sc literature review shifting cultivation nepal

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SHIFTING CULTIVATION SYSTEMS AND INNOVATIONS IN NEPAL B.R.REGMI, A. SUBEDI, K.P.ARYAL and B. B. TAMANG Local Initiatives for Biodiversity, Research and Development (LI-BIRD) Bastola Thar, Mahendra Pul, P.O. Box 324 Pokhara, Nepal 1

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Page 1: SC Literature Review Shifting Cultivation Nepal

SHIFTING CULTIVATION SYSTEMS AND INNOVATIONS IN NEPAL

B.R.REGMI, A. SUBEDI, K.P.ARYAL and B. B. TAMANG

Local Initiatives for Biodiversity, Research and Development (LI-BIRD)Bastola Thar, Mahendra Pul, P.O. Box 324Pokhara, NepalTelephone: 061-535357/532912/526834Fax: 061-526834

E-mail: [email protected] Web site: www.libird.org

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CHAPTER ONEIntroduction and General Methodology

Background

Shifting cultivation is the most complex and multifaceted form of agriculture in the world. It consists of highly diverse land use systems, which have evolved since as early as 10,000 BC in a wide range of distinct socio-economic and ecological conditions from montane to lower land ecosystems, and from tropical forests to grasslands (Spencer, 1986 as cited by AS&B WRI Bulletin, 1997).

Shifting cultivation encompasses cropping systems such as horticulture and annual cropping, perennial tree crops, animal husbandry, and management of forests and fallow in sequential or rotational cycles. It is currently practiced in a broad diversity of forms by 500 million to one billion people around the world (Lal, 1974 as cited by AS&B WRI Bulletin, 1997).

The total land area affected by shifting cultivation is difficult to assess because the practice includes land use activities. In the mid-70s, various types of shifting cultivation were practiced on about 30 percent of the world’s exploitable soil. By 1985, roughly one half of the land area in the tropics was modified through shifting cultivation. In 1994, the global area was estimated at 209 billion hectares (IFAD et. al., 2001).

Shifting cultivation was common in the temperate zones of the Mediterranean and Northern Europe until the 19th century, as well as in the southwestern and northeastern pine woodlands of North America until the 1940s. Currently, it occurs almost exclusively in the humid and sub-humid tropics of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (IFAD, et.al, 2001).

In Nepal, this practice is locally known as Khoria Kheti1 and is a dominant farming practice in the hilly areas of Chitawan, Makawanpur, Tanhun, Gorkha, Lamjung, Nawalparasi and Dhading districts of Central and Western Region of Nepal. Khoria farming practice is also prevalent in the Koshi watershed in Khotang and Bhojpur, some parts of Terathum and Pachthar, lower parts of Barun river in Sankhuwasabha district, some remote areas of Solukhumbu district and along the side of Tamor river in Dhankuta district. According to Shroeder (1985), there is evidence of forest fallow slash and burn cultivation in the upper Arun River valley where at least ten years has passed between periods of cultivation. He also points out that at Pumdi – Bhumdi near Pokhara, some areas of Palpa and Rasuwa slash and burn was common prior to World War I and ended by about 1957. Besides, the practice of slash and burn is still a common practice in some areas of Jumla, Mugu and Kalikot in Far Western region of Nepal (Singh, 1993).

Some of the world’s poorest people in tropical Asia live among communities that have depended upon shifting cultivation for their livelihoods. Invariably, they are blamed for environmental problems occurring in forest margins and surrounding upland tracts and are under pressure from authorities to adopt more permanent forms of agriculture. But these farmers live within complex, risky and diverse environments and have had to develop a wide array of strategies to deal with the challenges of farming in these tracts (IFAD et.al. 2001). The practice of Khoria kheti has been observed mostly in areas with more than 30 degree slope with majority of the involvement of ethnic minorities like Chepang, Magar, Sherpa, Rai, Tamang and lower caste. These communities are generally resource poor and marginalized. The population

1 Khoria kheti refers to Shifting cultivation or slash and burn

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growth and land shrinkage has forced these farmers to shorten their fallow period from 10 years to only 2-3 years. The trend of shortening fallow and converting to regular cropping is rapidly expanding which has ultimately threatened their livelihoods.

Although shifting cultivation is a dominant land use practice in many hilly areas of Nepal particularly of minority ethnic groups including other disadvantaged groups, the government and other organization have been neglecting and discouraging this practice and have criticized this system as being destructive, inefficient and wasteful. The group been involved in shifting cultivation has been further blamed by the government as a major catalyst of deforestation and ecological crisis in the mid-hills of Nepal. Recently there are some organizations which have initiated to recognize the ignored farming practice and associated indigenous knowledge but concrete effort to understand the multi-faceted and dynamic characteristics of shifting cultivation have been still lacking.

However to some extent, the perceptions regarding shifting cultivation are based on misinformation, and oversimplifications that overlook complex realities. They also misrepresent the people who practice shifting cultivation. There are many compelling examples of communities of shifting cultivators managing natural resources within a broad range of diverse agricultural and agro forestry based land use systems and a mere fact is that they have managed to survive in the extreme environment. Hence, in order to challenge the prevailing misconceptions, it is necessary to have a thorough study about the shifting cultivation systems and practices.

Significance/Justification of the Study

Among the systems of agriculture in the third world, the practice of shifting cultivation has been the most abused and misunderstood. It has continued to be the subject of intense prejudice by urban and settle peoples. Almost everywhere, shifting cultivators are under attack. There is very little information available and studies done on shifting cultivation and sloping land cultivation and on the livelihood systems of the people involved in such practices in Nepal. Government efforts to understand the dynamics of shifting cultivation and community have also been absolutely negligible because of the fact that government is perceiving shifting cultivation as a problem of encroachment and continuously advocating against it. However, some research and development agencies have been involved in developing approaches to transform shifting cultivation systems into more sustainable forms of land use. But it is generally accepted that the uptake of these innovations by local communities is abysmally low. Meanwhile, demographic and economic pressures continue to mount in these areas, often questions about the impact (of such systems) on global warming and agrobiodiversity are being raised.

Eventhough, some shifting cultivation practices have become unsustainable as well as questionable in recent times, the knowledge upon which shifting cultivation systems are based offer useful insights for agricultural and other development strategies. It is therefore very necessary for conducting extensive study in order to fill the existing knowledge, information and research gaps in shifting cultivation. It is assumed that the information collected regarding shifting cultivation in Nepal will be relevant for researchers as well as policy decision-maker and development officers, to assess and learn about these systems and overcome myths, acknowledge realties, and focus on implications.

Objectives of the study

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The aim of the study is to prepare an inventory of thus farm documented indigenous practices, existing research and development projects/programs and policy that affect the livelihoods of communities of shifting cultivators. Specifically the study aims:1. to review existing literature on indigenous practices and fallow system of shifting cultivation2. to do inventory on past and current research, development and projects related to shifting

cultivation3. to review the past and current policy related to shifting cultivation4. to use the literature as one of the basis for documenting innovative practices as case stories.

Limitations of the Study

There is very little information available and studies done on shifting cultivation practices and on the livelihood systems of people involved in such practices. And the current country’s situation is quite fragile and delicate that limited some freedom in traveling to the potential sites before the initial write up.

Methodology

Various methods were used to fulfill the objectives of the study. Basically relevant literatures (articles, papers and documents) both published as well as unpublished were identified and reviewed by visiting different resource centers, libraries, organization offices and relevant personnel. Various relevant projects were consulted regarding the extent of information regarding their program and publications. Government agencies and other line agencies were also consulted regarding the information.

Consultative meetings with relevant individuals and institutions were conducted regarding the pool of information as well as for tapping their perception regarding shifting cultivation. An informal interview with some personnel was taken inorder to capture the wide range of views and perspectives regarding the shifting cultivation system and its practice. Furthermore, responsible persons in ICIMOD were also consulted for the progress update and planning the process.

The inventory of past and existing initiatives, programmes and policies were reviewed. Various publications regarding these were consulted.

Based on the nature of study, these findings were analyzed qualitatively. The analysis was explorative and descriptive. Some relevant sayings were quoted. These informations will be used as one of the basis for site selection of areas for case documentation.

CHAPTER TWOShifting Cultivation and Relevant Practices in Nepal

In Nepal, the high hill forests are cleared even today for the cultivation of agricultural crops. In this area agriculture is being practiced through slash and burn system. The primitive form of agriculture is called “Swideen farming”, “shifting cultivation” and “cyclical agroforestry” (Singh, 1993). The common pattern in shifting cultivation consists of clearing the natural forest or shrub vegetation in usually small patches during the dry season; burning them after 2-3 weeks of drying; soil working by using only hoe and other hand tools; and sowing one or two crops in succession or in combination. Farmers cultivate upto 2-4 years until the land become infertile. As soon as the crop

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productivity decreases, farmers abandon the area and clear another patch of forest to grow their crops. However, the shifting cultivators come back to the previous cultivation after a period of four to ten years when natural vegetation has restored soil fertility. This type of farming is known as khoria and Bhasme2 in Nepali. It is interesting to quote that communities of Makalu Barun Conservation Area name the longer fallow period as Khoria and shorter fallow period as Lhose 3but Lhose is a common term for fallow in rest of the places. The Nepalese Khoria cultivation as practiced presently in several parts of county is characterized by 2-4 years of cultivation and 4-9 years of fallow. There seems to be a marked tendency of prolonging cultivation and shortening the fallow as the population pressure is increasing with a corresponding decrease in the cultivatable land. In some cases shifting cultivated lands are also being gradually converted to settled farms and regular cropping in some areas (Bajracharya, 1993).Demographic and economic pressures continue to mount in areas of shifting cultivation, often characterized by a higher representation of ethnic minorities. These in turn forced farmers to shorten their fallow period and shift to regular cropping system. Food security concerns and overall impact on the ecology of the area are being raised. On the other hand, the government perception about shifting cultivation communities is totally negative which adds more kerosene to the problem of these minorities, threatening their survival and livelihoods. The common belief that shifting cultivation is an outmoded and ‘irrational’ system, and that there is an urgent need of replacement through external intervention, must therefore be treated skeptically. Understanding the complication of minorities involved in the shifting cultivation and to challenge some of the radical and generalist view on shifting cultivation, this current study seems to be very significant. This review will bring to the actual situation related to shifting cultivation in the forefront of development interventions and initiation taken to this moment regarding shifting cultivation. This literature review will further highlight various practices and systems under shifting cultivation and associated communities especially opening the real picture regarding how communities have survived under the system for generations. Furthermore analysis of the policies and initiatives will further help in identification of research gaps and understanding regarding shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators. This section identifies the places where shifting cultivation is prevalent with some brief description about the systems and communities involved. It has presented the on-going and past initiatives regarding shifting cultivation. This section has captured some positive as well as negative perceptions regarding this system.

2 Bhasme refers to shifting cultivation or slash and burn3 Lhose refers to subsequent fallow period

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Table1. Location of shifting cultivation (based on types, geographic features, cultivation years and ethnic group)

S.N District/Project area Types Sub-types Geographic Features

Cultivation years

Rotation years

Distribution Ethnic Group involved

1 Sankhuwasaba Slash and burn Short rotation

High hill and mid hill From 1020-3243 m altitude

2 years 3-12 years Lower Barun Valley, Num, Pathibhara, Pawakhola, Matsypokhari and (Sakshilla, simpung, hanghong, Hatia, Chepuwa, Sebrung and Mabak) of Hatiya VDC,

Rai, Tamang and Sherpa

2 Solukhumbu Slash and burn Short rotation

High hill 2 years 2-3 years Not known Sherpa

3 Bhojpur Slash and burn Short rotation

Hilly areas - - Hasanpur area (south of Bhojpur)

Community involvement

4 Okhaldhunga Bukma system

Slash and burn

Short rotation (Potato)

Short rotation

Hilly areas

Hilly areas

- - -

Manebhanjyang VDC Rai community-

5 Taplejung Slash and burn Short rotation

High hills 2-3 years 5 years 1 and ½ hour walk from the district headquarter (Papung, Sawa and Nalbu)

Sherpa and Limbu community

6. Panchthar Slash and burn Short –long rotation

Mid-High hills 2-3 5-7 years Ranitaar, Lungrupa, Sidin, Prangpung, Falaicha, Amarpur, Changthabu

Rai community

7. Dhankuta Slash and burn Short rotation

Tamor river belt, mid-high hill

1 2 years Mahabharat , Bhadetaar, Maunabudhuk and Saptingtar

Rai, Limbu and some other castes

8 Sunsari Slash and burn Short rotation

High hill 1 2 years Bishnupaduka VDC Rai and Tamang

9. Dhading Slash and burn

Slash and no burn

Short rotation

High and low hill with slope 18-50 degree

2-3 years 6 mon-2 years

3 years

- Jogimara, Dhusa (majority of Chepang), Beneghat, Gajuri, Pida, Talti and Kiranchowk VDC

Chepang and Magar

10. Makawanpur Slash and burn Short rotation

Inner terai to Mid hill region

2-3 2-3 years Kakada VDC, Manahari, Kalikataar VDC and

Chepang and Tamang

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Raksirang VDC11 Tanahun Slash and burn Short

rotationMid hill and low hill (300m – 1500 m altitude) , (18* slope to 45* slope)

1 years 3 years Chimkeswori , Abukhaireni , Devghat Ghasikuma,Kota, Chhipchhipe, Baidee,Dharampani,& Deurali VDC,

Chepang, Gurung, Magar, Kami, Bhujel, Newar

12 Gorkha Slash and burn

Slash and no burn

Short rotation

Short rotation

Low hill to Mid hill (from 250 m to 1400 m) (18* slope to 35* slope)

1-5 years 2-9 years Taklung, Manakamana, Tanglichowk, Darbung,Ghyalchowk, Bhumlichowk and Makaising VDC

Chepang, Magar, Gurung, Sarkis & Newars

13. Chitawan Slash and burn Short rotation

Low Hill to High hill especially in the northern belt

1-5 years 3 years Northern Chitawan (Kaule, Korak, Shaktikhor, Kabilash, Dahakhani, Siddhi, Darechowk, Chadibhanjyang, Lothar, VDC)

Chepang, Gurung, & Magar,

14 Nawalparasi Slash and burn Short rotation

Low hill to high hill

1-2 years 3-4 years 17 VDC (Lhape, Dhaubadi, Raikot, Durali, Arkhala, Jaubari, Ruchang, Naram, Rakuwa, Dedgaun, Bhartipur, Bulingtar, Dandajhairitar, Kohathar, Mithukaram)

Magar, Sarki Gurung and (migrants from Palpa)

15 Jumla Slash and burn Short to Long rotation

High hill - - - Mixed caste

16 Kalikot Slash and burn Short and Long rotation

High hill - - - Mixed caste

17 Mugu Slash and burn Short rotation

High hill - - - -

Source: From various literature sources.

