in this issueEditor’s NoteDear Readers,

Welcome to this edition of your termly magazine Silverstreet!

The theme for our 4th edition is Lost Generation, in which we explore various fields of politics, interna-tional relations, anthropology, archaeology and sociology through student led activism, political cam-paigning and investigative research.

In this issue we delve into the restricted world of North Korea, question whether our social media reac-tions to global political catastrophes highlight innate racism, and the great Professor Robert Foley talks to us about the prestigious Archaeology and Anthropology Centennial!

We also consider Japan’s right wing future and the effects it has on the global stage, the Occupy movement amongst Hong Kong’s youth and what CUSU can show us about national party politics.

Alongside poems and photographs from across the world, this issue aims to give you just a little more in-sight into Human, Social and Political Sciences and to entice you into a world larger than Cambridge.

With an expanded team, a wider readership than ever before and contributors from all across the universi-ty - students and academics alike - we would like to thank you for delving further into Silverstreet.

If you would like to get involved in any capacity, be it editing, writing or sending us photographs from your explorations across the globe don’t hesitate to email us at silverstreetcambridge@gmail.com or sending us a message on our Facebook page.

Go forth and read!

HSPS love,Roisin Taylor

Editorial Team

Sanjukta SenDesign & Layout

Harshada BalasubramanianSecretary

Julie HutchinsonEditor

Lenny CherryEditor

Jessica FarmeryEditor

Sam RabyTreasurer

Owen BrayEditor

Roisin TaylorEditor-in-Chief

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in this issueEditor’s Note

Centennial Celebrations for Archaeology and Anthropology

Professor Robert Foley unfurls the 100th Anniversary of one of Cambridge’s most adventurous and exploratory subjects

Re-engage.Enact Change.

Editor-in-Chief Roisin Taylor examines what CUSU elec-tions can tell us about student engagement in national party politics and shifting priorities.

Editor’s Note1

Centennial Celebrations for Archaeology and Anthropology3

Re-engage.Enact Change. 4

From Passive to Active5

Poetry Slam7

The Rise and Fall of the Twitter Effect8

Lost in Translation9

Cigarettes and Alcohol11

#BLACKLIVESMATTER13

The Rise of Japan’s Far Right15

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4

The Rise and Fall of the Twitter Effect

Frances Ballaster-Harriss ex-plores the twitter reaction to the Charlie Hebdo attacks and asks us not to forget the plight of the young girls lost to Boko Haram.

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From Passive to Active

Florence Lee looks at a a new notion of inclusive citizenship amongst Hong Kong youths within the Occupy movement.

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Cover: Priscilla MensahPhotographer: Richard Thorburn

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The nineteenth century was in so many ways an age of expan-sion, actual and intellectual for Britain, with the rise of science and the growth of trade, and empire. One such expansion was the formulation of the theory of evolution (for which Cam-bridge must thank one of its less hard-working undergradu-ates, Charles Darwin), which brought an entirely new way of thinking about humans, their diversity, and their history. A minor byway of that expansion was a small expedition from Cambridge to the Torres Straits, a set of islands lying between New Guinea and Australia, led by Alfred Haddon. Another was the accumulation in Cambridge of both the actual remains of people, and their material culture, to form the nucleus of a Museum. And out of many such minor activities came a new Tripos – Archaeology and Anthropology, known as “Arch & Anth” to all.A new Tripos – even today – does not emerge to rapturous welcome, but is usually resisted by the existing disciplinary bastions. Even now, one hundred years later, its pedigree can be questioned. A few years ago, at a high level University meet-ing I was introduced as the Head of Department of Biological Anthropology, to which a Head from a much more prestigious Department responded – ‘what on earth is that?’ Such was the case for the establishment of Arch and Anth, with its whiff of the Englishman gone native (although it was always a subject with a significant presence of women, including the first fe-male professor in the University, Dorothy Garrod), its seditious materialism (Darwinism and all that), and the grime of dirty objects excavated from the earth, and yet it became one of the most distinctive and successful areas of study in the University. One of its most distinguished and long standing professors, Sir Graeme Clark, kept a map of the world in his office, on which he placed, and later published, pins marking the distribution of his students as they achieved success around the world – and it was truly global.During the last weekend of February about 400 alumni returned to Cambridge to celebrate the centenary of the subject – marking in fact the first lectures on prehistory by

