"shigata ga nai," "the thirteenth juror," and a "strategically useless...

8/7/2019 "Shigata ga nai," "the thirteenth juror," and a "strategically useless inlet" as portrayed in Snow Falling on Cedars.

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/shigata-ga-nai-the-thirteenth-juror-and-a-strategically-useless-inlet 1/20

William O¶Brochta

Center 11

Mrs. Doherty and Mr. Uselton

1 April 2011

³Shigata ga nai,´ ³the thirteenth juror,´ and a ³strategically useless inlet´ as portrayed in

Snow Falling on Cedars.

America has had her own holocaust, though it was merely termed a period of internment.

People were imprisoned, mistreated, and unfairly tried, even though many were the ones fighting

for this country (Sellers). The Japanese were subjected to a mass internment and period of

prejudice during World War Two (Smith 118). David Guterson attempts to discuss these issues

through the viewpoint of historical fiction in his novel Snow Falling on Cedars (herein Cedars).

Guterson suggests that his novel, set on a fictional San Piedro Island, is strongly linked to events

that actually occurred on Bainbridge Island, the first island to experience Japanese internment

(³David Guterson´). The novel includes a trial portion intermixed with reflections from war and

internment (³David Guterson´). The reader is introduced to the story of Ishmael Chambers, a

reporter living on Bainbridge Island in Washington. Chambers begins the story covering the

murder trial of Kabuo Miyamoto, a Japanese fisherman married to Ishmael¶s old love Hatsue

Miyamoto. Kabuo has been accused of murdering German Carl Heine. The story examines racial

prejudice and Japanese internment as well as the trial system and media influence through

frequent flashbacks to World War Two and current courtroom proceedings. Chambers¶ time in

the army at a critical battle in the Pacific is also relived. In the end, prejudice against Japanese is

overcome with Chambers¶ own evidence as a result of media inquiries, Miyamoto¶s murder

charge is dropped, and Heine¶s death is ruled accidental. The novel became wildly popular with



O¶Brochta 2

the public and garnered many awards for its perspective on Japanese internment, but Guterson

explores many other historical anomalies through his story (³David Guterson´). This paper

examines the validity of Guterson¶s historical descriptions through three lenses, including

Japanese internment. David Guterson¶s novel Snow Falling on Cedars presents a highly flawed

yet still effective archival portrayal of Japanese prejudice, evacuation, and internment; of media

influence in high profile courtroom trials, with emphasis on Sheppard v. Maxwell and Koon et

al. v. United States; and of the Battle of Tarawa Atoll; thus creating a powerful message, but a

technically inaccurate novel.

Immigrants have experienced prejudice and hatred in the United States for a seemingly

endless time, but never as much as during World War Two with Japanese Americans. Guterson¶s

portrayal of general hatred for the Issei (native Japanese) and Nisei (American citizens) is

principally accurate (Connor 161). Both groups of Japanese were subjected to poor-paying jobs,

land restrictions, and fewer opportunities than their non-Japanese counterparts (Woodrum 165;

Jiobu 359, 363). Japanese people were widely seen as still citizens of Japan, for they attended

schools to learn Japanese language and generally participated in their own social and political

groups (Miyamoto 108, Connor 160). Their actions resulted not out of hatred for Americans, but

out of the inability to fit in with society or speak English (Jiobu 355). As such, the Nisei

frequently visited Japan and continued traditional Japanese practices of interracial marriage and

male child dominance for the first American generation simply because they planned on

returning to their home country (Bloom 554, Connor 160, Bloom 552, Jiobu 357). Americans

viewed these practices as treasonous, especially in light of the then-recent Chinese Exclusion

Act, which strictly limited the number of Chinese immigrants entering America (Jiobu 358). By

the third generation of Japanese Americans, virtually all had ³Americanized´ and exhibited few



O¶Brochta 3

traditional Japanese ideas (Conner 163). Responding to these social characteristics, American

leaders sought to restrict Japanese immigration and to associate Japanese American citizens with

the enemy in World War Two (Bloom 557, Miyamoto 112). Racism itself may have been the

motivation for Japanese internment even though Japanese Americans received support from their

communities through integration with social societies especially in churches (O¶Brian 146,

Hando 3). Guterson uses the trial of Kabuo Miyamoto and the relationship between two children

to describe prejudice present in Bainbridge Island society. Cedars describes the love life of

Ishmael Chambers, American, and Hatsue Miyamoto, Japanese (Guterson 110). They refuse to

meet in public and never interact with each other outside of a log hideout because their

relationship would be condemned and considered essentially illegal in society (Guterson 112).

