schooling for self-employment in kenya: the acquisition of craft skills in and outside schools

hr. I. Educational Devclopmmt, Vol. 8. No. 4, pp. 271-278,1988 07384x93/88 53.00+ .oo Printed in Great Britain Pergamon Press plc

SCHOOLING FOR SELF-EMPLOYME~ IN KENYA: THE AC~UrSITrON OF CRAFT SKILLS IN AND

OUTSIDE SCHOOLS

THOMAS OWEN EISEMON*, ELKANA ONG’ESAt and LYNN HART*

Ykntre for Cognitive and Ethnographic Studies, McGill University; TKisii College

A~~-~rna~ schooling will continue to be the terminal stage of education for most Kenyan children, and it will have to prepare them for employment that they will create for themselves. What this might imply for the teaching of craft skis is examined. Soapstone carving was selected as the subject of study because it is an important form of self-employment in western Kenya. The acquisition of craft skills in and outside schools was compared using observational and experimental methods. It is argued that school instruction provides little opportunity to develop competence. in carrying out cognitive and psychomotor tasks important to expert performance in this and perhaps many other craft occupations.

INTRODUCTION

In Kenya and many other African countries, pre-vocational subjects have been introduced into the primary school curricula in order to prepare students, most of whom will not gain admission to secondary schools; for some form of set-employment. It has long been evident that the modem sector, dominated by the public service, cannot grow quickly enough to absorb the graduates of secondary and post- secondary institutions, much less employ a significant proportion of primary school leavers. The modem sector accounts for only about 16% (1979) of the Kenyan labour force, and its annual growth rate is much below the rate of expansion of the educational system (Hinchcliffe, 1987, p. 11).

The government has responded to this situation in several ways. It has established various kinds of institutions to provide vocational training initially to primary school leavers and increasingly to students who have attended secondary school; among them; the national network of village polytechnics which teach carpentry, tailoring, and other craft and trade skills. It has sanctioned the growth of proprietary institutions which offer many kinds of technical training such as automotive ‘engineering’ and secretarial and clerical courses, often without any instructional equip-

ment, trained instructors or permanent instructional facilities (Rono, 1986). More recently, in 1985, the government lengthened the primary cycle to eight years and made agriculture and craft subjects compulsory papers in the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education examination.

Primary school will continue to be the terminal stage of schooling for most Kenyan children, and it will have to prepare them for employment which they will create for themselves. Here we examine what this might imply insofar as the teaching of craft skills is concerned.

Soapstone carving was selected as the subject of study for several reasons. It is a significant source of self-employment in west- em Kenya. Soapstone carving is learned outside school and is now taught in the upper stage of the primary cycle in many schools in areas where soapstone is available to facilitate self-employment. A comparison of how carving skills are acquired in and outside school reveals what may be required to make schooling more relevant to the ‘world of work.’ Although our interest is in one form of craft production carried on as a cottage industry, we believe that our findings have much broader implications for pre-vocational as well as vocational education. We will argue that such training is unlikely to be successful unless efforts are made to better understand how

271

272 THOMAS OWEN EISEMON et al.

individuals develop competence in performing finishing unless the surface is hardened by cognitive and psychomotor tasks associated firing or coating it with wax. Grains of different with particular occupations. colour spread out through soapstone in

unuredictable wavs. Because most soanstone is

SOAPSTONE PRODUCTION

Soapstone carving is mainly done by the men and boys of the Bomware subclan of the Bogirango (Leopard) clan who live in the village of Tabaka about 20k southwest of the town of Kisii, and increasingly by others in Kisii district. Functional objects were made from soapstone before the First World War; pipes for smoking bhung, cooking utensils, vases for storing food and the distinctive three legged stools for which the Kisii are known in East Africa. After the Second World War tourism stimulated the production of art for commercial purposes. Curio shops in the cities of Nairobi, Mombasa and Kisumu required craft souvenirs to sell. East African wood carvings were popular with tourists, particularly the carvings of the Kamba, whose lands bordered on two of the country’s major game parks. Stone carvings might also be marketable particularly if they looked like the wood carvings of animal figures that appealed to tourists. An owner of a curio shop in Kisumu, Mr Edward Koenigsburger, is credited with this inspiration by soapstone carvers in Tabaka.

Soapstone carving, like other Kenyan handi- crafts, is a major economic activity. It is estimated that more than 4000 individuals in Kisii district derive some income from soapstone production and marketing (Maranga, 1986). That is more employment than many more modern economic institutions generate in rural areas.

