi bottles as well as pearls, of coconuts as well as

colgate tubes, chess coins as well as cumin seeds or peanut shells as well as peacock feath-

ers and this stupendous list is a never ending one. There are even reports of Sri Ganesa be-

ing carved on betel nuts and bath-soaps.

There is every reason for this spurt of creative energy and spirit of enterprise as Sri

Gane­sa also happens to be the presiding deity of the ―Mulaadhaara Chakra the psychic

centre of the body in which Kundalini resides.

In fact, today, making an idol is verily a feat. Newer and newer ideas which go into

the mak­ing of the Ganesa idol add an element of surprise and wonder to the festivities. By

His very form, Sri Ganesa seems to be teasing us to explore the tremendous potential

which is latent within each one of us. Does not the Bible say ―seek and ye shall find?‖

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However, the traditional way to worship Him is in the form of an unpainted clay

idol. If the Ganesh Chaturthi idol is made of anything other than this, it could be one of the

causes for an ecological disaster. According to Rankorath Karunakaran, the author of

―Riddles of Gane­sa‖, Ganesa‘s clay image signifies the Prithvi­ Tattvam. Prithvi is one of

the five elements, Pancha Mahaabhutas and the repository of the Karmendriyas of sabda

(sound), sparsha (touch), rupa (form) rasa (taste) and gandha (smell). Is not the human

body itself believed to be nothing but a clay pot with nine holes and a lot of salt?

Just as there are a multitude of forms so also, according to an urban myth, His arti-

facts get miraculously accumulated in multitudes if a person happens to start collecting

them. Re ­1 cently, a Mumbai housewife, Rama Satish Shah, entered the Limca Book of Re-

cords and the Ri­pley‘s Believe .

And may be it was pre-destined that He should have the head of an elephant. For it

is a well-known fact that a huge brain implies intelli­gence and this has been corroborated

by the fact that the relatively small brained but mammoth-bodied dinosaurs could not sur-

vive the race for survival.

The worshippers of Sri Ganesa are blessed with both buddhi, discriminative intelligence,

and siddhi, the higher consciousness. These are alluded to by His two consorts or two

shaktis ―Buddhi and Siddhi‖.

Sri Ganesa holds a noose in one of his two rear hands and a hook in the other. Ordi-

narily, a loop with a running knot suggests the feeling of being choked. This implies that

the desires which suffocate a man and deflect him from the path of spirtualism need to be

controlled. The hook stands for sternness which is needed to tackle weakening emotions

like self-pity and anger.

Sri Ganesa wears a splendid crown - the jewels shining on it like brilliant stars. This

means that a spiritually awakened man has the power to illuminate every person whom he

encounters in his life.

Sri Ganesa places one foot on the ground while the other foot is placed near the

thigh. The foot on the ground denotes the earthly life which a man should live fully, while

the foot near the thigh indicates the spiritual freedom which one should aspire to attain

while being rooted firmly in his worldly affairs. Myth has it that a wife who is a potivroto

(selflessly devoted to the care of her husband) has the power to calmly ignore even the for-

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midable taposya-empowered rishi who elsewhere had by a mere glance reduced a bird to

ashes.

One of the forehands of Sri Ganesa is in the Abhaya-Mudra This mudra can be ex-

plained in a number of ways. But, basically, it means that the god forgives and blesses one

and all. The prerequisite for this act is the conquest of the ego which gives rise to vindictive

feelings of retaliation and revenge. Without quashing this ego, it is not possible for either

god or man to pardon anyone.

The lotus or the padma at his feet is the goal of all human evolution for, conven-

tionally, the national flower lotus symbolizes perfection.

Sri Ganesa is known by a long litany of names. But the Ganesapurana insists that

twelve out of this long list must be definitely recited at the commencement of any Hindu

ritual. These are Sumukha, Ekadanta, Kapila, Gajakarma, Lam­bodara, Vika to,

Vignanashaka, Ganaadipa, Dhumrakethu, Ganaadhyaksha, Balachandra and Gajanana.

Like the eternal cycle of the seasons and like all major religious myths like Osiris,

Adonis, Thammuz, this Ganesa festival also re-enacts the ritual of birth, death, purgation

and rebirth by uniting the lord with the elements on the eleventh day of the festival - the

Anantha Chathurdashi.

The Bible says, ‗For dust thou art and unto dust thou shalt return. On the day of

immersion or the Visarjan, as the idol of Sri Ganesa is taken to the sea for immersion, cries

of ‗Ganpati Bap­pa Morya Phudcha Varshi Lavkaryaa, rend the air. We are then reminded

of the biblical message and the vanity of all human wishes. For, our ultimate destiny is to

get rid of all the trappings of the senses and allow the Atma to be merged with the

Paramatma. Our earthly body has to go from where it has come - the soil.

Also this ritual reinforces the fact that all religions, though different in form, have

the same essential mission and teach the same simple lesson.

Ganesh Chaturthi falls on September 7 this year.