Miyamoto¶s trial is rife with racism as island inhabitants and the coroner blame Japanese in

general for the murder (Guterson 59). Etta Heine, mother of the man murdered in the novel,

refuses to acknowledge the rights of Japanese and openly discriminates against them by ending

early the period of a loan on land for the Miyamoto¶s during the internment (Guterson 138). She

also ³senses´ that the Japanese were giving her ³dirty looks´ (Guterson 126). Prejudice, in the

broadest sense, is portrayed fairly factually in the narrative, describing the World War Two

attitude of many Americans to Japanese immigrants.

A comparison of the descriptions of the preparation, interrogations, and actual evacuation

of Japanese, substantiates that Guterson does not describe these events methodically. Before

internment started, the Federal Bureau of Investigation visited the houses of all Japanese

American families to inspect for contraband (Sellers). Inspectors were searching for anything

that could be viewed as ³anti-American,´ including dynamite and shortwave radios (Sellers).

They hit all of the suspect houses at one time, arriving in two black, shiny Fords (Sellers).



O¶Brochta 4

Guterson describes the investigation accurately; however, even though Japanese in his

publication were promised that their husbands would be gone one week, they were eventually

sent to Montana (Guterson 194-199). Some Japanese men did go to Missoula, Montana; but

many were held in Seattle for a long period before being taken to Tule Lake, California (Sellers).

At that time, families were allowed to visit their fathers and husbands in Seattle (Sellers). What

is missing in the narrative is discussion about how many people were subjected of the Federal

Bureau of Investigation raids and the ways in which the loss of fathers impacted their families

(Sellers). In fact, these issues contributed to family dysfunction, but also caused a great amount

of goodwill that came from the non-Japanese Bainbridge Island residents.

On March 23, 1942 Japanese Americans on Bainbridge Island were served with

Executive Order 9066 and 9102, stating that all persons of Japanese origin or ancestry would be

interned starting on March thirtieth (Gallavan et al. 275, Sellers). Japanese Americans

immediately began preparing to depart, leaving possessions with neighbors, namely Filipinos,

purchasing suitcases, but never protesting (Sellers). They viewed the internment as a sacrifice

that needed to be made for the war: ³Shigata ga nai´; ³It cannot be helped´ (Sellers, Guterson

221). Everyone had to report to sign up as a Japanese American and was allowed one suitcase

(Sellers). This fact does not compare to Guterson¶s account, which states notice was given on

March twenty-first with eight days before internment (Guterson 208-09). People did not give

possessions to their neighbors, but loaned their farms and crops for safekeeping in Guterson¶s

version which suggests less reliance on neighbors than actually occurred (Guterson 209).

Evacuation day came on March thirtieth and all persons were extremely nervous, for

most had not ever traveled off of Bainbridge Island (Sellers). The army picked up all Japanese

persons who had registered for the evacuation between seven thirty and eight thirty, and the



O¶Brochta 5

Japanese were taken down to the harbor ferry (Sellers). Many friends traveled from all around

the island to see their friends off, but those well-wishers were shuttled up onto a hill and not

allowed to interact with the interned persons (Sellers). The interned boarded a ferry, separate

from the regular transportation ferry, at eleven o¶clock and traveled to Seattle, where persons

were transported onto a train with drawn curtains and many soldiers from New York (Sellers).