Soapstone varies a great deal in hardness and texture as well as in colour depending on where it is found. Kenyan soapstone is white, red, dark brown, black; often a mixture of these colours. Although most of the soapstone found in:the Kisii area can be cut and fashioned with a pocket knife, some of it can be worked with sculpting chisels suitable for marble and other hard stones.

Soapstone is difficult to work because of the variability of hardness and colour in each stone. Some parts are much softer than others and flake or cleave in large pieces when worked. The texture of the stone or parts of it may be too striated, porous, or soft for fine

soft, it can be reduced easily but requiies much precision in the use of tools.

The stone is initially shaped with a panga (machete) or an adze also used for woodcarv- ing, and then worked with knives and bladed tools which must be constantly resharpened. Final finishing is done with emery cloth, sandpaper or with the leaves of the Omosenia tree that have a surface like sandpaper. Artisans use simple tools, many of them homemade, that do not keep an edge and must be very carefully used to avoid damaging the stone. Soapstone cannot be worked according to preconceptions that do not take into account the possibility of radical redesign of the object intended which properties of the stone or mistakes in the use of tools may necessitate.

NOVICE AND EXPERT PE~ORMAN~E IN SOAPSTONE

CARVING

Data collection Data were collected in 1986 from 45

soapstone carvers living in or near the village of Tabaka. Subjects ranged from nine to more than 70 years of age. The group included six master carvers, and others with varying experience of carving, nine of whom had begun carving soapstone during the previous two years. All had learned soapstone carving outside school.

Subjects were observed producing objects from soapstone and their sensitivity to the characteristics of materials and efficiency in the use of tools was noted. The subject’s selection of stone for carving, its suitability for the design of the object to be produced was described, and the various procedures for working the stone carefully recorded.

Data from these observations were used to develop experimental tasks to measure competence in different domains of skills involved in soapstone production. The tasks required subjects to make several judgements about four blocks of stone, about 4in. X 3in. X 3in., from visual inspection and handling. The subjects were then shown four similar blocks of stone, each cut by a pangu, and four more cut by saw, smoothed with sandpaper and wetted

SCHOOLING FOR SELF-EMPLOYMENT IN KENYA 273

to better reveal the colours of the stone. Subjects were asked from which quarry each stone came from, to arrange the stones in order from the hardest to the softest, what kinds of objects could be produced from each block and what are the best tools to use to work the stone.

The stones used in the experiment were selected by a master carver with more the 25 years experience in sculpture who also partici- pated in the administration of the experimental tasks.

REBULTS

Identification of quarry sources Novice carvers had a great deal of difficulty

in accurately identifying the quarries from which the stones were taken, and some took up to 15 minutes to complete this task. Most responses were incorrect due to subject’s lack of familia~ty with stones characteristic of the various quarry sites near Tabaka. However, they had some knowledge of the variation in soapstone in the Tabaka area, knew each quarry produced somewhat different stones, but did not have enough practical experience to make correct or plausible identifications of stones which were seldom used for the kind of craft production in which they were engaged. Moreover, novices seemed to make more use of colour information in determining quarry sites, neglecting the importance of other information about the stone’s hardness, texture and surface characteristics that would have enabled them to make better identifications.

Experts quickly and accurately identified the different quarry sites, usually through visual inspection alone. Mistaken identifications were plausible, i.e. the stones’ characteristics matched the actual variation in the quarry site though the stone might be uncommon for the particular site. Expert carvers purchase stone from many quarry sites not only to lower costs of inputs and reduce wastage but also because the greater range of objects they produce necessitates use of many kinds of stone.

Testing for hardness The hardness of soapstone is of central

importance for many reasons that we have alluded to earlier. Soft stones can be worked easily and, so, more objects can be produced

given the same amount of time. And they can be worked without damaging tools, especially the edges of bladed tools such as knives and chisels. Since the tools used by soapstone carvers are expensive not~thstand~g their poor quality, choosing soft stone is essential to minimizing sharpening which increases wear. Soft stones are also more easily polished and do not often require a lot of sandpaper which must be purchased.

The hardness of the stone can be determined with four kinds of information: (1) knowing the quarry site (this information was withheld); (2) inspection of the colour of the stone; (3) examination of surface features; and (4) sounding of the stone with a panga.