Miles Burkitt. February coincided with the traditional feast of the Archaeological Field Club, whereas we celebrated 100 years to the month in October. Haddon, and others, had been teaching anthropology for some time, but this represents the beginning of the triangle of subjects for which Cambridge is famous. Archaeology – the study of humans in the past, now stretching back millions of years; social anthropology, explor-ing human social life today in all its global and local compo-nents, and biological anthropology, unravelling humans as another species, the product of evolution. While each of these was and is taught in many universities in the UK, what made the Cambridge ‘Arch & Anthers’ – those not destined for the throne of England, Denmark, or land economy – special was how this breadth shaped a way of thinking about being human that was nuanced and multi-facetted, recognising that human-ity stretched beyond the UL and the Cavendish, but included remote ancestors and thriving communities around the world. The creation of the new Human, Social and Political Science Tripos, has disguised the name of Arch and Anth but the sub-jects, and their unique combinations, will continue and thrive.This weekend’s celebrations, based in Magdalene College, brought together alumni from the 1940s with current students. Activities were informal, a chance to reminisce, discuss the impact of our peculiar ways of thinking, but also look forward into the second century. Those who attended showed that the range of careers which followed, not just in academe, but jour-nalism, politics, diplomacy, business, art, acting, literature. Some, such as the Deputy Prime Minister, were perhaps too busy with the forthcoming election to attend, but there were plenty present to consider whether they can still answer such

questions as “how would you excavate a round bar-row?” (carefully?), ‘what role do Neanderthals play in human evolution’ (currently an after the 9pm watershed answer required), and ‘why is kinship

so important in human affairs’ (you may consult your family in answering this question). In common with all anthro-

pological endeavour, the celebration will end with a feast, a toast to the next 100 years, and a

few words from Rowan Williams about the shared heritage of hu-manity in Africa.

Centennial Celebrations for Archaeology and

AnthropologyProfessor Robert Foley unfurls the 100th Anniversary of one of Cambridge’s most adventurous and

exploratory subjects

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Every term at Cambridge is a little different, a little more stress-ful, a little more confusing. But one thing you can guarantee will not change is student’s apathy towards CUSU. Let’s face it, if it isn’t apathy then its discontent.

But Lent 2015 seemed to hold in its unworthy hands, some-what of a miracle. In amongst the dog fight that is trickling onto our screens, tablets and newspapers over the past few weeks as the general election drags itself closer, we had our own fight on our hands. Given, it was cleaner than the national campaigns with a great deal less character smearing (except for you Milo Edwards, not many people were laughing at your do-mestic violence joke) and much more talk of actual campaign policies.

For a generation often depicted as apathetic by our elders, we sadly live up to our stereotype. CUSU has never really inspired hoards of passionate voters because we haven’t had much choice in who we vote for. Jokes about RON followed by pre-dictable images of red haired wizards and moustachioed men are funny for about a week until the vote comes along and those who do vote just agree to select the single name on the ballot. It is hard to be engaged if there is no debate, no new policy ideas, no controversy.

But whispers of the election began to creep subtly through the hallways of colleges and faculties, and suddenly you could tell that this year things were different. Speaking to the newly elected President of CUSU, Priscilla Mensah, we discussed the critical differences in CUSU campaign styles in the past few years, compared to previous years this year saw ‘four candi-dates, offering different things and wanting to steer CUSU in new directions’. Choice is what we want, the freedom to pick leaders who have policies that strive to move away from the standard. One of the significant problems with the upcoming national elections is the confusion over policies. Where do the distinctions lie? While the two main national parties of red and blue battle it out for the middle ground using the same re-hashed ideas, the smaller parties such as the Greens or UKIP are carving out their identity like never before. To so many vot-ers the question of which box to place their X in this May feels more loaded than it has been in the past, we are climbing out of a recession which has crippled so many families and forced students back into their parents homes.

The hurdle national parties have to face first and foremost is

how to best attract our vote. Mensah made some intelligent points about that critical voting group; ‘the decision to en-gage with the youth vote is a complex one because there is a crucial and significant difference between those just allowed to vote, and those just out of university’. Mensa goes on to discuss the difficulty of many parties to understand these nu-ances, and how to effectively target them. ‘I would recognise that my vote as a young person has increased in value in many ways now that I am paying higher fees for education’ Mensah states, which is something we can all relate to. Students lives were changed dramatically thanks to the outcome of the last election, and with Labour pledging to reduce fees to £6000, will student voting be reduced to a battle of reasonably priced tuition fees?

Mensah triggers something in my mind though, she is right about the age of voting and the the change in mentality when you leave university, while the party I vote for might not have actively changed, have my priorities? Yes. Distinctly. Today as I strode through the mud in the Northern hills with my best friend and we discussed house prices in London, I silently questioned what had happened. A few years ago house prices wouldn’t be something I cared all that much about, but as I pull closer and closer to graduation I notice that my my priorities have shifted dramatically.

Personally I hope that students turn out in their hordes and vote on the policies that affect them. This requires a little more care and thought and probably trudging through manifestos, but can we risk further expense (literally) to our future? Can we allow our education to be taxed in such a devastating way? If CUSU elections are anything to go by, politicians might rue their lack of interaction with the youth vote.