However, the soldiers were both extremely scared of and friendly to the Japanese, and by the end

of the three-day trip, both groups had formed friendships (Sellers). Finally, Japanese moved to a

bus, again with the curtains drawn, and rode to the Manzanar internment camp, arriving at noon

(Sellers). Cedars describes a different scene, where Japanese are picked up at seven on only

fifteen army convoys (Guterson 79, 216). Persons are transported to a ferryboat, but Guterson¶s

suggestion that the Islanders think Japanese internment is fair and just is completely contradicted

by many of Sellers interviewees (Guterson 79). Train and bus transports are transcribed

faithfully, but lunch occurs at twelve thirty in the afternoon and typhoid shots are not received on

the first day in camp (Guterson 219). From Guterson¶s portrayal of the evacuation and

preparation, it seems like Islanders are willing to eliminate all Japanese; however, this suggestion

is clearly not supported by Sellers¶ evidence (Sellers).

The internment process goes smoothly in Cedars, partially ignoring the fact that some

Japanese, like Mr. Fred Korematsu, did not accept their fate as easily (Hall 561). Korematsu is

representative of a small, but present group of Japanese Americans who believed that internment

was a form of cruel and unusual punishment without any semblance of a trial (Gallavan et al.

275). Rather than complying and going to a camp, Korematsu, a successful farmer in California,

had surgery and changed his name to circumvent detection (Hall 561). Arrested and charged, he

argued in the Supreme Court that his actions were the only way to avoid certain imprisonment;



O¶Brochta 6

however, the court, in a six to three decision, said that it was unknown if Korematsu would have

been be interned had he not assumed a disguise and failed to register as Japanese (Hall 561-62).

As a result, Mr. Korematsu was jailed and then interned for years before eventually being freed

with other Japanese individuals (Hall 562). With this case occurring at the same time as the

Bainbridge Island internment, it is surprising that Guterson omits commentary or mention of

Japanese American dissenters or protesters, for not all people went along with governmental

orders peacefully (Hall 561-62).

Perhaps the greatest number of factual discrepancies occurs in the portrait of the

Manzanar internment camp. Since Bainbridge Island internees were the first to be moved to the

Manzanar camp, located in southern California, the camp was not finished for some days

(Sellers). Internees were assigned to Block Three and received their possessions on the first day,

with rooms assigned one week later (Sellers). A room measured twenty by twenty-five feet, and

the walls lacked wallboard (Sellers, Parker). Families were provided one bag to fill with straw

for a mattress, two blankets, and one cot per person (Sellers). Also, one bare lightbulb and either

a coal burning or oil-burning heater sufficed in each room (Sellers). The dust, however, found its

way through the walls and windows and covered the rooms every day, as dust storms were

extremely frequent (Sellers). Japanese built their own tables and chairs out of scrap wood they

confiscated just as Kabuo does in Cedars (Guterson 227, Sellers). Latrines were originally

fashioned because the water pipes had not been laid. Guterson overplays this problem, describing

horrible conditions in the washrooms (Guterson 162). Actual bathroom facilities were

constructed in under one week, though these were inadequate because there were simply rows of

toilets and shower heads with no partitions (Sellers).



O¶Brochta 7

Cedars ignores the activities that actually occurred in camp, once the Bainbridge Island

people moved into permanent housing (Sellers, Guterson 92). It is mentioned that families

started going to Buddhist chapel meetings soon after arriving (Guterson 88). This assertion is

untrue, since no churches or schools were constructed until about September, and the first houses

of worship built were Christian (Sellers). No activity buildings were initially constructed

(Sellers). Church services and school took place in leftover barracks (Sellers). One day in camp,

Kabuo hears stories of a shooting, where a man shot his wife for not following his orders

(Guterson 221). An extremely small amount of violence occurred at the camps (Sellers). Only

one instance of violence at Manzanar has been recorded (Sellers). Friction between loyal

Japanese and loyal Japanese Americans resulted in a large riot killing one or two people (Sellers,

Austin 60). Martial law was briefly instituted at Manzanar as well as the Tule Lake Center to

prevent additional violence (Austin 60). However, reception to the internment camps was

positive, for some Japanese were able to learn skills that would help them later in life (Sellers,