In most cases, you have to test a stone with a panga. Others you can see. If there is soil or flakes coming off the stone quickly, then the stone is hard. If the soil sticks to the stone it is soft.

(Master carver, Kisii, 1986)

The most certain method involves striking the stone. Surface features such as moist dirt adhering to the stone indicate that the stone below may be soft. Again, brown grains running through the stone suggest the presence of iron oxide and both hardness and irregular cleaving when the stone is worked. The stone’s colour provides limited, often misleading info~ation as to its hardness.

Novices tend to rely a great deal on colour without expressing any qualifications, for example:

This one has got black colour showing that its hard all the way through. This has a greenish colour and white showing that (its also a little hard). This is yellowish, pink. It is less hard . . . This one has got white coiour showing that it is softest.

Experts always pointed out that ‘the colour wouid give an indication of its hardness.’ Though they also used the same general colour coding scheme, they made much finer distinc- tions in shades and noted inconsistencies, e.g. ‘This one has black colour with white but (this part) has been exposed to the sun, showing hardness.’ In addition, master carvers carefully examined surface features of the stone to ascertain whether it was resting in the ground, exposed to the elements, or extracted from a rock formation. Such information was often ignored by novices.

Experts test the stones with the pungu to confirm their judgements about the stone’s

274 THOMAS OWE1

quality (a hard stone leaves clear marks), and do not use this as the only source of information unless they are, as in this case, requested to. Two of the stones produced nearly identical sounds when hit with the panga. These were the two softest. Experts often could not determine which was softest as there were some hard spots in both stones. Novices, of course, rarely noticed the simi- larity. They made gross judgements with few sound tests,

‘I EISEMON et al.

Selection of tools appropriate for working the stone

It is necessary for an artisan to select the correct tool to use on a particular stone, especially to begin with the correct tool. Hard stones require the handaxe to roughly shape the object. The axe flakes the stone but does not cut deeply into it. The panga is usually used for the same purpose on softer stones. It also flakes the stone but into smaller pieces. If the stone is too hard, the panga will glance off the surface and if it is too soft, the tool will cut deeply, necessitating radical redesign of the object. If a soft part of a hard stone is worked with an axe or a panga, the part will fracture irregularly. This will also happen if an axe or a panga hits on or near a grain of iron oxide which cannot be easily predicted even if the grain appears on the surface of the rock. A knife cannot be used to shape hard rocks. It is, however, useful in removing small amounts of waste and providing detail.

Both novices and experts selected tools appropriate for the hardness of the stone. Work on very hard stones was always begun with an axe. If a carver misjudged the hardness of the stone, he began with the wrong tool sometimes despite the fact that the stone had been sound tested with a panga. The conse- quences of such an error are not particularly serious. It simply wastes the carver’s time, may remove too much stone or, worse, may damage his tools. The sequence- axe, pangu, knife and sandpaper- is understood by all carvers. The sequence is varied depending on the carver’s judgement of the hardness of the stone he is working with.

Selection of objects for carving What really distinguishes the novice carver

from the expert is the ability to determine the kinds of objects that can be made from a piece

of stone, and rank ordering these in their economic value. Expert carvers have much more thematic competence than novices; i.e. they can produce many more things. But more important than this, they have greater experience in selling their carvings. Consequently, in selecting what to produce, they correlate information on the price of carvings with the time needed to produce them, and the characteristics of the stone they are working with.

Novice carver:(Black No. 1) ash tray . . . (No. 3) fish only . . . (No. 7) may be snake box . . . (No. 8) person?

Expert carver: (No. 1) Elephant because of pinkish colour; .(No. &) Sugar dish or snake box. (No. ‘7) eleuhant, lion. bird. (No. 5) hothing . . .- only ihe e& of a heh, othe; things will break.

The experts frequently gave fine assessments of the suitability of the block for each object, for example, ‘This one? Perhaps a snake box. The lid can be obtained by saving the piece. There is enough stone.’ Such assessments reflect a very high level of thematic competence involving not only the production of a saleable object but the knowledge of the most efficient methods.

THE ACQUISITION OF CARVING SKILLS OUTSIDE SCHOOLS

Expertise in soapstone carving to recapitulate, requires the acquisition of skills in several domains involving: (1) the selection of stone according to its size, shape, colour, hardness, integrity and other characteristics; (2) taking advantage of properties of the stone in the production of objects; (3) the choice and use of tools, and efficiency in production; (4) innova- tion in the use of materials and tools as well as in the design of objects; and (5) competence in marketing. Skills in these domains are acquired spontaneously from childhood through play, casual observation of adult carvers and practice and pa~icipation in various stages of the production process.