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Extent of Shifting Cultivation

The majority of households identified in Table (1) within the mentioned locality are involved in shifting cultivation, but with considerable variations in the numbers of such households among VDCs and among wards of a given VDC. Various literatures indicate that shifting cultivation is extensive in some district of central and western region especially in Dhading, Gorkha, Chitawan, Tanahun, Makawanpur and Nawalparasi. Records also reveal that some of the eastern districts like Taplejung, Sankhuwasaba, and Panchthar do have quiet large number of communities to be involved in these practices. Shifting cultivation is also prevalent in far western districts like Jumla, Mugu and Kalikot but the extent of practice has not been recorded. Extensive areas along the highway by the Trishuli River have been subjective to shifting cultivation most probably due to easy access to main roadways facilitating marketing. The reasons for an increase in the number of shifting cultivator families in the study area and elsewhere could be: tradition (as in Chepangs Magars and Gurungs); necessity for supplementary food grains supply due to shortage; and economic motive as is found among some rich farmers of the area (Bajracharya, 1993).

Literature shows that almost all the Chepang families of Gorkha, Tanahun, Dhading, Makawanpur and Chitawan are involved extensively in Khoria cultivation. The study done by Action aid reveals that many migrants Magar and Gurung communities from Tanahun and Palpa are also involved in case of Nawalparasi.

Some of the literatures highlighted that shifting cultivation has been found in areas of Barun valley and Tamor river belt. There are numerous communities at the confluence of Barun with Arun river

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basin. The study done by Makalu Barun National Park Project has documented slash and burn system in some VDC of Sankhuwasabha district with majority of population of Makalu and Yaphu VDC involved in the practice (Sharma, 1995). Vogt (1999) also revealed that shifting cultivation is prevalent in the upper Tamur valley especially at the village of Lungthung.

Literatures related to deforestation have indicated that some of the migrant people especially in the Churia range have been involved in shifting cultivation. Some communities belonging to this group are still found in some parts of Makawanpur district.

Areas and Distribution of shifting cultivation

Shifting cultivation has been found in wide ecological belt from the lower hill to high hill. Records show that shifting cultivation is practiced from 200 to 3000 m altitude. Shifting cultivation has been practiced in quiet higher altitude in Far Western and Eastern region of Nepal. Shifting cultivation in Central and Western part of Nepal is practiced around low to mid hill with altitude ranging from 200 m to 1500 m. Bajracharya and Amatya (1993) reported that especially shifting cultivation is prevalent in southern part of Gorkha, Northern belt of Chitwan, South west belt of Dhading and North east belt of Tanahun (Figure 1). The site visit by review team observed intensive shifting cultivation practice in hilly areas of Nawalparasi district.

The study done by Subedi (1995) shows that almost 0.3 percent of the district area in Makawanpur has shifting cultivation practice with 2,014 households involved in it which is equivalent to 3.8 percent of district population.

Shifting cultivation was mostly observed on extreme geographic as well as geophysical circumstances like on stony, red soils of sloping land. Shifting cultivation is also observed in very steep slope i.e. 50 degree which is generally not recommended for annual cultivation.

Shifting Cultivation Communities

Slash and burn agriculture is generally practiced on common or national lands, not owned by the farmers, who generally are indigenous to the area and belong to Sherpa, Tamang, Gurung, Magar, Rai, Limbu or Chepang ethnic groups (Shrestha, 1994; Rayamajhi and Pokharel, 1995) .Out of which the Chepang people, also called praja, are regarded as the most marginalised and resource poor group in Nepal. Alone comprising of about 47% of the total population in the area with only 3% of the farmers enjoying food surpluses while more that 85% suffer from varying degrees of food deficiency from less than three to more than nine months (Balla, 2000).

Majority of the Chepang ethnic group who are mostly distributed in Chitawan, Makawanpur, Dhading, Gorkha and Tanahun district with a total population around 52,236 (26685 male and 25552 female) traditionally practice shifting cultivation. A part from the dominant ethnic groups like Chepangs, Sherpa, Rai, Magars and Gurungs, other ethnic groups like Newars, Brahmins, Chhetris, Damais, Kamis and Sarkis are also involved with shifting cultivation though to a lesser extent. Chepang communities are focused on the Central and Western region whereas, Sherpa and Rai are found in Eastern districts. Other castes are relatively distributed around the country.

Khoria is the main form of subsistence prevalent among the Chepang community (Rayamajhi, 1993). Similar findings were found in the research report published by Nepal Agroforestry

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Foundation (NAF). The study done by School of Ecology, Agriculture and Community Works (SEACOW) in Kandrang Watershed shows that majority of Chepang families being involved in Khoria kheti.

Literatures published by Makalu Barun Conservation Project indicate that quiet a larger number of populations of Rai and Sherpa are involved in Khoria cultivation. Vogt (1999) reported that shifting cultivation is still prevalent in the Eastern region where it is practiced especially by the Rai and Limbu ethnic groups. The baseline report published by Institute of Sustainable Agriculture (INSAN) indicates majority of Magar community of Arkhala and Dhaubadi and some Gurung communities to be entirely involved in shifting cultivation in case of some VDCs in Nawalparasi district.

Cultivation PracticesB. Slash and Burn System

Shifting cultivation is cyclical and its cycles encompass an array of land use activities. The specific stages and features of each cultivation cycle vary in place to place and sometimes it is difficult to distinguish. Available literatures show that basically two types of system prevail around the country. Slash and burn system and Slash and no burn system.

Management The practice of slash and burn system is similar to that of traditional system. The fallow period is decreasing and the system is rather temporary. Cotton is not grown nowadays. According to farmers, the cultivation of cotton is totally stopped since the construction of Prithvi highway. Beside maize and millet, new crops were introduced. Other cash crops like Maas (blackgram), bodi (cowpea), til (Lentil) and bhatmaas (soyabean) were also introduced.

There are various activities conducted during cultivation. Farmers clear the field and leave for some time before they burn the field. The burning is done individually and sometimes communally. After burning, the field is ready for cultivation. Farmers plant maize and use leguminous crops as intercropping. Farmers mostly use cash crops with maize. The weeding takes place 2-3 times after the seed sowing of maize. When the maize is harvested, farmers harvest cash crops and leave their land fallow for 1-8 years depending upon farmers (Figure).

Farmers practice zero tillage operation and they avoid using sophisticated agricultural tools. The dibbling method is used by farmers during seed sowing. This method is very effective since soil disturbance will be very minimum. Farmers do not use chemical fertilizer. Some use farmyard manure but in very low quantity. The pesticides and other insecticides are not used. Instead farmers use local ways of controlling the pest and insect problem. Farmers use leguminous species that adds nutrients to soil and strongly feel that incorporation of these species is very much effective in terms of soil fertility management.

Slash and burn system with rotation farming

This activity is very common in some VDCs of Nawalparasi district. People are practicing this system

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for generations. The activities generally include slashing the bushes, burning dried branches and leaves and sowing of crops. Such practices are prevalent in any of the accessible steep land depending upon the land availability. The practice of shifting cultivation starts in winter and ends in September or October when the maize is harvested. The land is then left fallow for 2-3 years. Farmers then shift to next patch of land. There are 4 bigger patches of khoriya land where farmer practice rotational farming.

Farmers plant maize in the initial stage then they use leguminous crops like cowpea, beans, soyabean, masyang (rice bean), gahat (horse gram) etc. Intercropped with maize. The weeding of maize is done after 1 –2 months of sowing that is the time when horse gram and soyabean is planted. Some farmers use millet instead of maize. The harvesting of maize takes place in late August. The leguminous crops are harvested in mid November. The land is then left fallow for 3 years. Farmers again shift to another patch of land in the next planting season.

B. Slash and no burn system Slash and burn system is very common type of shifting cultivation practice prevalent in Nepalese Mountains. The average fallow period between two subsequent slash and burn, locally known as Lhose, has now been reduced to 3-5 years against 10-15 years about 20 years ago. These practices appear due to the population growth and decline in the new forest areas for cultivation which leads them to cultivate in short cycle (Fig. 2).

According to Singh (1993) the high hills are very cold until Chaitra so, Baishakh and Jestha are the months when people practice slash and burn.

Study conducted by Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1993) in a village in Makawanpur district indicates that the communities do slashing in early March which is followed by burning and clearing and latter planting of crops.

The Rai community in Manebhanjyang VDC of Sankhuwasawa district used to clear the land and left to dry. Later it was burned and land was used to cultivate cereal crops. Similarly Pradhan (1988) in his study indicated about the slash and burn in the lower parts of Barun, which have been intensified because of increasing demand of food. The cultivation cycle has been reduced from 10 years to 3 years and less than that. Similar study was carried out by MBCAP. The document highlighted that the existing slash and burn system in the study does not depend on shifting cultivation rather is determined mainly by bio-physical and socio-economic factors like altitude, aspect, vegetation, size of landholding and family labor. Usually, 6-9 years rotational cycle was reported for higher elevation areas (such as Yangde) and 3-year rotation was reported for lower elevation areas (such as Sekidem).

The study conducted by LI-BIRD (2001) has documented slash and burn system in Gorkha and Tanahun district. Cultivation practices in the Gorkha area are more common to annual cultivation. Nowadays farmers are practicing regular cultivation in the slopping land. They are cultivating regular of 3-5 years in the same land and leave the land Lhose for 2-3 years thinking that fertility is decreased due to continuous cultivation. Few of the farmers are also practicing slash and burn practice and keep Lhose for 3-5 years. But quiet higher percentage of farmers slash and burn the

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area. INSAN’s study in Nawalparasi also showed similar type of slash and burn system as Tanahun and Chitwan.

Some reports indicate that a unique system of slash and burn is practiced in some parts of eastern districts where community is involved in the process. Other unpublished reports and individual persons have also indicated the practice of slash and burn in the Far Western region.

Management

The practice of slash and no burn system is similar with those of slash and burn system.Communities in the area clear the land and either burn the area or collect the debris at the bottom of field which is locally called “gujultaune”. Slash and no burn system is common in some farmers of Tanahun site (Figure 3). Nowadays this practice has been popular in other districts like Chitawan, Gorkha and Makawanpur districts. There are basically two reasons cited by farmers. One is that fire can cause problem if not controlled and this in fact could burn the adjoining community forest and leasehold forest areas. The other is that when the debris is deposited in bottom of the field, it will control erosion and soil loss. The cropping pattern is exactly similar to those of slash and burn system.

Fallow Management

Fallow practice was a substantial component of traditional farming system of Chepang and other ethnic communities. Natural fallow has multiple functions such as maintenance of soil fertility, control of unwanted weed and provision of other products and by products.

Fallow period in most of the shifting cultivation areas around Nepal is decreasing day by day. Records in the past reveal that communities used to leave the land fallow for 20-30 years. The land was sufficient and the population pressure was very low. Farmers in the old days did not face problem with food sufficiency. Many examples could be cited about communities sustaining their livelihoods under shifting cultivation in the past. As the population increased the land holding of farmers slowly decreased which kept more pressure on farmer to intensify their cropping pattern so, the fallow period become lessen year by year. The fallow period in many areas is now between 2-3 years. In some areas of Gorkha district farmers have began to do regular cropping for more than 10 years before they will leave fallow upto only 2 years.

Sharma (1995) reported changes in slash and burn cycle over time in the Yaphu and Makalu VDC of MBCAP. However, two major factors were found responsible for shortening the rotational cycle. These were rapid population growth and lack of other alternatives to slash and burn agriculture.

Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1993) reported that Chepang have become indebted to moneylenders and tend to expand khoriya or shorten fallow periods, which further stresses the natural environment.

Pradhan (1988) in his study identifies the increasing population and demand for food as one of the major cause of reduced fallow in areas of Barun valley. Similar views could be found in the article written by Singh (1993).