Eisenhower, Parker). Thus, this shooting, a rare event, was overplayed to show the virtually

nonexistent violence in the camps (Sellers, Eisenhower). Hatsue and Japanese families

frequently complain about the lack of anything to do; they could choose to work in the kitchen or

hospital, but would get paid very little (Guterson 221, 162). Some, like Kabuo, decide to join the

military in the all-Japanese 442nd

combat regiment (Guterson 92, Bloom 205). Thousands of

Japanese men partook in this same opportunity, but they were unable to enlist until a few months

after internment (Parker). Enlistment proved loyalty to America though Kabuo is said to have

enlisted only eight days after marrying Hatsue, a fact that is simply impossible because

enlistment began much later in the year (Guterson 92, Parker, Sellers). Most families received

income from work that all members did in the camps (Sellers). Jobs paid little, sixteen dollars for



O¶Brochta 8

workers and nineteen for professionals (per month), but were varied and did not only include

housework (Sellers, Guterson 162-63). One half of the Japanese were farmers, so they learned

western irrigation methods to be able to produce all the produce required for the relocation center

(Parker). Jobs and the work environment were actually better than the novel describes (Sellers).

Civic organizations also kept Japanese Americans busy. The War Relocation Authority

allowed Japanese to create their own government and have elected officials, judges, and other

civic leaders (Eisenhower). The Boy Scouts, along with the Japanese American Civic League,

organized harvest festivals and celebrations at the centers that would have traditionally been

carried out at home (Parker, Sellers, Austin 60). Many groups of young people simply roamed

around, digging tunnels, playing in irrigation ditches, and trying to have fun (Sellers). The

exclusion order was lifted on January 1, 1945, and by fall, most of the families had returned to

their homes albeit at a huge financial loss (Smith 117-18; Sellers). Life was extremely difficult at

the Manzanar camp for the actual internees; however, they managed to generally accept their

internment and try to make the best of the situation, an aspect that the Guterson ignores in

Cedars.

The role and objectivity of media outlets in high-profile trials likely would have played

an important role in Kabuo Miyamoto¶s trial, but these details are overlooked in the novel.

Miyamoto¶s trial is devoid of traditional judicial and courtroom practices that legally should

have been implemented in order to ensure a fair trial (Levi). Media coverage of Kabuo¶s trial is

intense, but Judge Fielding does little to protect the jury from undue influence, even though jury

isolation is standard judicial practice at the time (Guterson 270). An argument does exist

between first amendment media rights and sixth amendment defendant rights, and newspapers

tended to over dramatize courtroom proceedings (Geragos 1167-68, Levi). Some judges do



O¶Brochta 9

attempt to restrict media access to jurors and witnesses under the premise that there was really no

need for the public to know all information about a trial (Persico 420). Others catered to

reporter¶s needs by allowing witness and defendant interviews, in return for good publicity

(Persico 321, 419, 127). Typical strategies used to restrict media influence and jury

contamination are numerous, including change of venue and sequestration (Levi). Bailiff Soames

briefly sequestered the jury, but everyone is still aware of the media proceedings and general

attitude to Japanese Americans present on the island (Guterson 270). A change of venue would

have been appropriate standard procedure in this instance to take the trial away from Bainbridge

Island, where most of the jury pool is probably contaminated (Levi). It is true that a jury is not

required to be clueless, only impartial, though it appears clear in Cedars that few of the jurors are

truly impartial (Geragos 1170, 1175). The voir dire process was designed to exclude biased

jurors through a series of questions (Gergaros 1187). Judge Fielding, at a minimum, should have

issued a protective order to stop all prosecutorial and defense attorney speculation (Geragos

1182, Levi).