In Tabaka, very young children assist their mothers in polishing sculptures. These are first soaked in water and sanded while wet with emery cloth or leaves. The sculptures are put in the sun to dry and then waxed with floor polish stained with shoe polish. The children typically


assist in the polishing of animal sculptures, napkin rings and other small items which are of no great value. Children learn many things from this activity such as the fragility and texture of soapstone, its various colours, skill in the use of production materials like emery cloth and sandpaper, variation in the design of objects, sensitivity to visual and tactile quali- ties of different stones and objects, the sequence of procedures to finish a carving, and ~haracte~sti~s of the commer~al market.

Children are seldom given verbal instructions, told how to polish or even when or what work to begin. Polishing i$ usually done in clan compounds under a tree or thatched shelter in the mid-day or at the end of the afternoon when the women have returned from the fields. For older children and for their mothers as well, it is a relief from agricultural work and an enjoyable task. Polishing is done in one area though children move from one place to another observing parents and older relatives at work.

Boys accompany men to nearby quarries to collect stones. They watch adults pry rocks from the hillside with crowbars and levers, looking for rocks of particular colours and sixes. They watch adults test the stones for hardness with a pang&, make final selections and rough shape the stones. They witness negotiations with the quarry owner and understand that the stone has value because it must be purchased. Very soft stones that produce a dull sound when struck with a pangu, hard stones with dark brown grains of iron and other minerals, stones that cleave easily, and stones of irregular colour cannot be used and if purchased, waste resources. The stones taken from the quarry are piled in several places in the compound and sorted as needed. Only some stones are suitable for sculpture. They are usually chosen by master carvers who may tell a child what he will make from them. Poorer stones are used for pieces of less value. Almost all of the stone is eventually used.

Skills in grading of stones according to their properties in relation to the value of the objects which can be made from them are not easily acquired. Opportunities to observe older carvers engaged in different kinds of soapstone production facilitate acquisition of these skills.

To learn carving, I sat and looked at my step brother. My step brother did not assist me in my carving except

by allowing me to see how he does it. Later, when I started to carve my own pieces, he helped in correcting what I was doing. I collected my own good stones from the quarry. At times, he took my stones and carved them himself.

(Young carver, I&ii, 1986)

Small children frequently play with unused tools and attempt to imitate adults. This is how carving usually begins. But by then most young children have already acquired sensitivity to the ~haracte~sti~ of soapstone, know what can be produced from it, and have un- selfconsciously observed older children or adults selecting stone for carving, choosing tools and sequencing tools and other tasks in completing a carving. In brief, they have encoded most parts of the production process before experimenting with carving.

I had no idea really of what I wanted to carve. I just picked a stone and started carving it. I was about nine years old. I tried to make many things I had seen but could not make a suitable form. One day my carving came into the form of a fish. I went over to my uncle who was making a fish and realized that my fish was missing a mouth and gills. I started another one comparing it to my uncle’s and cousins. I gave my first fish to my cousin who sold it for twenty cents. I used the money to buy sweets.

(Master carver, I&ii, 1986)

The money obtained from a child’s first carvings may also be used to invest in a pocket knife. This and the panga are the basic tools of the Kisii soapstone carver; the panga to shape the object, and the knife to provide detail.

Significantly, children in Kisii usually begin carving objects of value, with materials and tools they purchase. It is unne~ssa~ to instruct children on the importance of efficiency in the use of tools and materials. Children learn quickly to select soft stones that are inexpensive, easy to carve, appropriate for the tools available, and which can be used to produce small objects that can be readily sold.

Younger carvers and some adult carvers continue to produce the same kinds of objects for several years. They may abandon carving returning to it to earn money for school fees or support the family such as this child who is planning to attend secondary school:

I will continue my schooling, learning and carving. Now when I miss money to go to school, I carve. If I pass the examination, I will go to be employed. If I am empioyed I will continue carving if the money is not there. I carve chess pieces which sell well.

(Young carver, I&ii, 1986)


Youth usually produce sculptures of wild life- hippos, elephants, lions, flamingoes, fish -gradually expanding their repertoire as their competence develops and they become more sophisticated in judging the market for their carvings. Chess sets and other kinds of complex pieces require a major investment in time and material that will be rewarded only if the product is of good quality. Consequently, the progression from one theme to another is slow, necessitating critical judgements of performance and capacity, as well as demon- strations of competence before new activities are embarked upon.