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Shrestha (1989) reported that the shifting cultivation in eastern region is practiced often on very steep slopes decreasing the rotation cycles to less than five years thus prohibiting oak regeneration and resulting in a replacement by bamboo and an invasive weed, Eupatorium.

Vogt (1999) in his study based on Lungthung village of upper Tamur valley, indicated that fallow system is mostly preferred by Rai ethnic group. Fallow period in the village ranges from 5-7 years. Similarly, the study conducted by RRN (2002) also indicates that normally fallow period range from 3-10 years depending upon the land and place.

The study conducted by Eco-center highlighted that people of the Devghat VDC area practice Tirsale Lhose with 3 years of rotational cropping. The report stressed that due to the increase demand of food for the family, the number of years for rotation tends to be decreased with some of the Lhose converted into regular farming system which is not suitable for the kind of farming system.

Even these days, farming practice of Sherpa and Gurung communities in Mude and Amrang is characterized by short cultivation and long fallow periods. The land is utilized for approximately 9-12 months and after that the land is left fallow to allow soil to replenish its nutrients. People keep their land fallow for 5-8 years as compared to 10 to 15 years of fallow. People leave trees in the land without destroying it. Naturally regenerated trees were considered in the fallow lands. People used to protect trees from burning (Regmi, et.al, 2004).

According to the study done by LI-BIRD, Chiraito has been used as one of the potential species for fallow management in Nalbu VDC of Taplejung district. People have recently domesticated Chiraito cultivation. They are utilizing their fallow land for Chiraito farming. Some of the farmers have initiated this work. Farmer like 'Kamichiring' says that he is quiet successful this time after failure to grow last year. His experience reveals that Chiraito grows well in slash and burn land. People can take two subsequent harvesting of Chiraito during 5 years of fallow. Chiraito is very valuable so, can be the best option for enhancing and supporting people's livelihood. This ex-situ conservation is relatively significant to divert people's attention towards haphazard extraction from forest.

Khoria system in the Nawalparasi belt has a four years cycle. After first cultivation, it is left at least for another two years and on the fourth year the bushes are slashed and biomass burnt to make ready for cultivation (INSAN, 1995).

The decreasing trend of fallow period around the countryside has been really posing a lot of socio-economic as well as ecological problems in the region. The intensive cultivation has resulted in low production, more labor requirement and ecological disasters. Although farmers have knowledge for better managing the fallow period they are forced to choose a wrong path.

Site Selection

Clearance

Burning

PlantingHarvestingSuccessionMaize

BlackgramLhose

One YearFig 2. The Stages of shifting cultivation system under Slash and Burn Practice (Source: LI-BIRD, 2002).

Three- Eight years

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Old Lhose

Clearance

Land preparation

Planting

Harvesting

Succession

Blackgram

Short termLhose

Maize

One Year

Lhose3-8Years

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Fig 3. The Stages of shifting cultivation system under Slash and No Burn Practice (Source: LI-BIRD, 2002).

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Cropping Patterns under Shifting Cultivation

A large number and varieties of crops grow in shifting cultivation areas. Farmers have managed to diversify their cropping patterns especially according to their need and demand. Most of the crops found in the areas have cultural and traditional values added to it. Considerable variations have been noted in the cropping pattern in shifting cultivation from one VDC to another (Bajracharya, 1993). The same is true for cropping cycles.

There is considerable diversity in the cropping pattern. It is also evident that crop diversity varies according to geographic locations. The crops grown in the eastern region may be not similar with the crops preferred in the central and western region. Altitudnal variation also determines the cropping pattern within shifting cultivation areas (Table 2).

Table 2. Cropping pattern in some of the shifting cultivated areas.

S.N District Cropping Pattern1 Sankhuwasaba Millet, Gram, Apple Plant, Maize, Potato, Clocossia, Cardamom2 Nawalparasi Maize (Maize+bean+cowpea,) -horsegram/fallow3 Chitawan Blackgram –fallow-Maize(Maize+Bean+finger millet)

Maize-fallowBlackgram/Horsegram-fallow

4 Tanahun Blackgram –fallow-Maize(Maize+Bean+finger millet)Maize-fallowBlackgram/Horsegram-fallow

5 Gorkha Maize (Maize+cowpea+bean)-fallow6 Dhading Maize (Maize+cowpea+bean+horsegram)-fallow7 Makawanpur Maize+Fingermillet-Fallow

Upland rice-Fallow8 Dhankuta Maize+gahat+Soyabean-Fallow

Radish-Fallow-Radish9 Arun and Tamur

valleyMaize, wheat and barley

The cropping cycle varies from places to places from 1-5 years. Usually, simple tools like hand hoes are used for tilling. Mulch is not used on shifting cultivation lands. Some farmers use very minimum quantity of urea but general consensus of farmers is that the use of fertilizer is useless since it is washed away by rain. Maximum crop yield is observed during the initial years and relatively decreasing on the consecutive years. Farmers recognize the fact that soil fertility problem is very severe in their land which according to them is the product of short fallow period.

Indigenous Knowledge within shifting cultivators

Cultivation on slopping and terraced land is a common feature of the Nepalese hill agriculture. Over the centuries, Nepalese farmers have been adopting a system of land use compatible with

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their environment such as shifting cultivation. Farmers have managed to sustain their farming system even with the shifting and sloping land use practice.

A review of documents reveals that many farming systems are based on intimate knowledge of soils, vegetation, and climate. They reflect strategies that allow farmers to avoid uncertainty. Research also indicates that the farmers’ decisions to reject an innovation are often rational when viewed from an indigenous perspective. Thus understanding the way that indigenous knowledge provides the basis for local level decision making for both the individuals and group could inform research and development endeavors (Thapa, 1994).

The findings of Knowledge acquisition prepared by LI-BIRD under HARP/SSLC Project implemented in Gorkha and Tanahun districts suggest that farmers have a unique knowledge about Soil Characteristics, Species composition and practice related to shifting cultivation. It was found that they have used this knowledge to sustain Shifting cultivation in the past. Due to evolving demographic and changing economic, political and social environments, the tradition of maintaining longer fallow system to stabilize soil and fertility has been turned to regular cropping and short fallow system characterized by low production potential and ecologically unstable one.

The study done by Sharma and colleagues (1993) indicate that traditional systems like slash and burn is a outcome of long experience and way of life which involved traditional value and customs. Examples from other districts also indicate that farmers do have certain level of knowledge in sustaining their farming system but in recent years their attitude has been overwhelmed by external pressures such as demand of more food and land shrinkage.

Farmers of Tanahun district as reported by LI-BIRD have various knowledge regarding soil conservation. Farmers instead of burning they now deposit the debris at the bottom of the field which is locally called ‘gujultaune’. Similarly other farmers used stone walls to protect their land from soil erosion. It is also evident that farmers use different methods in soil fertility enhancement like the use of various biological means such as green manure.

Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1995) in their study indicated that the reason for cultivating such slopes by chepang communities is due to loss of flat and fertile lands. Contact with the outside has led to indebtedness and the Chepang have become tenants on what once was their own land. The reason for relying more on settled agriculture is because of the government’s ban on further exploitation of the forest and the increasing intensity of cultivation which, without other inputs, has made khoriya land unproductive.

The Chepang maintain chiuri that has cultural as well as economic and ecological values. It is regarded as one the cultural tree of Chepang communities. The farming practice adopted by these people is highly complex in nature with diverse cultivation pattern. The sustainability of whole ecosystem in these small areas relies on the interaction between crop, forest, livestock and farming communities.

Subedi (1995) however stated that shifting cultivators in Makawanpur district has very limited knowledge about fallow management. He further stated that with current shortening of the fallow period, indigenous knowledge and traditional technologies are no longer capable of sustaining the lives of the people.

The traditional farming system has nowadays not been able to cope with the rapid growth of mountain human and livestock population that have exerted increased pressure on limited land

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resources for food and shelter. Due to this, even the marginal land with steep and very steep slopes are encroached for cultivation, grazing and fuel wood (Annual Report/NARC, 2000).

Relation of shifting cultivation with other Farming systems

Hill farming system is very complex and a mixture of different farming practices (Fig 4). Shifting cultivation is regarded as one of the farming system that is practiced on hilly and sloppy areas. Many farmers do not only possess sloping areas for shifting cultivation rather has other land as Pakho bari (rainfed land) and khet (irrigated land). Examples cited by many researchers in the Central and Western region of Nepal indicate that farmers having all three types of land regardless of the area of land but larger area under these farming fall under shifting cultivation. Farmers in those areas regard other land as supportive to their livelihoods.

Very few farmers have irrigated or khet land. Three crops are generally grown per year depending upon the irrigation facilities. Especially farmers plant rice, wheat and vegetables. The farming communities of Thumka VDC in Gorkha district plant rice and potato in their khet land whereas some farmers of Tanahun, Chitawan and Makawanpur plant rice, wheat and vegetables. These products are very less and contribute to fewer amounts to food supply for farmers.

Many farmers have a little portion of bari land (rainfed land) which are properly terraced than Khoria land. Irrigation facilities are almost negligible in these lands. Major crops include upland rice, maize, wheat, sesame, finger millet, legumes like horse gram, cowpea, soybean, broad bean, black gram and vegetables and fruits like jackfruits, papaya, mangoes, chiuri, banana, guava etc. The study done by LI-BIRD (2002) showed minimum land under this cultivation.

The kitchen gardening is mostly practiced on smaller scale. Very few farmers have kitchen garden but livestock rearing is preferably more in scale. Livestock is also regarded as one of the major component of farming system but some areas of shifting cultivation communities, the number of

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Grazing LandForest

Farming Household

Livestock Cropped fields

Feed

Feed

Fig 4.Interdependency of forest, crop and livestock in sustainable Hill farming system. (Source: Regmi, 2001).

Bed

din

g

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livestock reared is comparatively low. Due to scarcity of fodder and grasses the livestock number is decreasing day by day and some farmers expressed that the geography of the area is a prime barrier for rearing larger number of cattle as it restricts the free movement and grazing potentialities in the area.

Subedi et al. (1995) stated that there is a two-way relationship between food security and khoriya cultivation in Makawanpur district. Although khoriya cultivation contributes to food security, food security is, to some extent, a prerequisite for khoriya cultivation.

Land Tenure Systems

Land Tenure is one of the burning issues in shifting cultivation areas. Even government policies exact heavy pressure on shifting cultivators, i.e. forcing them to give up their rights to their forests and abandon their age-old ways of life. Some were even forced to resettle in permanent settlements and conform to the introduced lifestyles practically overnight.

Studies done by various organizations in Chepang communities have cited land tenure as one of the problem. There is traditionally, no privately owned land, but older folks in the area say that person having first claim to the piece of land is the one who earlier cultivated. Many chepang families are tilling in portion of land since generation but yet they do not have land registration certificate or what we call ' lalpurja '. Only a minority people among Chepang and other lower caste have land registration certificate. Study shows that around 40% chepang families in Nepal do not have land registration certificate. The insecurity among Chepang people has really hindered development program oriented for them. In case of Gorkha and Tanahun, farmers have some evidences about their land ownership which was given to them by VDC. The administrative complexity of land survey and registration has to be simplified in the future in order to recognize the land ownership right among shifting cultivators.

Studies done shows that increasing insecure tenure system, e.g. land rental, share-cropping tenancies etc all lead to short term fallow and profit oriented motives. Possibilities of innovation are found very limited in those areas.

However the study done by Sharma (1995) showed that land tenure problem is not observed in Makalu Barun conservation Areas. Majorities of the local people are small and marginal farm holders. Slash and burn fields are often divided among local communities based on various factors. This system is institutionalized.

Socio-economic condition of Shifting cultivators

As with shifting land cultivation practices, there is very little information available and studies done on livelihood systems of people involved in Khoria farming in Nepal.A recent study by Balla et al, (2000) in two watersheds of Chitwan and Tanahun districts, revealed that farming practices prevailing in the area are quite unsustainable and are unable to support livelihood systems within the farming communities.

For generations, the Chepangs have lived a semi-nomadic existence dependent on khoriya cultivation and hunting gathering. Traditional means of subsistence such as food gathering and hunting still form the major part of their economic activity. There is neither social stratification nor any true leadership among the Chepang. The village elders are respected by all and they are the

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decision-makers and mediators. This elderly group of men forms an informal council in decision-making. When a development plan is approved these elders will then inform the members of each household about the meeting and ask for the required input and help for its execution (Rayamajhi and Pokharel, 1995).

Chepangs are relatively close-knit groups and live in exclusive villages of their own, as in Terse with 35 families. They help each other in their pursuit of shifting cultivation informally or formally through “Parma co-operative". Whether registered or not their Khoria lands may be cultivated by themselves or allowed others to do so by mutual consent (Bajracharya, 1993).

The renting in and out of Khoria land is locally called Nyauli, and the rent for Nyauli is often a few Dokos (baskets) of maize cobs or a certain number of chicken or goats, usually agreed in advance.