Ishmael Chambers¶ newspaper exhibited media influence that would have been typical

for large-scale trials (Levi). The trial of four Los Angeles police officers in the beating of

Rodney King in 1991 is particularly analogous to Miyamoto¶s trial, though this case suggests

that responses to the Japanese trial was extremely muted (Koon et al. 203). Any high profile trial

attracts an enormous amount of media attention, where all outlets cover the same sensational

stories with similar goals (Koon et al. 203). The media wants to condemn the accused persons,

especially when race is involved, as in both trials, and to prepare the public to expect a guilty

verdict (Koon et al. 205-06). Ishmael Chambers¶ motive was different, making him seem

somewhat suspect as an abnormal member of the media (Guterson 29, 345). One method



O¶Brochta 10

Chambers utilizes is the exclusion of certain facts that he does not want to publish in order to

write the article that Hatsue favors (Guterson 355). Effective newspaper stories contain hero and

villain characters that play into typical roles (Jacobs 1250). As such, the ³institutional

legitimacy´ of the police department in the Koon trial is questioned as is citizenship and

patriotism in Miyamoto¶s trial (Jacobs 1248). The objective is to link one event like the King

beating or Miyamoto murder trial, to racism and portray one party as the tragic loser in a long

fought battle (Jacobs 1257). These aspects of Guterson¶s trial are absent, for he only describes

the journalists as disinterested and never mentions the viciousness and lack of veracity that

almost certainly occurred (Guterson 7, Jacobs 1251, Koon et al. 203).

More generally, most high profile court cases are subject to undue media attention,

simply not present in Cedars (Geragos 1171). The reporters normally would have covered the

trial with a high degree of bias and slant, misunderstanding the actual basis of the trial,

publishing only one side of the testimony, and making overarching generalizations (Geragos

1181, Howard). Guterson should keep in mind that there are no restrictions or potential

deterrents for media bias or fallacious reporting; in fact, journalists are specifically allowed to

report exaggerations and opinions granted they were obtained legally (Geragos 1191, Howard).

Since there is no reason to tell the truth, one would believe that reporters would adhere to their

own journalistic philosophies and not sit idly by, paying little attention to the court proceedings

(Guterson 7, Geragos 1191). As Levi states, ³the media will not police themselves,´ nor will the

court take any initiative to stop erroneous facts or leaks and, for this reason, coverage of the

Heine murder trial needed to be more biased and intense to be realistic for the period (Levi).

In the case Sheppard v. Maxwell, occurring slightly after the World War Two time period

in 1966, contaminated juries, like the one in the Miyamoto case, were proven to be detrimental to



O¶Brochta 11

defense proceedings (Hall et al. 914, ³Sheppard´). Sheppard¶s case resulted in a Supreme Court

eight to one decision that Dr. Samuel Sheppard received an unfair trial due to the amount of

media publicity and lynching that occurred (³Sheppard´). Like in the Miyamoto trial, Sheppard

was accused of murder (Hall et al. 914, ³Sheppard´). Reporters in Sheppard¶s trial took up the

entire front section of the courtroom and, like in Cedars, jurors were not sequestered in an

effective manner as to prevent possible contamination (³Sheppard´). The great involvement of

the media in Kabuo¶s trial is simply downplayed for the most part because Ishmael Chambers is

the only reporter who tries to find sensational evidence for Hatsue and to increase readership of

his newspaper (³Sheppard´). Guterson describes some media bias issues, and causes Judge

Fielding to take a few precautions; however, Miyamoto should have defended his right to a fair

trial in a more judicious manner in accordance with courtroom practices (³Sheppard´).

Ishmael Chambers relives the Battle of Beito on Tarawa Atoll during one segment of the

novel, and Guterson uses this opportunity to present a more factual and historical interpretation

than in previous descriptions. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, the United States decided to advance

the war in the Pacific (Jonas 22). Preparation began in November of 1943 for an easy takeover of

Tarawa Atoll which, though one of the most heavily fortified islands in the world, was believed

to be a simple operation (Ripley 8; Jonas 22; Shaw, Jr.). As Ishmael arrives on a battleship,

initial preparations had already started (Guterson 236). The navy is supposed to bomb the island

incessantly for many hours essentially to decimate the small force of Japanese who are present

(Guterson 236, Jonas 22). This tactic completely fails and results in huge casualties that Ishmael

details as he makes his way on shore (Guterson 243, Alexander 20). Instead, the bombers arrive

late and prove useless to the fight (Alexander 20). Ships start preparation for battle at one-thirty

in the morning, not three-twenty as Ishmael describes (Guterson 237, Jonas 22). At two in the



O¶Brochta 12

morning, the amphibious vehicles (LVT) are deployed and dropped into the water one at a time

(Jonas 22). There are one hundred and twenty five LVT¶s used in the operation, and they float

along the aircraft carriers and battleships until the initial assault begins (Sherrod 90-91). As day

broke, Ishmael correctly recalls the Japanese firing on the American ships (Guterson 242).