LEARNING CRAFTS IN SCHOOL

Where soapstone is available in Kisii district, some art and craft production is to be done from that material to demonstrate how local resources can be used to produce craft objects. Soapstone carving cannot be easily taught in classrooms because considerable dust is produced. Consequently, most instruction occurs outside school in the school compound, weather permitting. Children taught soapstone carving work in small groups. Typically, each child is given a piece of stone and instructed to produce a soapdish with tools brought from home; usually a spoon for hollowing and, occasionally, a screwdriver or table knife sharpened for carving.

During the first three years of primary school, the arts and crafts syllabus requires that ‘the child be given an opportunity for self- expression’ (Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1986a, p. 3). Emphasis is to be placed on drawing, painting as well as on tasks involving modelling, construction and other psychomotor skills. Children are supposed to produce various craft objects using local materials like jewelry made of clay beads, shells, seeds and straws (Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1986a, p. 11). Drawing and painting are taught at the beginning of each of the first three years. The sequence of 11 subjects culminating with puppetry and ornaments is repeated each year. Students are supposed to be evaluated on their production of ‘a work of art and craft, both two and three dimensional’. The ‘works should be marked objectively according to the (student’s) developmental stages’ (Jomo Kenyatta Foun- dation, 1986a, p. 12).

In the upper stage (Standards 4-8), the list of

art and craft subjects is expanded. Sculpture, pottery, etching, leathenvork and woodwork are added to drawing and painting; sixteen in total (Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1986b, p. 39). Again, each year begins with drawing and painting. Sculpture (modeling, carving and construction) is taught in the middle of the school year. In Standard IV, instruction in sculpture begins with modeling animals and human forms in the round and concludes with the production of a mobile. Production of human figures from clay is done in Standard V. Relief is introduced in the next year. A diorama is to be done in Standard VII ‘based on everyday life experiences’ (Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1986b, p. SO). In Standard VIII students are supposed to be able to produce ‘figures in two and three dimensional abstract forms [and be able to do] free abstract and realistic figures from a block of material.’ Instruction is also to include some discussion of the ‘role of sculpture in society’ (Jomo Kenyatta Foundation, 1986b, pp. 54,55).

The teaching of craft subjects involves a step by step approach to skill acquisition, each step being explained and sometimes demonstrated by the teacher as in this lesson.

Teacher: Put all the materials down and you look at me. I tell you what to do, but you sit. We want to make a doll (out of) these banana fibers. . . . You can look at mine here. These are called _ . 7

Children (in chorus): Banana Fibers!

Teacher: We have to get some sticks like the ones I have here. And some small stones. . . . And some clay, Some clay like this. We model it. We mix with water to make soft. We can use it to make. . . . What have I said?

Children (in chorus): A doll!

Teacher: To make a head. Say . . .

Children (in chorus): A head!

Teacher: A head. We use it to make a head. So when we have brought the banana fibers together. . . Look at me everybody! You make it the shape I have made. . .

Teacher: Now if you have any problems you can put up your hand and I will come around to help YOU. I want to see very beautiful things, better than mine. . . I want to see big smart things, not very small useless things. Some of you are just playing around. What are those sticks doing? Throw them away and find a good stick!

(Standard VI, Art and Crafts Lesson, I&ii, 1985).


All children must listen to and follow the instructions. They must not proceed on their own until all procedures have been explained and, then, they are to produce only what has been shown to them. Although most teachers have received some training in art and crafts in a primary teacher training college, few impress us as proficient in craft production. The craft products made by the children are intended to be taken home to be shown to their parents.

In the teaching of art and crafts from Standard I-VIII and in each standard, it is assumed that skill in representing objects in two dimensions precedes three dimensional productions. The relationship between these domains of representational skills is at best a matter of conjecture. Neither expert nor novice carvers we have studied draw an object before they attempt to carve it. ‘School art is not meaningful to me,’ one carver said, ‘I don’t draw before carving. I only have an idea in my head. Then I turn it into stone.’ Indeed, many carvers would probably be unable to draw a detailed representation of a sculpture. Asked to draw what they are carving rather than to provide a verbal explanation, most simply scratch the lines of the object on the ground, leaving details to the viewers imagination. While the primary school syllabus presumes the inter-relatedness of different representational skills and a linear pattern of skill development, it is very unlikely that activities like drawing and painting have much to do with sculpture, or even that facility in clay modeling which intuitively is more closely related to stone sculpture, is, in fact, a pre-requisite activity.