Most of them are living in the central parts of the country, especially in Gorkha, Tanahun, Chitwan, Makawanpur and Dhading districts. Of many such areas, Thumka and Ghyalchowk of Gorkha district are the villages where more than 100 families of the Chepang community live in very poor condition. They till hill slopes and are specially engaged in shifting cultivation practices since generations to sustain their livelihoods. This farming practice adopted by the chepang community primarily requires intensive labour but have very low production potential. Majority of the families in the area are suffering from varying degrees of food deficit from three months to nine months of a year. An increase in the population in the area over the years, with the average of 6.7 persons, has put additional pressure for food demand as well as on local natural resources. During periods of food deficit, farmers depend largely on wild foods like Giththa/Bhyakur (Dioscorea deltoidea all), Ban-tarul (wild yam), Sisnu (Utrica dioca) etc. collected from the surroundings forest. As cash income in the village is negligible, they rely on seasonal migration for wage laboring. Almost 90% of the households at these villages have been reported for seasonal migration for off-farm (LI-BIRD, 2002).

The study done by INSAN (1993) shows similar type of situation in Dhaubadi and Arkhala VDC of Nawalparasi district where farmers have food deficiency for about 7-9 months. Food-deficit problems have guided poor households always to hunt other income generating activities that are traditionally prevalent in the area. Basket marketing, wage labour, seasonal migration is basic alternatives to cope with food-deficit. It is also known that a great majority of households in Ramche and Dhaubadi go for searching roots and tubers (Gittha and Byakur) in the forest during the winter. Food security in case of shifting cultivators of Makawanpur district is further declining due to disappearance of the surrounding forests and their food resources. Poor Chepang rely for 42 percent of their food on forest (Gurung et al., 1994).

The economy of shifting cultivators is subsistence based in the past but nowadays they are having problem with food. Most of the shifting cultivators are living under poverty with only very few alternatives. The shifting cultivators in the central and western region produce products like maas, gahat, bodi, til etc which they sell in the nearby market. Some farmers in case of Gorkha sell vegetable products in the nearby market. The cash supplement by these selling of products is very negligible.

All the members of families are involved in shifting cultivation. Men perform ploughing, hunting, climbing and felling trees while women tend to be involved in less strenuous work such as cooking, firewood collection, harvesting and so on. Female members and even children are involved in

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slashing, planting and harvesting activities. The labor requirement is very extensive. Around 20-30 people are involved in Khoria fadne and cultivation.

The staple food of chepang is maize and they prefer the local wine called 'haan' before and after they work. Maize, paddy and finger millet and legume crops are also grown and consumed by shifting cultivators. There is not much diversity in the area in terms of fruit trees and vegetable.

Culture is one component which determines the crop choice within shifting cultivators. Chepang communities especially prefer early harvesting crops that do not need rainfed land. Sama bali (Little millet cropping system) is preferred by these communities since it gives early production as well as it is used in “Kulpuja” (worshiping of ancestors).

Shifting cultivation practices and its impacts

Good Practices of Shifting cultivation system

Intercropping of Legume crops with Maize (Case of Bhumlingchowk VDC of Gorkha district) Farmers have however managed the system under extreme socio economic pressure. They have introduced leguminous crops like those which supply nitrogen and add nutrients to soil. Among these people planting legumes along with corn is not a new practice. With the practice of planting legumes with corn, farmers recognized the potential of this method supportive to their livelihood. People do not pull the legume crops during harvesting. They rather cut and leave the stumps and roots in the ground. According to farmer, the root and shoot of leguminous plant will be decomposed in the soil

and latter add nutrients to the soil. Farmer perceives the importance of intercropping in terms of cash generating source as well as way of improving soil fertility. Legumes crops include Cowpea (, Blackgram (Vigna mungo), Beans (Vicia faba), Soyabean (Gycine max),, Horsegram (Dolichos buflorus). Fire management (case of Dhaubadi VDC of Nawalparasi District)

Fire is one of the basic component of slash and burn system. People have been traditionally using fire in their Khoriya. Fire is also regarded as one of the major component to increase production. People feel that fire will destroy unnecessary weeds and make soil favorable for crop. The ash produced by fire is regarded as one of the manure sources for crop. People even expressed that the places where there are more burning, yields higher than place with lower burning or no burning. There is a communal fire management practice prevalent in the area. The control and management of fire is based on communal planning and decisions. All household members including the elders meet together and take decision regarding fire management.

People decide communally to slash the patch of fallow land that is adjacent to each other. The khoria is scattered away and people who have the patch nearby decide to slash the khoria at the same time. The main reason for this is to control fire from spreading from one patch to another patch. If people do not come to common understanding then sometimes the fire can destroy others fallow land which is not slashed.

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Another interesting thing is that people practice counter firing system. People start putting fire from one edge and inorder to prevent it from spreading they again put fire from the opposite site to counter the fire. This method is also called as zero firing method. This is scientifically regarded as a best way to stop fire from spreading and one of the ways to protect rest of the resources from the effect. In bigger forest fires, this method is also applied.

Tree Integration in Khoriya Plot (case study from Num VDC, Sankhuwasaba district)

In the site selection, the Sherpa communities of Num VDC in Sankhuwasaba usually choose a fallow land that is quiet matured and have been left at least for 5-8 years of fallow. People do not choose forestland or immature slash and burn area because they strongly believe that soil needs to be matured for higher crop yield.

This practice involves slashing of vegetation including trees and shrubs and spread over the ground. The trees are however protected. In case of trees, people slash only the trunks and branches but leave the stumps in the field so that, it will regenerate and provide them benefit during the fallow period. This system is very popular in the villages. People feel that trees are important for their livestock so, they really do not destroy it completely.

According to farmers, the left trees will regain its form slowly. The coppicing will occur and it will not hamper the crops since the coppicing and tree height will not be so rapid during the first year. After the second year when the land is left fallow, the trees will start growing and within 5-8 years it will be matured enough to be harvested. These species will be used for fodder and fuel wood purposes after 3 years of fallow. Trees inside Khoriya include Datle Katus (Castonopsis indica), Uttis (Alnus nepalensi), Angeri (Lyonia ovalifolia), Chilaune (Schima wallichi), Guras (Rhododendron spps), Banmara (Eupatorium adenophorium) etc.

Burning essential for slash and burn system (case study from Nalbu VDC, Taplejung district)

The cycle of slash and burn system in Nalbu VDC of Taplejung District starts with selection of land for cultivation. The land is then slashed and left for drying for certain days. Once the slashed biomass is dried, people burn the area. People ensure that sufficient manpower is needed during firing period. They are conscious that fire should not break into neighboring land and forest areas. After the burning, people start sowing maize or millet. Radish, beans and latte is intercropped with maize. People do weeding for maize. The maize is harvested quiet earlier than other legume crops. After legume crops are harvested, some people plant barley and wheat and harvest before planting season of maize. The land is then left fallow for 5 years.

Burning is an essential part of slash and burn system. People believe that the ash produced will lower the acidic content of soil and balance the phosphorous content thus making land favorable for crops. People use slash and burn area to grow medicinal plant like Chiraito. The Chiraito is believed to grow well in the area that is burned. However, people prefer maize, wheat, barley, potato and beans in the area. Potato production was more intense some years ago

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but recently this method has slowed down due to the fact that farmers have started to grow potato in their Bari land (rainfed).

People use their own traditional method in slash and burn (Bhasme) system. Both male and female are involved in the process. People work in group and take help of neighbors during the main agricultural activities like sowing, weeding and harvesting.

Recently, people are more interested in other land use system than Bhasme. People use Bhasme as a major source of land use for their daily food (subsistence based production) whereas, other land use systems have been used as supportive to this land use system.

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Issues in Shifting cultivation areas Over the recent decades, degradation of land and mountain ecosystems is becoming increasingly widespread. The Nepalese hills and mountains are very susceptible to erosion and degradation. The traditional farming system and cultivation on steep slopes have accelerated the rate of erosion and degradation. Agricultural productivity especially in the hills is at a decline due to erosion of fertile surface soil every year (Annual Report/NARC, 2000).

Slash and burn is practiced irrespective of gradient of the land. The disappearance of alpine and sub-alpine forests in the high hills has had significant on soil erosion. There is a significant loss of soil fertility from the cropped areas both due to leaching and run off. The widespread belief that the ashes left after burning add to the soil fertility is not based on facts. The monsoon rain washes away the ashes within a year or two of cultivation. The fertility of the land decreases to such an extent that further cropping becomes unprofitable within three years. Other negative effects are: deterioration of the high hill environment, sedimentation of downward agriculture lands, floods in rainy season and draught in the dry season, drying of water sources, and decreasing alpine and sub-alpine biotic diversity (Singh, 1993).

The low fallow period and intensified shifting cultivation has resulted in the decrease of annual production and loss of soil fertility day by day. Bajacharya (1993) reported that shifting cultivation practices are responsible for inducing environmental degradations which include increased incidences of and severity in soil erosion, landslides, and drought-flood cycles. It has also contributed to the scarcity of drinking water, reduction in forest and shrub lands, pauperization of floral and faunal wealth, etc.

Many farmers in Ramche and Arkhala VDC of Nawalparasi rated soil loss as the first problem. According to them as the result, productivity has been declined one cycle after another. They pointed out grazing as the main reason behind the problem (INSAN, 1999).

The majority of the farmers in Kholagaun village of Tanahun district have reported that the soil fertility in the Khet, Pakho Bari and Khoria in the areas is decreasing over the last 20 years. The farmers' perception about declining soil fertility is however, highest in Pakho Bari, followed by Khoria and Khet (LI-BIRD, 2002).

The study done by Sharma (1995) pointed out that slash and burn reduces vegetative covers from the fields and increases rate of soil erosion. Other possible adverse impacts from slash and burn on soil development and plant nutrient include: death and decomposition of plant roots, nutrient lass by leaching, soil pH increase, loss of organic matter, elimination of woody vegetation, etc.

It is believed that these changes have directly lead to the accelerated degradation of natural resources presently evident throughout Nepal in the form of increased soil erosion /land degradation, a problem already considered be have reached critical point in Nepal (Banskota, 1992) .With 1.8 million hectares estimated to be degraded ( HKH Region, Source Bhatta 1990).

It has long been established that soil erosion is caused by high runoff of surface water, irrigation or rainfed, resulting in the loss of valuable topsoil, whether through gradual degradation or landslides, which can result in loss of property and lives in unfortunate occurrences. In addition Khoria farming compounds land degradation by generally being practiced on sloping land, aggravating soil erosion and its associates.

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The loss of soil in turn affects agricultural productively by reducing the inherent productively of the land, both through the loss of nutrients and the degradation physical properties.

About 80% of farming households in the Western region of Nepal have reported experiencing declining crop productively in Bari and Khoria land, with more than 55% of these farmers perceiving this decline was due to declining soil fertility, further suggesting the link between current Khoria practices and increased soil erosion.

In red soil areas soil acidity and phosphorous availability are of particular concern with respect to maintaining a satisfactory nutrient pool. (Shah and Schreier, 1991).

Estimated soil and nutrient losses by rain fed erosion on Khoria land (Adapted for use from ICIMOD, 1994)

Proportion of total land (%) 1.3Soil depth (cm) 8.0Soil loss (kg/ha/yr.) 100,000.00

Organic matter (OM) loss (kg/ha/yr) 3,000.0Nitrogen (N) loss (kg/ha/yr) 150.0Phosphorous (k) loss (kg/ha/yr) 100.0

` Potassium (P) loss (kg/ha/yr) 200.0

(Source LRMP, 1986)

However, in his book shifting cultivation in Southeastern Asia (1966), J.E. Spencer cited that soil studies clearly indicate that shifting cultivation does not in itself ruin soils and produce destructive erosion. Instead, such consequences commonly show some maladjustment in the entire socioeconomic and political situation of a particular people which prevents them from practicing shifting cultivation the way they would prefer to do.

Perception Regarding Shifting cultivation

There are both good practices as well as bad practices adopted by shifting cultivators in recent years. Good practices like the maintenance of long fallow period, diversification of crops, adoption of different soil conservation methods, fallow management etc are prevalent in many shifting cultivation areas. Whereas, some shifting cultivators have knowingly or unknowingly adopted some bad practices like intensification of land use without considering long term impact, reduced fallow period, haphazard burning of areas etc.

There are really diverse views regarding shifting cultivation. Most of the people working with the government sector regard shifting cultivation as destructive and inefficient system. There are many instances where shifting cultivation has been totally neglected and illegally treated. Government version of shifting cultivation is really negative. But there are some researchers as well as organizations who want to regard shifting cultivation as system of land use and intend to recognize the indigenous knowledge of shifting cultivators and see their problems in a multidimensional perspectives.

Many of the researchers and organizations have taken shifting cultivation systems as diverse in nature which often comprises of diverse variety of activities in subsistence and cash economies.

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These systems are often productive, make efficient use of resources, and have supported large populations. Most of the techniques used in these systems are often complex with strong indigenous knowledge bonding it.

Shifting cultivation and the people who practice it are often negatively stereotyped. They are widely perceived by many scientists and policy makers, as well as the general public, as being primitive, backwards, unproductive, wasteful, environmentally exploitative and destructive. Similarly, shifting cultivators around the world are seen to be alike destitute, and subsistence-based. They have been blamed for the world’s tropical deforestation, land degradation and climate disruption. Thus, many current nationals laws and policies toward shifting cultivators are antagonistic and aimed at replacing shifting cultivation by more ‘ modern ‘ forms of farming (Thrupp et.al. 1997).

The negative changes in Khoria farming reveal the condition of mountain habitats are steadily deteriorating as Khoria farming practices become unsustainable, although the pattern and magnitude do vary from area to area and among regions (ICIMOD, 1994).