Of course it would be incredibly naive to translate engagement with student elections onto a national platform, but the anthro-pologist within could reasonably argue that this terms re-en-gagement has highlighted that with choice and policies that affect us, we want to get involved.

We aren’t a generation of apathetic no-hopers, there is a man-date for us to be involved so lets show that we care, step out of college and vote this coming May. Whether you have a postal vote or booth vote, make sure you utilise it. Step up and ensure we get the best deal for us, our education and our future.

Editor-in-Chief Roisin Taylor examines what CUSU elections can tell us about student en-gagement in national party politics and shifting priorities.

Re-engage.Enact Change.

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From Passive to

Active Florence Lee looks at a a new notion of inclusive citizenship amongst Hong Kong

youths within the Occupy movement.

On the night before the clearance of the historical Occupy Central movement, I made a special vis-it to the main campsite in Admiralty. What awaited me was the sight of many young people, sitting together in makeshift communities brimming with hope, frustration in their eyes. Their strong sense of solidarity, purpose and togetherness sparked questions in my mind. Hong Kong’s youths are on a mission- but what is it that they want? And what is it that they are seeking to achieve from the Occupy protests and its aftermath?

In my view, Occupy Central is essentially a movement through which citizenship is embodied and performed as young people visibly stake their claims on to the city. Citizenship can be broadly defined as the set of judicial, political, economic and cultural practices which define a person as a competent member of society, and which shape the flow of resources between persons and social groups. This definition of citizenship binds the concept into the debate about the unequal distribu-tion of resources in society.

Much has been said about the frustration of youths concerning a lack of upward social mobility, employment and various economic opportunities. These anxieties are ones that many youths face during the transition into full members of society- some may say that they a common and natural part of growing up. However, too much uncertainty, economic instability or a lack of socio-eco-nomical security pave the way to increased civil unrest, as young people revolt against a society which prevents them from achieving their citizenship rights.

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Excluded groups actively challenge inequalities by utilising spa-tial practices to widen the distribution of resources and citizen-ship. In doing so, Hong Kong youths channel their frustrations and create for themselves new “spaces” where ideal forms of citizenry are manifested into the open.

As noted by James Holston, an anthropology professor from UC Berkeley, a new form of radical, “insurgent” citizenship of-ten arises out of the old inegalitarian regime. He uses the exam-ple of Brazil in the 1960s, where working classes overlooked the issue of legality as they built houses on unoccupied, untenured land. In this case, the poor effectively established themselves in their “informality” by asserting their citizenship rights in the domain of housing, the personal, daily life and urban space. As a result, auto-constructed settlements on the city peripheries became symbols of regained citizenship, and they transformed marginalized areas into socially organized spaces. Citizens claimed their own identities and status through radical, trans-formative means. Thus, ‘insurgent citizenships’ confront en-trenched dogma with alternative formulations of citizenship.

Similarly, at the heart of the Occupy Central movement, there is an insurgent movement led by young people through which they are transforming from passive citizens into active, participatory ones. They are achieving this transformation through acts of civil disobedience, In philosopher Henri Lefe-bvre’s words, the right to the use Admiralty, a privileged place, demonstrates the right of youngsters to use the centre of Hong Kong. By physically occupying Hong Kong’s most privileged and important area, the protesters “restore” space from the hands of the corporate world and neoliberal state.

Occupy Central protests provided youngsters who usually only communicate via social media with a meeting ground where they experienced face-to-face communication. Against the iso-lation and divisions of daily life, Occupy offered participatory structures and open interaction. It invited the passive young citizens to experience an active sense of “reclaimed” citizenship through which they could witness what an inclusive and egal-itarian society might look like. In this sense, the Occupy Cen-tral movement was about Hong Kong youths forming alterna-tive pathways for political organization and communication to prefigure the real democracy and active citizenry to come. It helped to radicalize a whole generation of previously apathet-ic and disengaged youth, and built “test zones” for living out a post-capitalist utopia- one built on principles outside of the profit-driven, competitive and corporate world. A further function of the Occupy Central movement was to

create a space for a conversation in which all could participate- one which allowed them to determine together what the future should look like. The youngsters created a variety of spaces such as social centres, poster walls, collective kitchens, music stages, debating centres, utopic streets, squares, and democratic forums, which provided room for innovation, experimentation and dissent. These civil utopias foster a form of solidarity and identity, which transcend cultural, religious, ethnical, gender and class divisions that Hong Kong youths face in their daily lives.

Lastly, the Occupy movement provided young participants with an experience of direct democracy, whereby people of different points of view interact, transform and discuss each other’s views. During Occupy Central, the protesters displayed a good practice of civility and responsibility. In the camp-sites, demonstrators made a point of clearing up after collec-tive action to illustrate the capacity of “the people” to govern themselves. The idea that difference should be respected is also embedded in the civil utopias created during Occupy. Students respected the non-students, the elderly respected the young-sters, and all respected the help given by volunteers. Through creating spaces of communication, citizens coming from dif-ferent ideological backgrounds had the chance to experience a form of deliberative democracy.