In designing curricula for craft subjects, educators make an additional assumption that verbal instruction facilitates progression from simple to complex tasks. Outside school, children begin carving objects with no explanation as to how they should proceed. But they have carefully observed carving and have encoded parts of the production process. They may begin with an object that is within their capacity to carve; a fish, for example. As we have noted, they will continue to carve such objects until they become proficient. In school, children are told what objects to make and how to make them in ways that make sense to someone who is not necessarily proficient in craft production. They are taken step by step through the production process. Progression

from one step to the next is not dependent on individual proficiency as lessons must be completed and new activities begun. Outside school, novice carvers have an opportunity to compare their work to objects completed by craft producers with more experience and competence. They start new tasks when they feel ready to do so.

School instruction provides few opportunities to acquire skills of crucial importance to soapstone carving and other forms of craft production. Students have little exposure to variations in craft materials and, consequently, neither acquire much sensitivity to characteristics of the materials nor the kinds of skills we have indicated are important to expert performance. In addition, students have very limited exposure to tools, many of which may be inappropriate for carving tasks; spoons, for example. Nor are they encouraged to be efficient in their use of tools and materials. Time considerations, reduction of wastage, increasing the longevity of tools and other aspects of efficient craft production are not taught or regarded as outcomes of craft instruction.

Finally, in school students do not work with valuable tools and materials to produce objects of value. Apart from pleasing parents and passing the school leaving examination, craft production has little meaning. It may be regarded by educational planners as prepara- tion for self-employment, but it is difficult to understand how art and craft instruction would lead to this. In fact, self-employed carvers when asked about the importance of primary education usually stress the relevance of their training in academic subjects to their present work.

The languages I learned, Kiswahili and English help me in selling my carvings. I speak to my customers and when they speak I understand. Also, when I know the home area of my customers I feel good.

(Young carver, Kisii, 1986)

CONCLUSION

In previous research, many doubts have been expressed about the reliance on formal instruction, especially at the primary level, to impart vocational skills. Attention has been drawn to characteristics of employment outside the modern and agricultural sectors which often make craft and other forms of vocational


training inappropriate. For instance, studies of the informal sector in rural and urban areas in Africa have shown that few individuals have just one occupation (Shiundu, 1986). Many combine various kinds of work activities associated with petty trading, small scale manufacturing, distribution and service activities. They may, in addition, be involved in wage employment and/or agriculture. Training in one or even in related occupational skills may be of little value to school leavers who must be prepared to engage in very diverse income generating activities.

From the 1920s to the present, practical training has been perceived by missionaries, colonial authorities and today by African educational planners as a panacea for reducing the educational aspirations of students and steering them into the ‘world of work’. Our research raises serious pedagogical concerns with such thinking. Soapstone carving and perhaps other craft skills may not be suitable for formal instruction even under ideal circumstances, including well trained teachers and better instructional facilities than Kenya and most African governments can support. Schooling simply provides few opportunities to

acquire the cognitive and psychomotor skills that are central to expert performance due to ways in which vocational or prevocational instruction must necessarily be organized. It may be objected that expert performance is not the object of instruction. But it is nevertheless unclear how any practical skills which might be learned facilitate subsequent development of expertise and potential for self-employment. The most useful vocational skills that schooling imparts seem to be those resulting from the schools’ more traditional function of teaching numeracy and literacy and other academic subjects.

REFERENCES

Hinchcliffe, K. (1987) Higher Education in Sub-Sahara Africa. Croom Helm, London.

Jomo Kenyatta Foundation (1986a) Syllabuses for Kenya Primary Schools. Vol. I. JKF. Nairobi.

Jomo Kenyatta Foundation (1986b) Syllubuses for Kenya Primary Schools, Vol. II. JKF, Nairobi.

Maranga, J. S. (1986) Soapstone carving in Kisii. Mimeo. Bureau of Educational Research, Kenyatta University.

Rono, P. (1986) Post-primary technical training in Kenya. Mimeo. Bureau of Educational Research, Kenyatta University.

Shiundu, J. (1986) Primary schooling and self-employment in Kenya. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Nairobi.

schooling for self-employment in kenya: the acquisition of craft skills in and outside schools

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