The catalyst behind these changes is predicted to continue, therefore shifting and sloping land technologies urgently need modifying not only to support livelihoods but more importantly to reserve natural resources.

The Positive and negative belief regarding shifting cultivation found during informal discussion and consultation with individuals from government, non-government and relevant personnel is presented in Table 3. For this purpose around 20-25 personnel were consulted.

Positive Views

There are various good examples in and out of the country where shifting cultivation has been sustainable since many years. There are communities who have managed natural resources within a complex and diverse environment. The great pool of indigenous knowledge of these communities have been recently explored and recognized by different institutions.

Rayamajhi and Pokhrel (1995) expressed that the common notion of regarding khoriya system as non-sustainable agriculture is misleading. It is in fact ecological, demographic and economic factors responsible for degradation of a sustainable system. The insights gained into the principles behind traditional techniques inherited by the Chepang from their ancestors could be of value to farmers trying to develop low-external input sustainable eco-farming in other areas.

The perception of people regarding shifting cultivation showed that shifting cultivation system it self is not bad but the practice can be good or bad (Table 3). Farmers practicing shifting cultivation with very minimum fallow period and without considering the ecology of the land had proven to be a bad practice but farmers leaving longer fallow period has managed to sustain their farming since generations.

Negative Views

Various literatures regarding shifting cultivation highlighted some of the negative feelings about shifting cultivation. Some government workers and ordinary people In Nepal also regard shifting cultivation as primitive, less dynamic, low productive, ecologically disastrous, labor intensive, low

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yielding, and environmentally destructive, wasteful and unsustainable causing deforestation and soil erosion.

Bajracharya et.al (1993) perceived that evils of shifting cultivation seems to be a symptom of general social and economic backwardness along with the misallocation of land, labour and capital resources which may be mitigated through various reforestation and agroforestry systems.

The study report done by INSAN showed that shifting cultivation has been very disastrous in the Ramche and Arkhala of Nawalparasi resulting in massive deforestation, heavy flood, land degradation and productivity decline which has further aggravated people’s living standard and further enhancing them to remain poor.

The study done by Sharma (1999) in Bishkharka VDC of Gulmi district found that one of the major cause of land use change is due to Khoria phadani system (slash and burn shrub forest areas for warming).

Amatya in his book on Agroforestry system and practice in Nepal has regarded shifting cultivation as one of the several land use issues which pose challenges for agroforestry systems. He further emphasized that although shifting cultivation provides a livelihood for many rural/tribal people, it is wasteful and inefficient system.

The study done by Subedi (1995) indicated that a significant outcome of his research is the conclusion, from the viewpoints of all concerned (that is, including the viewpoint of many khoriya cultivators), that khoriya cultivation has to be abandoned.

Table 3. Some Salient beliefs regarding shifting cultivation among people. S.N Outcome belief Associated Reasons Frequency1 Khoria kheti is really destructive

practice and should be discouraged- It involves clearing of forest

areas hapazadly- It increases soil erosion

4

2 Khoria kheti is not sustainable nowadays so, alternatives should be given like agroforestry

- The Lhose has reduced to one year so not good for cropping

- New alternatives have been developed and priorities should be given to those alternatives

1

3 Khoria is really wasteful and inefficient system

- Involves massive deforestation 2

4 Shifting cultivation has brought alot of problems like soil erosion so it is not a good practice

- Shifting cultivation is one of the major cause for ecological disaster in the hills

2

5 Shifting cultivation itself is not a bad practice but due to other reasons it is becoming inefficient

- The pressure on shifting cultivators is the main reason

- Lack of alternatives

1

6 Shifting cultivation system and communities need to be studied before blaming the system and community

- Indigenous knowledge should be studied

- People have managed the system for generations

1

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7 The fallow period is short so the practice is not sustainable

- The cultivation cycle has been reduced every year posing threat to shifting cultivation practice

1

8 People burn the area and clear hapazadly which has adversely affected the forest and soil

- burning has negative effect on forest and near by vegetation

1

9 Shifting cultivation is not suitable for our sloping areas/hilly areas

- the land feature is characterized with extreme slope so, not good for annual cropping

1

10 There may be good pool of knowledge within shifting cultivation and people so, need to be studied deeply

- There are studies which show that indigenous people having a great pool of knowledge regarding farming system and practice.

1

11 There may be other reasons why shifting cultivation has failed which need to be explored

- The socio-economic and political circumstances should be studied before coming to conclusion

1

12 Government should not disregard shifting cultivation as it is one of the system adopted my thousand of people especially chepang communities

- Government has always neglected shifting cultivation and communities.

- There are backward communities like Chepang who have not

1

13 Good system but currently bad practice

- In past the fallow period was more so it was sustainable but now the fallow is shortening so has been destructive.

3

14 Based on soil conservation perspective the system is not good

- It is not good to do annual cropping in sloping area and it is very susceptible to soil erosion but we can not just say it is a bad system because in the past people have managed to survive under that system

2

15 At current age this practice is really unscientific because it is one of the cause of environmental degradation

- I have studied in many articles 1

16 Farmers have knowingly and unknowingly practiced shifting cultivation and their system may be good or bad so, telling shifting cultivation a destructive practice and telling shifting cultivation a sustainable practice without understanding is really another big problem. There may be some good things within shifting cultivation, which need to be explored.

- Need to know farmers knowledge first before coming to any decision.

- Many indignous people are still depending upon the system

- It will be interesting to know how farmers have managed to survive under those extreme situations.

1

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17 The basic principle of shifting cultivation is land management strategies and survival strategies. It has both negative as well as positive aspects. To some extent in some cases if there is excessive burning the plant diversity is low and in extreme slopes problems with soil erosion is evident. But seeing it in a positive aspects the under utilized land has been properly utilized and it is a sustained practice for livelihood options. We should therefore see the associated knowledge in it before deciding about its impact.

1

Note: Red colored statements is negative; green colored is neutral and blue color is positive statement.

Conclusion

Shifting cultivation has been praised as a sustainable and environment friendly form of land use on the other hand, it is also condemned as a harmful system that destroys forest resources and damages upland ecosystems. The contradictory statements often resulted in confused public perceptions and contradictory government policies. More even shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators have been negatively viewed in third world countries. The dearth of knowledge in these aspects has been one of the catalysts for promoting anti shifting cultivation attitude. This paper has to some extent explored in wider perspectives and has come up with some type of country’s scenario about shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators.

Various organizations and personnel were consulted for the review of literature. Besides, different resource centers were visited. Many individuals were informally interviewed inorder to capture a wide range of public views regarding shifting cultivation. Even shifting cultivators were also interviewed.

Literature related to shifting cultivation seems to be very few in case of Nepal. Most of the literatures were focused on highlighting the shifting cultivation system in the central and western region and basically on Chepang community's farming practices and livelihoods.

The issue of shifting cultivation in Nepal is misleading and seen in narrower prospective. Shifting cultivation was just seen in an aspect of environmental crisis rather than understanding the socio-economic circumstances underpinning it.

However there are some literatures, which have recognized shifting cultivation as an indigenous practice adopted by many ethnic minorities in the some hilly areas of Nepal. Farmers have knowingly or unknowingly practiced shifting cultivation and they may be aware about the positive as well as negative aspects of their farming system. Some consulted shifting cultivators regard their system as good but realize it as changing. The view that the negative impact of shifting

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cultivation is not only a product of practice rather a product of social, economic, institutional and political factors is highly justifiable and reasonable. Inorder to understand the whole spectrum of farming system, one should see in systemic point of view i.e. seeing in a broader perspectives.

CHAPTER THREEPast and Current Initiatives on Shifting cultivation and related Aspects

The agricultural research aimed to generate technological options/packages for shifting cultivation and slopping land agriculture has been quite inadequate in Nepal. The agricultural development work targeted to address the technological needs of the farmers involved in shifting cultivation and slopping land agriculture by government and non-government agencies in the region is also lacking.

A number of technological options, commonly known as Sloping Agriculture Land Technology (SALT), have been researched internationally and proposed for such areas. In Nepal, ICIMOD and NARC have been instrumental and active for testing various SALT options for last few years and have found that these technologies are effective in conserving soil and water, enhancing soil fertility and increasing crop production. However, adoptions of such SALTs by hill farmers have been very poor and limited, and not quiet appealing to the farmers (Pratap and Watson, 1994; Tang Ya, 1999). Inadequate consideration of farmers’ local knowledge and resources, and poor participation of farmers in the research process are regarded to be the main reasons for the poor performance of SALTs in the area.

There are very few programs and project aimed at shifting cultivation areas. The program aimed were really limited and mostly focused on research works. Many of the projects are aimed at only

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chepang communities although they represent the largest group of shifting cultivators. However, there are quiet greater number of project aimed at agroforestry and other interventions (Table 4). Some of the projects related to shifting cultivation areas are described below.

Table 4: Organizations involved in agroforestry and their key research subject areasCare Nepal Introduction of Fodder tree species in the farming systems in

upper Kali Gandaki areasForest Research and Survey Centre

Growth rates and yield of tree fodder species in the middle hills and Terai; Spacing effect on agriculture crop yield; optimum spacing for maximum tree/crop productions; and productivity with or without agroforestry

Herbal Crops Development and Extension Programme

Agroforestry models with tree and herb combination from Terai to the high altitude

Institute for Sustainable Agriculture Nepal

Interaction of tree crops with cash crops like coffee and ginger

Lumle Agricultural Research station

Fodder tree species introduction in the farming systems; application of fertilizer for tree growth enhancement; and tree crop spacing study on the production of grain.

Nepal Agroforestry Foundation

Species introduction in the farming systems of the middle hills and lopping season, frequently and techniques

Pakhribas Agricultural Research Station

Species introduction (including exotics) in the farming systems of middle and high mountains and fodder tree-crop systems, the main agriculture crops being maize and millet.

Palpa Development Programme

Bamboo growing techniques

Sagarnath Forestry Development Project

Introduction of agricultural crops in tree plantation

Tribhuvan University, International Development Research Centre

Intercropping trees with agricultural crops

United Mission to Nepal Introduction of tree-crop combination.Watershed Management Project

Rehabilitation of degraded land through Slopping Agriculture Land Technology (SALT), with agriculture crops with fruit trees.

Winrock International Policy analysis in agriculture and related resource management; and Economics of fuelwood Vs food grain

Souce: S. M. Amatya. 1997 as mentioned by Regmi, 2001.

ICIMOD/NARC Research Trial

Recognizing the problem of mountain, ICIMOD/NARC realized that there is urgent need to improve the situation of declining agriculture productivity in the country by adopting the appropriate low cost technologies of soil conserving farming systems that are easily acceptable to the local farm community. With this view the appropriate technologies for soil-conserving farming system (ATSCFS) project was initiated by Soil Science Division of NARC in 1995 at Paireni village of Chitwan district in Central Nepal in collaboration with ICIMOD. The activity included testing of different SALT models, dissemination and extension of the technologies among the farmers. Training on establishment and development of hedgerows especially for farmers was perceived to be one component of the project during the last two years. Also, testing and demonstration of

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different leguminous and perennial hedgerow plant species was an integral part of the project (Annual Report/NARC, 2000).

The experience from 5 years project duration was quite appreciating. It was found that 40-60% of soil erosion could be reduced by adopting the hedgerow system. An another important finding was that the productivity of the land could also be increased to greater extent by incorporating the hedgerows in the farming system of sloping agricultural land. It was also found that certain species of leguminous tree were best suited for the area like ipil-ipil, sissoo, tanki etc.

ICIMOD also had research plot at Godavari. The results from Godavari site indicate a similar trend, with the establishment of hedgerow systems, runoff was reduced by 5-24%, 14-27%, 33-40%, 20-47% and 25-50% in 1-5 years after establishment. Although there have been fluctuations in different years due to rainfall features, there has been a clear trend that the efficiency in reducing runoff has increased with time. The hedgerows have also helped to reduce soil loss. Five years after hedgerow establishment, the efficiency of soil loss reduction increased with time. Soil loss decreased by 37-83% in the first year after hedgerow establishment. (ICIMOD, 2000) For fertile soil, hedgerows can help to maintain soil fertility and prevent it from declining, and for poor soil, hedgerows can help maintain soil fertility effectively, both through application of hedgerow pruning and reduced soil nutrient loss. Reduced soil erosion, nutrient loss, and improved soil fertility effectively, both through application of hedgerow pruning and reduced soil nutrient loss. Reduced soil erosion, nutrient loss and improved soil fertility, through their use of biomass harvested from leguminous hedge material, and moisture can enhance crop yield (ICIMOD, 2001) and facilitate more reliable and predictable levels of agriculture production.

INSAN's project on the shifting cultivation of Nawalparasi.

INSAN implemented Natural Resource Management Project' in Nawalparasi since 1997 to 1999. Amongst many other activities, Improvement in the existing Khoria management system was one of the major activities. To compromise the interest of the Government (DFO) and the people, INSAN developed a modified Khoria management system in July 1997. There was a small meeting cum workshop organized to discuss about the model and the conclusion became to be positive towards it. Then INSAN implemented it in the site in the form of 'Modal Khoria Management System'. As far as we know, this is the first of such modal in Nepal and else where (Sharma, 2002).

Major modifications introduced in these modals were as follows- 1. While slashing the vegetation 2m wide horizontal belt was left as it is. Distance between one

belt to another used to be 20 - 25 m approximately.