Assault starts at four forty-one in the morning and does not elicit a response until seven after five

(Alexander 19). However, there is little American response to the attacks because the LVT¶s are

not all properly set-up, nor are any of the planes around to bomb the island (Jonas 22, Sherrod

90, Alexander 20).

Finally, the firing began at a close range of four hundred yards, but the Japanese

continued to mow down rows of Marines as the first five groups surged forward, beginning with

the first wave at nine o¶clock (Jonas 23, Alexander 20). Ishmael is in a later group, like Sherrod

and Jonas who are both in Group Five (Sherrod 91). The LVT boats run aground over one mile

from the actual island because of a low water depth due to the tide, so Ishmael is forced to jump

over the side and walk in the water (Guterson 244, Sherrod 91). Water levels are likely not chest

high or deep enough to require swimming, but wading represents the most effective survival

method (Sherrod 91, Guterson 244). In dealing with the boat troubles, American assaults cease,

providing the Japanese time to regroup and provide an even more effective attack on the second

wave of Americans (Sherrod 91-92). Chambers eventually arrives at a sand bar where he waits

for the final instructions to gather a group and attack on the island (Guterson 247). At that point,

only about two hundred Marines make it to shore, and most are either killed or stuck on a

sandbar due to highly effective sniper fire (Jonas 56, 58).

The Japanese regroup and Ishmael leads a contingent of men over a hill to attack the

Japanese and hopefully take the island. The attack eventually happens, but the Japanese have



O¶Brochta 13

moved their large guns to point right where the invaders were attacking, thus impeding their

progress (Jonas 58). At this point, the battle has lasted through more than one day (Alexander

22). The assault proceeds poorly at first, but, though Ishmael does not remember to tell about it,

the groups do reconnect and take over the entire island after seventy-six hours of fighting and

miscommunication (Alexander 23). Tanks begin landing on the third day to complete the

invasion (Alexander 23). In all, most of the invaders, as Chambers notes, are wounded and

virtually all Japanese are killed (Guterson 250, Alexander 21). Of the five thousand Japanese in

the resistance, only seventeen surrender (Ripley 8). Guterson accurately acknowledges most of

the important segments of the battle of Tarawa Atoll, leaving out only some detail dealing with

the different groups of assaults and the confusion of these attacks that could help place the battle

scenes in better perspective (Alexander 22).

This research is meant to determine the historical validity and likelihood that events

described in Cedars actually occurred. The purpose of this exploration is twofold: to determine if

this work accurately represents typical situations that may have occurred in this time period and

to determine if this story accurately summarizes events in the given time period. There are

significant gaps in the veracity of this novel, from depictions of the internment camps to

reactions from judges with media intense trials (Sellers, Levi). Many aspects of prejudice and

reporter bias are excluded from the story, making it more of a toned-down novel then would be

realistic for the period during and after World War Two (Sellers, Levi). Chambers experiences at

the Battle of Tarawa Atoll are the most truthful descriptions and follow along with much of what

actually happened (Alexander 22). Overall, though, this novel does provide significant insight

into the role of prejudice in internment and trials as well as movements in war for a general,

historically unaware audience.



O¶Brochta 14

The suggestion that all of the ideas and controversies that are discussed in this novel are

representative of all or even many historical events of the 1940¶s to 1950¶s time period is

completely false. Unlike many stories that focus on solely one time period, Cedars jumps around

a great deal and tackles various issues for different individuals. For example, one who expects to

learn about Japanese internment is not left with a complete picture because Guterson decides not

to include discussion about Japanese preparations to leave camps, their return, and the about

conditions in other camps. In similar fashion, the trial portion and media influence portrays a

situation that has little likelihood of actually occurring based on research from similar trials.