2. Slashed vegetation adjacent to the belt was thrown a bit apart from it so as to protect the belt while burning.

3. When farmers put fire in the dried vegetation, it was found that approximately 1m out of 2m belt remained alive.

4. Such belt would serve as a barrier for massive erosion and runoff. At the same time it harbored many natural plant species there by enhancing natural regeneration of diverse plant and animal species.

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5. 12 such modals were established in Dhaubadi, Arkhala and Dandajheri VDCs with in this 2 years time period. All the modals were developed by farmers under technical facilitation of INSAN.

In our experiences, it was a successful method for the locality. As the project was handed over to HICODEF just after the establishment of the modals, the impacts of the project is yet to see (Sharma, 2002). Discussion with HICODEF personnel in Kawasoti indicates that a lot of community works has been initiated by the organization in many hilly VDCs of Nawalparasi district.

Ecological Services Centre; experience in Slash and burn Farming System

Ecological Services Centre has been working in Devghat, Kota, Chhipchhipe and Baidee VDCs of Southern Tanahun for the sustainable livelihood of farmers through natural resources management, ecological Agriculture and income generation activities since 1994.

Gurung, Magar and Bhujel are major groups of that area where as Brahmin, Chhetri and Kami are other groups which are very fewer in numbers. Most of the farmers do not have sufficient food production through out year and they don’t have other alternatives.

Almost all Gurung, Magar and Bhujel families do have their Lose/Khoria for cultivation of different crops. In these areas, Lhose/Khoria is popularly known as "Trisale Lhose" (rotation of cropping in every three years). But due to the increasing demand of food for their ever-growing family members, the number of years (3 years) for rotation tends to be decreasing every year. Some of the Lhose has already converted to regular farming system although the topography is not suitable for this type of farming system.

Ecos-center has been trying to stop the burning of biomass in this farming system and permanent management of these areas through introduction of perennial plants. For this purpose, SALT technology is being used as the effective tools to improve this farming system. With in this SALT technology, short duration income generating herbal plants are being introduced and is becoming quite popular. Since the farmers don't have legal ownership of that land, farmers are not fully cooperative for the introduction of perennial crop as well as for permanent management system.

On the basis of Ecos-center’s few years of experience it can be concluded that, only technological intervention is not sufficient for the improvement of slash and burn farming system. For this purpose, multisectoral effort and involvement is required. Social, cultural, economical and ecological aspects of community should be taken into due consideration for the effective and meaningful improvement of slash and burn farming system in Nepal (Ranabhat, 2002).

Nepal Agroforestry Foundation action research on Khoria management

Nepal Agroforestry foundation (NAF) had implemented the conservation farming program in four hilly VDCs of Chitwan. During this project period conservation farming program succeed to cover 46 groups representing 27 wards of four VDCs.

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During the 3rd quarter of the program implementation an action research on Khoria management was under taken within the project area. During the project period a total of 61 Khoria have been established and 61 farmers of 27 groups participated in this program.

The Khoria management program was intended to support to protect the forest from deforestation and slash and burning by proper management and permanent use of Khoria. The result showed that the effective management of Khoria directly supported to increase food production and cash income to the poor farmers. Taro, Chili, Ginger, Onion, agroforestry seeds, NTFPs are found very good for earning of cash income. The findings from the research also suggest that the period of the Khoria at household level be profoundly affected by changing access to both land and labor. If household possesses only limited land, then the potential influence of the labor force become influential in decreasing the fallow period of the Khoria. The longer the period of the Khoria, the higher the income and vise versa. The size and income of the Khoria has also influenced the total household income, where total household income is found to be highest with three year Khoria system (NAF, Annual Report, 2001).

SEACOW in Kandrang Watershed

SEACOW, the School of Ecology, Agriculture and Community worked has been working intensively in Kandrang Valley since 1992. SEACOW has been particularly targeting Chepang communities in Kandrang watershed. It aimed to increase production and productivity of the land while promoting multiple use crops for cash in the marginal lands and helping people to gain confidence and enhance awareness about their relationship with the society and nature. Major activities include agroforestry, training and education, enterprise development and health service (SEACOW, 1999).

LI-BIRD’s Initiation on Shifting and Sloping land cultivation areas

a) IDRC/LI-BIRD (A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation): LI-BIRD in collaboration with IOF and with financial support from IDRC had done a research titled “Degraded Lands in Mid-hills of Central Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation.”

The main objective of the study has been to identify degraded lands and associated socio-economic conditions of the people for planning sustainable rehabilitation in the Mid-hills of Nepal.

The study assessed the degree of degraded lands and dynamics of landuse changes with the help of aerial photographs taken at different time interval, land utilisation map prepared by LRMP (1986) as the base maps. Latter information was digitized and different overlays were developed in order to interpret the results to see the land use changes in the selected study area. The second most important part of the study was the socio-economic situation and agriculture and soil fertility assessment in the study area.

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Two sub-watersheds, namely the Kali Khola watershed and the Andheri-Khahare Khola watersheds of Chitwan and Tanahu districts, were selected for the study. The geographic area of the former watershed is 992.40 ha and the later 846.21 ha respectively. In the Kali Khola watershed, agriculture and forest occupy 366.45ha and 436.96 ha in 1999 whereas it was 194.90 ha and 537.36 ha in 1978 respectively. The study found out that shifting cultivation is practised in 66.84 ha 88.02 percent increase in area under agriculture comes from conversion of forest, shrub and shifting cultivation to agriculture.

b) HARP/SSLC Project: LI-BIRD with the financial support from Hill Agriculture Research Project (HARP)/DFID is implementing a project titled: Participatory identification of integrated agricultural technologies packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation areas of western hills of Nepal. The main purpose of the project is to increase the sustainability of agricultural production in the shifting cultivation and slopping agriculture land areas of Western hills of Nepal by promoting integrated agricultural technological packages for enhanced food production and on-farm cash income.

The major activities of the project include documentation of farmers’ local knowledge on shifting and sloping land farming and combining them with scientific knowledge to design modified Sloping Agriculture Land Technologies (SALTs) and other improved soil and water management technologies in active participation of research farmers.

The project activities is implemented on-farm at two research sites of Thumka and Chimkeswori VDC of Tanahun and Gorkha districts in Western hills of Nepal. The farming communities are mostly dominated by Chepang ethnic group. The project activities have been implemented in close collaboration with research farmers and stakeholders like District soil conservation offices, District Agricultural offices and some NGOs.

The outcome of the project has been very impressive. Now farmers have established the hedgerow trials. The trials have four different treatment and three replication in each which include: Flamengia+Coffee+Banana; Flamengia+ Pineapple+ Citrus; Flamengia+Morus alba+ Cinamomun ; and Flamengia+Morus alba+ Banana.

Various alternative livelihood packages have been explored. Farmers’ organization has been formed and farmers have initiated to establish permanent nursery. The trial of various hedgerow species have been established and closely monitored by the farmers and other stakeholders. Farmers are now receiving various kinds of training related to their farming system.

c) DFID NRSP Project R7412- LI-BIRD in collaboration with NARC and with financial support from DFID has implemented a research project entitled “ Incorporation of local knowledge into soil and water management interventions which minimize nutrient losses in the Middle Hills of Nepal”. The main purpose of this action research is to ensure that nutrient losses due to leaching and erosion are minimised by devising economically and culturally viable land, soil and water management techniques. The protocol builds upon the sophisticated local knowledge of the movement of water across soil, as well as existing scientific data will be incorporated into participatory technology development.

Major activities include initial participatory appraisal and knowledge acquisition, participatory technology development, evaluation of adoption and dissemination and promotion. The project has been implemented in mid hill areas like Landruk, Nayatola and Bandipur. Basically SALT

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technology like hedgerows has been introduced in those areas. With the major participation of farmers different alternatives in hedgerows have been explored and used in the trial designs. Preliminary findings about the project seem to be very satisfactory. Successful hedgerows have been established and the overall impact on soil and other aspects of project is yet to come.

d). DFID NRSP Project R 7958- LI-BIRD in collaboration with NARC and University of Reading, UK has been implementing project entitled “Developing supportive policy environments for improved land management strategies”. This project is funded by DFID.

The main purpose of this project is to develop ways to accelerate and upscale pilot research experiences to the wider community determined through developing supportive policy environments for improving land management strategies. The project is focussed on the mid-hills of Nepal.

The activities of the project has identified at least six land management strategies like application of inorganic manure, increased dependency on chemical fertilizers, cutting rather than pulling legume when harvesting, plating hedgerows (live barriers), stall feeding and fodder tree plantation. Based on the survey outcome,with hedgerows, a major constraint is the lack of seedlings. Facilitating the development of local nurseries and supporting the farmer-to-farmer supply ot seedlings, are obvious starting points in areas where hedgerow planning is a viable option for farmers. Participatory technology development to adapt (species, spacing management) the technology to new areas will be important.

Community Forestry Program

Community forestry program has been one of the successful programs in Nepal. Government support, strong legislation and public commitments are the key factors for the growing success in Nepal. Nepal has undergone many changes in the program and policy level i.e. from the bureaucratic way of doing to participatory models. The transformation in the forestry sector in Nepal was not just an easy task rather a trial and error process. The paradigm shift in the forestry sector was a product of the recognition of indigenous practices and the democratization of forestry sector.

To show its determination and commitment for restoration of mountain environment, the government took significant step to build as sound policy to support community based forest management which was manifested in the Master Plan for the Forestry Sector 1988 which strongly advocated the participation of communities in the form of Forest User Groups to manage the forest handed over to them as community forest. This was backed by legal base of Forest Act 1993. Since then a large part of National forest, more than 10,00,000 hectares had now been handed over to about 13,000 Forest User Groups for management. The programme has largely been successful in its objective to protect forest resources and meeting the basic needs of the communities to whom the forests have been handed over. The community forestry programme has helped regenerate substantial areas of degraded forest along with the increasing activities of wild animals. Many watersheds have been re-charged with water which is manifested in continues flow of water in springs and rivulets. Many community-managed forests are now capable of meeting more than the basic needs of the communities. The communities are engaged in many income generation activities amassing funds for community development activities (Shrestha, 2002).

Hill Leasehold Forestry and Forage Development Project

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Hill leasehold forestry and forage development project has been implemented with the technical assistance grant from Government of Netherlands, IFAD and UNOPS. Leasehold forestry and Forage Development Project has been aiming to develop a new and promising approach to manage forest lands by group of people living below poverty line. Specifically the project aimed to raise the income of poor families who are below the poverty line and to improve the ecological conditions in the hills. The project started in 1993 in four districts which expanded to ten hilly districts of Nepal; Kavre, Makawanpur, Sindhupalchowk, Ramechhap, Dolakha, Dhading, Sindhuli district of Central Development Region and Tanahun and Gorkha districts of Western Development region. Ethnic group like Magar, Thami, Praja and Tamang are targeted by the project. Various stakeholders are involved in this project like department of forests, department of livestock services, agriculture development bank, and Nepal agricultural research council.

Major achievements include; handing 65551.72 ha of land to 10532 families, forming sixty five inter groups, distribution of 10 million tree and 112,850 fruit seedlings, providing various types of training, distributing 2.6 million loan to farmers for various purposes, developing gender sensitization activities, building infrastructure like trail, schools, water supplies etc, developing strategies for income generating activities etc.

Impact of project has been very positive. Records shows that species diversity in the area has increased, Leasehold households have increased food security by 16% in between 1996-1999. Female decision making capacity has increased by 25% and many more (Source: Hills Leasehold Forestry and Forage Development Project, Project Brochure, 2000).

However there are concerns over the social inclusion and benefit for the poor households. Many reports have criticized that leasehold forestry has not really addressed the need of poor and only benefited the middle class and rich families. There is need for further study on this.

MAKALU-BARUN National Park and Conservation Area Project

The Makalu-Barun National Park and Conservation Area (MBNPCA) covers and area of 2,330 sq. km and is located on the northern parts of Sankhuwasabha and Solukhumbu districts in the Eastern Development Region of Nepal. The project area is divided into national park area (64 percent of the project area) and conservation area (36 percent of the project area) for management purposes.

The Makalu-Barun Conservation Project (MBCP) was implemented in 1992. One of the main objectives of the project is to protect biodiversity in Makalu-Barun area and to uplift the socio-economic status of local communities. To achieve these objectives, the management plan of the MBCP has considered the impact of slash and burn cultivation practices as one of the top research priority areas (Sharma et.al. 1995).

Various studies were done at the context like surveying and mapping of slash and burn areas, studying the feasibility of alternative crops and studying socio economic and environmental role of slash and burn.

Other innovations

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The agricultural research aimed to generate technological options/packages appropriate for shifting cultivation and sloping land agriculture has been quite inadequate in Nepal concentrating mainly on permanent cultivation and bench terracing, such as the SAPPROS Nepal terrace improvement programs in Chitwan and Dhading districts of central Nepal. SAPPROS has mainly focused on development oriented works such as promoting vegetable production in Kalikhola and Paireni areas. Various types of agriculture interventions were also initiated by SAPPROS. Besides, many individuals have tried to do some type of research on slash and burn cultivation and sloping land. Various literatures could be found related to research done on sloping land. The innovations done in the Far Western region of Nepal has not been explored and captured since literature in those areas is not available to this time.

Conclusions

Past program and initiatives related to Shifting Cultivation are grossly limited and only focused on particular areas and target groups. The future direction of research and program should aim at wider populace of shifting cultivators targeting both the socio-economic as well as ecological aspects of shifting cultivation. Development intervention targeted at the region should acknowledge the positive aspects of the system and think ways of improving the sustainability of System rather introducing entirely hostile research programs.

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CHAPTER FOURInstitutional Aspects of Shifting Cultivation

Agriculture policy in all countries has not incorporated many environmental concerns. It has been much more concerned with issues of food security and especially the introduction of improved or high-yielding varieties. Hill particularities (niche, fragility, diversity, and remoteness) have not been substantially recognized by national agricultural research agendas and extension policy. While local, environmental knowledge has been recognized in academia. Imported conservation packages (e.g. sloping agricultural Land technology {SALT} have seldom been widely adopted. In summary there has been little in the way of widely implemented agricultural policy in the indigenous technologies of terrace design, cropping practice, composting, and water management – all more or less left unaffected by agricultural policy – that have driven the direction and pace of environmental change in agricultural lands (Ojha 1999; Sharma and Jodha 1992).

The main goal of this section is evaluation of the impact of land management policy related to shifting cultivation as well as its subsequent effect on research intervention and livelihoods. This section will analyze some of the established customs and tradition related to shifting cultivation and government policy implications in the use and management of land resources as a whole.

Laws and Regulations

Shifting cultivation in Nepal is a traditional practice since generations. Ethnic group involved in it used to practice Khoria according to their own custom and culture. Land settlement of 1938 mostly focused on land revenue registration where private cultivated lands were registered under individual households. However, the cadastral maps were not prepared at that time. Such maps were prepared only in the settlement of 1980. Shifting cultivation were not registered under LRR. The LRR process involving survey and mapping of the privately cultivated land in the rugged mountain district is difficult enough; but to do so in case of shifting cultivation is almost controversial if not impossible. The registration process is also complicated which did not allow minority peoples to register their Khoria. The Land Act and Land Management Act have made the provision for land registration but due to complex bureaucratic process posses difficulty for farmers to do so (Bajracharya et.al. 1993).

There are some norms of shifting cultivators which could be regarded as unwritten laws. The unwritten laws are mostly related to their livelihoods. People have rules regarding the grazing system. The Parma system is also another norm related to their farming system as well as if a family is unable to use the land, such land is leased to another in free of cost.

The village elders are respected by all and they are the decision-makers and mediators. This elderly group of men forms an informal council in decision-making. When a development plan is approved these elders will then inform the members of each household about the meeting and ask for the required input and help for its execution (Rayamajhi and Pokharel, 1995).

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Land Tenure Issue

Majority of the shifting cultivation families have problem with land tenure. Various reports published indicate that almost 42% of chepang communities do not have land registration certificate (Table 5). Chepang families who have not registered their land during cadastral survey in 2027 have not got any opportunity to register their land. These communities have been victims of land encroachment and oppression.

The introduction of community forestry and leasehold forestry program in chepang settlement has brought negative impact on people’s livelihood. The failure to recognize the indigenous land ownership of chepang communities will be disastrous in the future which can be seen in Korak and Saktikhor VDC of Chitawan district. Similar examples could be cited from different parts of the country where shifting cultivators land has been converted to government or community ownership.

Table 5. Showing the situation of Chepang communities without Land registration Certificate in two districts.

VDC/District Total Household Household without Land registration Certificate

Remarks

Dahakhani-9/Chitwan 30 11Sidhhi-5/Chitwan 37 13Saktikhor-5/Chitwan 36 12 The land of 7 household is

encroached by Community forestry and leasehold forestry

Kaule-5/Chitwan 71 34 The land of 4 household is encroached by Community forestry and leasehold forestry

Korak/Chitwan 52 20Kabilash-9/Chitwan 27 15Manahari-3/Makawanpur

36 20

Raksirang-8/Makawanpur

26 19

Kankada/Makawanpur 25 5 TOTAL 309 131Source: Working paper of Nepal Chepang Association cited by Mulyangkan Jan-Feb 2003

Past and Current Policies Affecting Land Management Strategies in Nepal

The policy making process was started in the mid 1950s.Since then, there are many policies made affecting the land management strategies in Nepal. The policy making process in the past was central based where as nowadays government do give considerations to the targeted stakeholders in policy making process. Land use policies and strategies were realized and initiated only from the Fifth Plan (1975-80). Table 5 provides major past policies, their objectives and likely effects of Land management strategy at farm and landscape level. The land tenure laws constitute a major constraint upon environmentally sound agricultural/land management practices in Nepal. Gross disparities in land ownership are one of the major causes of poor land management, poverty, social

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discrimination and injustice. Amendment on previous land Act (1964) in 1997 also could not be enforced effectively to eliminate prevailing dual ownership in land.

The various other land or land-based Acts are Forest Nationalization Act (1957), Forest Act (1993) and Forest Regulations (1995 Amended in 1997). The forest Act (1993) provides legal authority on Forest User Groups (FUG) to control on the overall all management of community forestry activities. Land management related Acts on Soil Conservation and Watershed Management Act (1982) and Pastureland Nationalization Act (1974), which have more influence on land management at the landscape level (Table 6).

Table 6. List of past Policies, their objectives and likely effects on Land Management Strategies at Farm and Landscape Level.

Act/Policy Objectives and Strategies Likely effect of Act/Policy on LMSLand Act (1964) To undertake land reform measures

and fix ceiling on land holdingNot very much effective, unequal land holding and dual tenancy still exist, thus poor incentive for land management at the farm level

Amendment of 1964 Land Act in 1997

To remove dual ownership of land Not effectively enforced. Many people still lack knowledge of amendment of this land act, poor dissemination

Forest Nationalization Act (1974)

To manage pasture land from increasing livestock pressure and fee demand

Enforcement of this Act remain ineffective and reversal of pasture land degradation was not possible, very poor dissemination about the Act

Soil Conservation and Watershed Management Act (1982)

To conserve soil and watershed from land degradation caused by poor land management, deforestation, soil erosion, floods and landslides

Measures were taken reducing land degradation but participation of local people was not possible because of its lack of recognition of local indigenous practices of land management strategies.

Forest Act (1993) and Forest Regulations (1997)

Provision of legal rights to local “ user group” for control and management of community forests

Reverse the trend of forests and forestland degradation, increase farm plantation of trees and stall feeding of livestock due to restrictions on community forestry land. Private forest establishment and improved land use system at farm level.

Source: NPC/IUCN, (1991); Blaikie and Sadeque (2000); Chapagain, (2000); Bhatia (2000); Upadhyaya (2000); Subedi (2002)Among the current plans, the Ninth National Five Year Plan (1997-2002), the recent Tenth National Five Year Plan (2002-2007), Agricultural Perspective Plan (1996-2016), Forestry Master Plans (1988) and Environmental Actions Plan (1993) are the main policy and planning documents of the government guiding land management strategies at the farm and landscape levels. Table 6

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provides current policies that have likely effects on the adoption of land management strategies at farm and landscape levels in Nepal.

Table7. List of Current Policies and its likely effects on Land Management Strategies at Farm and Landscape Level.

Expected Impact of Current Policies

Likely effect on land management strategies at farm and landscape level in Nepal

Poverty alleviation policy of the Ninth Plan (1997-2002) and Recent Tenth Plan (2002-2007)

Poverty reduction of the farm households will enhance their capacity to manage land in a sustainable way.

Agricultural Perspective Plan (1996-2016)

It emphasizes accelerated growth in agriculture with a few priorities and packages: focus on fertilizer supply and integrated soil fertility management will enhance productivity and management of land.

Master Plan for Forestry Sector (1988)

It has strong emphasis on community forestry and envisages protection of land against degradation by soil erosion, floods, landslides and desertification.

Elimination of dual land ownership through revision of 1964 and Land Act in 1997

If effectively enforced it will have expected impact on adoption of better land management practices such as use of plant nutrients and soil conservation measures.

Private sector participation in fertilizer import an delivery and withdrawal of subsidy on fertilizer (1999)

Easy availability and access to chemical nutrients and incentives to use alternative and organic source of nutrients due to higher price of chemical nutrients

Recent emphasis on public private partnership in technology generation and input delivery (R&D) MoAC.AREP (2000)

Participatory approach to development of relevant land management technology and flow of technical information including easy and cost –effective delivery of plan nutrients at the farm and landscape level.

Adoption of competitive Research Policy on Hill Agriculture (HARP, 1999)

Development of appropriate technology and information for sustainable land management in Hills (e.g. IPNMS, high value fruit trees, agroforestry etc.)

Credit subsidy on tea and fruit trees on selected Hill districts (Budget Speech, 2001 July HMG, Nepal)

Fragile hill slopes will have perennial vegetation of tea (in some eastern hills) and fruit trees (in some Hill districts) that will reduce soil erosion and land degradation.

Source: Ninth Plan (NPC 1997); Tenth Plan (NPC 2002); HMG/MoF (2001); Blaikie and Sadeque (2000); Chapagain, (2000); Bhatia (2000); Upadhyaya (2000); Subedi (2002)

Policy Constraints and Gaps

Many policies and program such as forest, agriculture, environment, soil and water management etc have affected the livelihoods of shifting cultivators. Policy designed on land use management is only geared at ecological and environment aspects rather ignoring the social and cultural aspects of communities living in the hilly slopes.

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Agriculture policies are more geared towards commercialization of products without due consideration to the topography and ecological circumstances. The subsistence level of farming has been neglected regarding it as inefficient and useless system. Government promotion of organic fertilizers and less investment in soil conservation measures adds fuel to the burning problem of hills. Poor farm levels incentives and isolated, fragmented and scattered commodity approach adopted by the line agencies has resulted in poor adoption and redundancy. The promotion of green legumes is also not effective.

The current forest policies have legally created a big problem to shifting cultivators. Many shifting cultivators own the land from generations but do not have the land registration certificate. The Forest Act 1993 clearly stratifies various forest classifications like community forest, national forest, leasehold forest, religious forest and protected forest. Customary rights of farmers like the collection of fuelwood, wild foods and grasses were prohibited from the government and protected forests. The area they are tilling since many years is often claimed by the district forest office and in many cases the shifting cultivators were tortured and harassed by the authorities (as in case of Nawalparasi). Some farmers expressed that the land registration process is too complicated and others mentioned that they were not aware about the registration process.

To some extent, the expansion of community forestry and leasehold forestry program is also being obstacle for shifting cultivators. In many instances their lands have been claimed by the neighboring communities for community forestry purposes. Some of the farmers have to leave their farming practice and be involved in other activities in accordance with the government. The conservation programs aimed t protection of flora and fauna have also discouraged slash and burn practice as in case of Makalu Barun Conservation areas.

Conclusions

Shifting cultivation has been very negatively perceived and official attitudes have been almost universally hostile from past, although there are a group of academician and researchers who regard some positive aspects of shifting cultivation. It is true that banning on shifting cultivation is not socially feasible as “Banning is easy-compensation is not”. So, government should primarily reflect the alternatives or safe landing of thousand of shifting cultivators in its land management policies. Unless and until government does not regard shifting cultivation as one of the land use practice, the problem associated with it remains ever burning and unsolved.

CHAPTER FIVELiteratures Related To Shifting Cultivation

There are very limited literatures regarding shifting cultivation. One of the aims of this report is to document the available literatures and publication related to shifting cultivation. Listing of documents is expected to increase the curiosity level among researchers and academicians regarding the practice which in turn will help in filling the knowledge gap in shifting cultivation related issues. There might be more publication regarding shifting cultivation which is still under research and exploration. This listing is just the initiation so this report will be updated as more

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research and publication will be made in the future. The listing of documents with available details and contact person or address is given below (Table 6).

Table 6. Listing of Available documents regarding shifting cultivation.

S.N Literature Title Contact person/organizations1 Slash and Burn Agriculture in Makalu and Yaphu VDCs of

Makalu Barun National Park Conservation Area Project (report 27)

Chiranjivi Sharma and Janardan Kharti-Chhetri(MBCPA, DNPWC)

2 Application of Knowledge Based Systems Approach in participatory Technology Development: A case of Developing Soil and Water Management Interventions for Reducing Nutrient Losses in the Middle Hills of Nepal.

P.K. Shrestha (LI-BIRD), Morag McDonald and Fergus Sincliar (University of Wales, Bangor, UK)

3 Shifting cultivation in Southern Gorkha K.M. Bajracharya, M..K Bajracharya, K.B.Malla and P.B. Thapa (Forestry and Conservation Technology Services P Ltd.)

4 Natural Resources (Agriculture, Forestry, Livestock and Soils) Analysis of AAN Development Area in Nawalparasi District.

Bharat Shrestha, Raju Babu Shrestha and Durga P. Giri (INSAN/ACTION AID)

5 After Five Years Chepangs of Kandrang Watershed School of Ecology, Agriculture and Community Works (SEACOW)

6 Nepal Agroforestry Foundation: Praja Agroforestry Research Project, Chitawan: Annual Report 2001

Nepal Agroforestry Foundation (NAF)

7 Incorporation of Local Knowledge into Soil and Water management interventions which minimise nutrient losses in the Middle Hills of Nepal (DFID NRSP Project R 7412- project report)

P.K. Shrestha (LI-BIRD) and G. Acharya (Lumle ARS)

8 Synthesis of Farmers’ Knowledge: A Case study of Kholagaun and Thumka of Gorkha and Tanahun Districts.

LI-BIRD, Pokhara

9 Participatory identification of integrated agricultural technological packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of the Site selection Survey.