There are many important Supreme Court cases that dictate courtroom and media procedures at

the time, but many of these are excluded. The novel does not depict very much of World War

Two effectively either, as only one battle and the internment are described. Even if the focus

were only on events occurring in the United States, Guterson completely ignores mention of

sacrifices that the people endured for the war and, more importantly, internment of many other

groups of people like Germans and Eastern Europeans.

The motivation for this novel is, as Guterson says, mostly entertaining and educational

only as a second priority (³David Guterson´). It is possible that the author intends to base his

story on some personal experiences of historical nature, but focus on telling a story (³David

Guterson´). Judging by the fact that it took Guterson over ten years to produce a novel with so

many historical inaccuracies, one must believe that he had another objective entirely (³David

Guterson´). The flowery writing and extreme amounts of detail are departures from traditional

historical fiction writing. Guterson uses this positive technique in contrast with simple

incorrectly recorded facts that show that this book is much more about a fascinating fictional

story than a real view of then contemporary issues. Re-labeling this particular story as a work of



O¶Brochta 15

fiction with some historical ideas intermixed removes the false pretense that this novel is

historical fiction bordering on fact.

The integration of Japanese internment, high profile media trials, and war battles into

David Guterson¶s Snow Falling on Cedars makes the work seem historically accurate;

nevertheless, these details serve the plotline more than they are historically valid. Historical

fallacy is surprising in this book, since Guterson had ample opportunity to learn the correct

information (³David Guterson´). He is a native of Bainbridge Island, the story¶s setting, and

acknowledges that he spoke with many islanders about prejudice, internment, and war

(Guterson). There is a great deal of information available about the exact happenings of the

internment and Tarawa Atoll battle (Sellers, Sherrod 92). Hundreds of video interviews of

Bainbridge Island residents exist wherein reciting precise details about the internment camps that

Guterson stated incorrectly (Sellers). Additionally, there are three major, first-hand accounts of

the Battle of Tarawa Atoll, as well as military photographs that elucidate minute details that were

excluded from Chambers¶ war experience (Sherrod 92, Alexander 22, Jonas 22). For the

accuracy of trial descriptions, Guterson could have examined landmark cases fraught with media

influence in this time period, including Sheppard v. Maxwell and Nuremburg (Perisco 420,

³Sheppard´). Unfortunately, the lack of adequate research that is normally taken in a media

intense trial is missing (Levi). The Sheppard case would have matched extremely well to

Miyamoto¶s trial due to similar preconceived notions and to a small-town atmosphere

(³Sheppard´). In the end, it seems as if Guterson wants to entertain more than to teach readers

(³David Guterson´). Guterson¶s objective is acceptable in most historical fiction, until he claims

that the story is factually like the Bainbridge Island Japanese, meaning he must reevaluate the

purpose of his book (³David Guterson´).



O¶Brochta 16

Works Cited

Alexander, Colonel Joseph H. "A Bloody Proving Ground." Naval History. 22.6 (2008): 10-17.

Print.

Alexander, Colonel Joseph H. "Across the Reef: The Assault on Betio." Naval History. 22.6

(2008): 18-27. Print.

Austin, Allan W. "Eastward Pioneers: Japanese American Resettlement during World War II and

the Contested Meaning of Exile and Incarceration." Journal of American Ethnic History.

(2007): 58-84. Print.

Bloom, Leonard. "Familial Adjustments of Japanese-Americans to Relocation: First Phase."

American Sociological Review. 8.5 (1943): 551-560. Print.

Connor, John W. "Acculturation and Family Continues in Three Generations of Japanese

Americans." Journal of Marriage and Family. 36.1 (1974): 159-165. Print.

"David Guterson." World Book Club. British Broadcasting Corporation: BBC, London, United

Kingdom, 09 02 2009. Radio. 1 Feb 2011.



O¶Brochta 17

Eisenhower, Milton S., Perf. Japanese Relocation. Dir. Office of War Information-Bureau of

Motion Pictures." The War Activities Committee of The Motion Picture Industry: 1943,

Film.

Gallavan, Nancy P., and Teresa A. Roberts. "Enduring Lessons of Justice from the World War II

Japanese American Internment." Social Education. (2005): 275-281. Print.