LI-BIRD, Pokhara

10 Participatory identification of integrated agricultural technological packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of the baseline survey.

LI-BIRD, Pokhara

11 Agroforestry in Mountain Areas of The Hindu Kush-Himalayan Region. ICIMOD Occasional Paper No. 17

ICIMOD Library/ Jeannette Denholm

12 Indigenous Knowledge of the Chepangs on Khoriya Cultivation

S. Rayamajhi and R. Pokhrel (IOF, Pokhara)

13 Agroforestry Systems and Practice In Nepal S.M. Amatya (DNPWC)14 Slash and Burn in the High Hills of Nepal B. K. Singh15 Forest Management: Some Legal Aspects: A Case Study of

Manebhanjyang Village In Okhaldhunga District (MA. Thesis/TU)

S. Thapa

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16 Study on the Ecology of Barun Valley- An exploration of some of the Ecological Factors of Barun (M.sc. Thesis TU)

S.B. Bajracharya

17 The Potential Role of Forest for Socio-economic Development of Chepang Community (A Case Study of Korak VDC, Chitwan District) (M.A. Thesis , TU)

N. R. Yadav

18 Forest Landuse Change and Management in the Western Middle Hill of Nepal: A Case Study on Bishkharka VDC Gulmi District. (M.A. Thesis)

L.N. Sharma

19 Ecology of Slash and burn Agriculture(Shifting cultivation in Himalayas): A case study of Barun valley – Msc. Thesis , T.U

Charles Pradhan

20 Nepalma Khoria kheti Ra Yasko Durgami Prabhav Poudel D/Gorkhapatra21 Agroforestry Concepts and Applications (Compendium of

lecture presented in a short training course)Keshar M. Bhajracharya and Swoyambhu M. Amatya

22 The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area (Scientific Research Component)

Dr. Tirtha B. Shrestha, Dr. Keshab Raj Rajbhandari, Mr. Rodney Jackson and MR. Narendra Raj Khanal

23 Makalu Barun Conservation Project – Natural History Hand book and staff Training Manual (Draft)

Frances Klatzel, KTM

24 Khoria Le Gharieko Gaun-Lhape. A study Him P. Sedai, ACTION AID25 Study of Geo hydrology, Land-use and Population of the

Makalu-Barun Conservation Project Area.N.R. Khanal

26 Community Resource Management: The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area.

R.K. Nepali

27 Sloping agriculture land technology (SALT); A regenerativeOption for sustainable mountain farming. ICIMOD, occasional paper 23. ICIMOD Kathmandu.

Pratap and Watson

28 Sloping agriculture land technology (SALT). A regenerative option for sustainable mountain farming, ICIMOD occasional

Tej Partap & Harold Watson

29 NARC. Annual Report FY 2056/2057 (1999/2000) NARC/Soil Science Division

30 Policy in High Places – Environment and Development in the Himalayan Region

Piers. M. BlaikieAnd Syed Zahir Sadeque

31 Degraded Lands in Mid-Hills of Central Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation.

P.K.Shrestha (LI-BIRD), M.K. Balla (IOF)

32 GIS for Planning and Monitoring Land Use Practices in Shifting Cultivation Areas

D. P. Sherchan (NARC)

33 Samuhik Krishak Bhrawan Sankalan, Pakhribas Ag. Research Station

34 Shifting cultivation ; A case study from Central and Western Hills of Nepal

LI-BIRD, Pokhara

35 The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area – Park Management Component

Mr. Lhakpa Norbu Sherpa, Mr. Ang Rita Sherpa and Mr. Jayapal Shrestha

36 The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area- Mr. Rohit Kumar Nepali,

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Community Resource Management Component Mr. Khagendra Sangam, Dr. Charles Rambe and Mr. Chandi Chapagain

37 Leasing Khoriya Cultivation plots to farmers: Scope, opportunities and constraints

Bhisma P. Subedi and Laurent Umans

38 Shifting Cultivation in Nepal and Thailand A comparative Assessment

Dietrich Schmidt-Vogt,

39 Himalayan Subsistence Systems: Indigenous Agriculture in Rural Nepal. Mountain Research and Development 5, 31-44.

Schroeder, R. F. 1985.

40 Traditionelle agroforstliche Nutzungssysteme in Nepal. Die Erde 130, 315-30

Schmidt-Vogt, D. 1999b.

41 Ecology and Forest and Agrobiodiversity In the Arun valley RRN/SEEPORT42 Inside the Rural Communities: An action oriented

Anthropological Research Carried out at Nalbu VDC of Taplejung District

Mechi Hill Development Programme.

43 Shifting Cultivation in the Arun Valley: An Anthropological Case Study

S. Dhakal, Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology

References:

Amatya, S.M. Agroforestry Systems and Practice in Nepal. Forest Research and Survey Centre.

Bajracharya, K.M.;Bajracharya, M.K; Malla, K.B; and Thapa, P.B. 1993. Shifting cultivation in Southern Gorkha.

Bajracharya, S. B. 1988 Study on the Ecology of Barun Valley- An exploration of some of the Ecological Factors of Barun, Msc. Thesis, Tribhuvan University. TISC Document Series No. 101. January 2001.

Balla, M.; Awasti, K.W; Shrestha, P.K; Shechan, D.P & Poudel, D. 2000. Degraded Lands in Mid-Hills of Central Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation. LI-BIRD.

Banskota M. 1992. Dimension of unsustainability in Nepal; Economic policies for Sustainable development, Manila ICIMOD and Asian Development Bank.

Bhajracharya, K.M & Amatya, K.M. 1995. Agroforestry Concepts and Applications (Compendium of lecture presented in a short training course). PP 43-45.

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Bhatia, A. 2000. Participatory Forest Management (PFM): Rediscovery of the Promising Mechanism for Poverty Alleviation in the Mountains Areas of South Asia.

Bhatta, B.R. 1990. Watershed management guidelines for monitoring and evaluation. Kathmandu; United Nations development program, food and agriculture organization of the United Nations.

Blaikie, P.M & Sadeque, S.Z. 2000. Policies in High places. Environment and Development in the Himalayan Region. ICIMOD, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Chapagain D. 2000. Land Tenure and Poverty: Status and Trends Land Systems in the Hills and Mountains of Nepal.

Country Report. 2002. Shifting Cultivation in Bangaladesh. Literature Review. Unpublished document.

Denholm, J. 1991. Agroforestry in Mountain Areas of the Hindu Kush-Himalayan Region. ICIMOD Occasional Paper No. 17

Dhakal, S. 2000. Shifting Cultivation In the Arun Valley: An Anthropological Case Study. Vegetation and Society: Their Interaction in the Himalayas, 2002, pp 248-257 TU. Kathmandu.

Forest Act 1993 and Forest Regulation 1996.

Gurung, C. B, T. Adhikari, and F. Thapa (1994). Contribution of forest resources to livelihood of chepang community: a case study in Chitwan. Ramput, IAAS.

HARP. 2001. Profiles of Hill Research Program funded projects in Nepal.

HMG; FAO & IFAD. 2000. Hills Leasehold Forestry and Forage Development Project. Project Brochure.

ICIMOD; NEHU, MoEF India; MLSEC; IFAD. 2002. Farmers’ innovations in different shifting cultivation systems of the Eastern Himalayas. Programme Initiation Workshop, April 23-25, 2002, Silong, N.E.India.

ICIMOD; NEHU, MoEF India; MLSEC; IFAD. 2002. Farmers’ innovations in different shifting cultivation systems of the Eastern Himalyas. Proceeding of the Programme Initiation Workshop, April 23-25,. 2002, Silong, N.E.India.

IFAD; IDRC; CIIFAD; ICRAF & IIRR. 2001. Shifting cultivation towards sustainability and resource conservation in Asia.

Jodha & Shrestha. 1993. Towards sustainable and more productive mountain farming. Paper presented at the ICIMOD 10th anniversary symposium of mountain environment and development; constraints and opportunities, ICIMOD Kathmandu Dec 1993.

Khanal, N. R. 1992. Study of Geo hydrology, Land-use and Population of the Makalu-Barun Conservation Project Area.

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Klatzel, F. 1999. Makalu Barun Conservation Project – Natural History Handbook and staff Training Manual (Draft).

Land Resource mapping Project (LRMP). 1986. Land systems, land utilization and Agriculture-forestry reports. Ottawa, Canada; Kenting earth science ltd.

LI-BIRD. 2002. Synthesis of Farmers’ Knowledge: A Case study of Kholagaun and Thumka of Gorkha and Tanahun Districts.

LI-BIRD. 2002. Participatory identification of integrated agricultural technological packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of the Site selection Survey.

LI-BIRD. 2002. Participatory identification of integrated agricultural technological packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of the baseline survey.

LI-BIRD. 2002. Shifting cultivation ; A case study from Central and Western Hills of Nepal. Poster presented in Programme initiation workshop in Shillong, N.E. India.

LI-BIRD. 2002. Synthesis of Farmers’ Knowledge: A Case study of Kholagaun and Thumka of Gorkha and Tanahun Districts.

NAF. 2001. Nepal Agroforestry Foundation: Praja Agroforestry Research Project, Chitawan: Annual Report 2001.

NARC. 2000. Annual Report ( FY 2056/2057;1999/2000).

Nepali, R. K. 1990. Community Resource Management: The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area.

NPC/IUCN. 1991. A Legislative and Institutional Framework for Environmental Management in Nepal. Review of legislation, administration procedures and institutional arrangements relating to land use and resource management. National Conservation Strategy Implementation Project, National Planning Commission, HMG, and Nepal in Collaboration with IUCN.

Poudel, D. 1996. Nepalma Khoria kheti Ra Yasko Durgami Prabhav. Published in Gorkhapatra.

Pradhan, C. 1988. Ecology of Slash and burn Agriculture (Shifting cultivation in Himalayas): A case study of Barun valley – Msc. Thesis, Tribhuvan University. TISC Document Series No. 101. January 2001.

Rayamajhi, S & Pokhrel, R. 1995. Indigenous Knowledge of the Chepangs on Khoriya Cultivation.Banko Janakari Vol. 5 No. 3, September 1995. PP 134-137.

Ranabhat, B. Sharing about Ecos-center intervention on Khoria.

Regmi, B. R. 2001. Teaching Material in Agroforestry for Bachelor of Science in Forestry Curriculum.

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Regmi, B. R, K. Aryal, A. Subedi and B. B. Tamang. 2004. Documentation of shifting cultivation case studies. Report submitted to ICIMOD. Unpublished.

Sankalan, Pakhribas Ag. Research Station Samuhik Krishak Bhrawan

Schmidt-Vogt, D. Shifting Cultivation in Nepal and Thailand A comparative Assessment

SEACOW. 1999. After Five Years Chepangs of Kandrang Watershed.

Sedai, H.P. 1995. Khoria Le Gharieko Gaun-Lhape. A study. ACTION AID.

Shah and Schreier. 1991. Nurturing the soil, feeding the people; An introduction to sustainable organic agriculture. Davao City, Philippine; CRUST foundation Inc.

Sharma, C & Kharti, J. 1995. Slash and Burn Agriculture in Makalu and Yaphu VDCs of Makalu Barun National Park Conservation Area Project MBCPA, DNPWC -report 27.

Sharma, L.N. 1999. Forest Landuse Change and Management in the Western Middle Hill of Nepal: A Case Study on Bishkharka VDC Gulmi District. MA. Thesis, Tribhuvan University. TISC Document Series No. 101. January 2001.

Sharma, G. 2002. INSAN’s work of shifting cultivation in Nawalparasi. Unpublished document. Sherchan, D. P. 2001.GIS for Planning and Monitoring Land Use Practices in Shifting Cultivation

Areas. Shifting cultivation towards sustainability and resource conservation in Asia. IFAD/IDRC/CIIFAD/ICRAF/IIRR.

Sherpa, L. N, Sherpa, A R and Shrestha, J. 1990. Park Management Component. The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area.

Shrestha, B; Shrestha, R.B. & Giri, D. 1995. Natural Resources (Agriculture, Forestry, Livestock and Soils) Analysis of AAN Development Area in Nawalparasi District. INSAN/ACTION AID

Shrestha, K.B. 2002. Community Forestry: Its relevance in the mountain environment. Kalpabrichha, 2002.

Shrestha, P.K. & Acharya, G. 2000.Incorporation of Local Knowledge into Soil and Water management interventions which minimise nutrient losses in the Middle Hills of Nepal (DFID NRSP Project R 7412- project report).

Shrestha, P.K. McDonald, M. and Sincliar, F. 2000. Application of Knowledge Based Systems Approach in participatory Technology Development: A case of Developing Soil and Water Management Interventions for Reducing Nutrient Losses in the Middle Hills of Nepal.

Shrestha, R.L. 1986. Socio-economic factors leading to deforestation in Nepal.

Shrestha, T.B. 1990. The Makalu Barun National Park and Conservation Area (Scientific Research Component).

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Shretha P. K & Watson. 1994. Sloping agriculture land technology (SALT); A regenerative option for sustainable mountain farming. ICIMOD, Occasional Paper 23.

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