Geragos, Mark J. "The Thirteenth Juror: Media Coverage of Supersized Trials." Loyola of Los

Angeles Law Review. 39. (2007): 1167-1196. Print.

Guterson, David. Snow Falling on Cedars. 1st rev. ed. New York: Vintage Contemporaries, 1995.

Print.

Hall, Kermit L., James W. Ely, Jr., and Joel B. Grossman. The Oxford Companion: The Supreme

Court of the United States. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Print.

Hando, Masao. "Prejudice, Justice and Love: in the reading of Snow Falling on Cedars by David

Guterson." American Studies Forum. (2006): 1-6. Print.

Howard, Heidi. "The Courts and Media Coverage." The 'Lectric Law Library. The 'Lectric Law

Library, 2011. Web. 1 Feb 2011 <http://www.lectlaw.com/files/jud08.htm>.



O¶Brochta 18

Jacobs, Ronald N. "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating."

American Journal of Sociology. 101.5 (1996): 1238-1272. Print.

Jiobu, Robert M. "Ethnic Hegemony and the Japanese of California." American Sociological

Review. 53.3 (1988): 353-367. Print.

Jonas, Carl. "My First Day on Tarawa." Saturday Evening Post . 04 03 1944: 22-58. Print.

Koon, Sgt. Stacey C., and Robert Deitz. Presumed Guilty: The Tragedy of the Rodney King

Affair . Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1992. Print.

Kurashige, Scott. "The Many Facets of Brown: Integration in a Multiracial Society." Journal of

American History. (2004): 56-68. Print.

Levi, David F., Perf. Role of the Court in Media Access. Dir. Duke University Law School." Perf.

Hengstler, Gary A.; Levi, David F.; Millette, Jr., Hon. Leroy F.; Ruckriegle, Hon. W.

Terry; Walton, Hon. Reggie B.; Sellers, David A. Cable-Satellite Public Affairs Network:

2007. DVD.

Miyamoto, Shotaro Frank. "Immigrants and Citizens of Japanese Origin." Annals of the

American Academy of Political and Social Science. 223. (1942): 107-113. Print.



O¶Brochta 19

Parker, Tom, Dir. A Challenge to Democracy. Dir. Tom Parker and Charles Mace." Perf. Baker,

John. The War Relocation Authority: The Office of War Information and The Office of

Strategic Services: 1942. Film.

Perisco, Joseph E. Nuremburg . New York: Viking Penguin, 1994. Print.

Ripley, John. "In One Hundred Years." U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings. 134.11 (2008): 8. Print.

Sellers, Donald, Prod. Oral History. Dir. Densho Digital Archive." Perf. Nakata, Jerry; Noritake,

Michi; Takemoto, Vic; Yoshihara, Yae; Kitamoto, Frank; Matsudaira, Hisa; Omoto, Nobi;

Egshira, Tomi; Watanabe, Matsue; Kitano, Sally; Woodward, Mary; Omoto, Sada; Nakao,

Kay; Kodama, Lilly; Watanabe, Iku; Kojima, Tats; Omoto, Nobi; Andrews, Brooks;

Harui, Junkoh. Bainbridge Island Japanese American Community: 2006. Film.

Shaw, Jr., Commander Ronald R. "One Square Mile of Hell." Naval War College Review. (2006):

156-157. Print.

"Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U.S. 333 (1966)." FindLaw. Thompson Reuters, 2011. Web. 1 Feb

2011 <http://laws.findlaw.com/us/384/333.html>.

Sherrod, Robert. "The 76 Frightful Hours of Tarawa." Saturday Evening Post . 28 11 1953: 24-94.

Print.



O¶Brochta 20

Smith, Elmer R. "Resettlement of Japanese Americans." Far Eastern Survey. 18.10 (1949): 117-

118. Print.

Woodrum, Eric. "An Assessment of Japanese American Assimilation, Pluralism, and

Subordination." American Journal of Sociology. 87.1 (1981): 157-169. Print.

"shigata ga nai," "the thirteenth juror," and a "strategically useless...

Documents