The process of democratic reform must involve people trans-forming themselves from subjects ruled by others—which Hong Kong’s people have always been—to active citizens who rule themselves. It does not mean, however, that the subjects ask the ruler for citizenship rights, for the ruler will not grant them freely. It means that the subjects refuse to act as subjects and instead act as citizens, demanding their full citizenship rights, and demanding ownership of the society that is inclu-sive and rightfully theirs.

Hong Kong youths have reconfigured the notion of citizen-ship through participating and shaping the Occupy Central protests. They have created for themselves an ideal notion of the inclusive, egalitarian society that Hong Kong youths strive to live in. When young people enact their rights as citizens in public spaces, they have the collective capacity to speak truth to power. In a literal sense, it shows that citizenship is physical as much as political. In the midst of the struggle for genuine universal suffrage, these are the changes that are occurring within my generation of Hong Kong youths.

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Poetry Slam

The Sultans of Kabul Hina Khalid

And so they sat, amidst the verdant greens,The bustling bazaars acting as radiant vales.Two best friends that were worlds apart,And together created a powerful tale.

One of loyalty, friendship and an un-breakable bond,A tie of brotherhood the two never knew.A story that most can seem to relate to,A single sin that one seeks to undo.

Amir and Hassan, the ‘Sultans of Kabul’,Dwell in a simple world.One that is so deeply beautiful and com-pellingly intricate,As the kites they flew and unfurled.

So far, yet so close,They are from two different spectrums.One a Pashtun, the other a Hazara,Exhibiting a loyalty we struggle to fath-om.

Fed from the same breast, grew up as one,They pass each day together.A childhood characterised by learning and blossoming,Yet this would all shatter in the future.

From playing games and running kites,And resting at the nearby hill.They were the epitome of an inseparable pair,Till all time reached a standstill.

A moment when weakness triumphed,Amir neglected his utmost duty.Out of fear and unrelenting cowardice,He shut his eyes and ran away instantly.

It was a guilt that would torment his life,And force him to seek redemption.As he tries to escape reality,He only commits further deception.

Years of mental torture and remorse,That eat away at him slowly.And realisation leads him to seek,The path that will make him holy.

He must fulfil Rahim’s last wish,And so it is, a new chapter unfolds.Carrying him back to his homeland,Where many stories are yet to be told.

The land which once was pleasant,Has now been devastated entirely.Into a decaying residue of what once was,Casting away all signs of beauty.

Thus it ends: Amir’s destiny is sealed,His story terminating from where it started.His moral journey is now complete,In the land from which he departed.

His fate teaches him a deep lesson,That enables his internal forgiveness.He slowly learns that is never too late,To atone for a fatal weakness.

By freeing Sohrab he frees his heart,His burden is now lifted.In standing up for himself and what was right,He finally acted as Baba’s most gifted.

And hence, is revealed, one core truth,That life goes on without end.And one cannot strive for true friend-ship,If one does not cherish a friend.

We find ourselves lost and turn back for redemption,Rising every time we fall,For though one may conquer millions in battle,He who conquers oneself is the greatest of all.

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Chatter, laughter and electric thunderempty bottle down and full bottle open.The strained sound of glass and the all-numbing haze.

Into the gaping maw of oblivionfire, light and perfection,no glance cast; at the spectre on the horizon.

Figures shimmering in unity,the contours of beauty and the roar of passion

setting one another alight.

The world not so much forgotten as dismissed;discarded into the swells of raptureand the scarlet tide.

Morning brings four walls and a bed,and the same spectre, crouching out of sight.Watching in silence; and ever waiting.

THE LOST GENERATIONSAM RABY

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The Rise and Fall of the Twitter Effect

Frances Ballaster-Harriss explores the twitter reaction to the Charlie Hebdo attacks and asks us not to forget the plight of the young girls lost to Boko Haram.

Don’t abandon the plight of the Chibok schoolgirls to the his-tory of the Twitter-sphere

The terrorist attack on French satirical magazine Charlie Heb-do instantly became one of the most talked about and widely covered news events of 2015. It generated an international and political furore, and subsequently their ‘Survivor’s edition’ sold over five million copies in France alone. However, you are much less likely to be aware of another series of terrorist attacks that occurred within the same week as the Charlie Hebdo massacre. Attacks which didn’t inspire a similar gathering of world leaders, an international outcry, or even a twitter campaign. In Nigeria, Boko Haram carried out a series of suicide bombings- forcing schoolgirls as young as ten to carry out the attacks. Amnesty International has esti-mated that the death toll stands at 2,000 people for the second week of January 2015. The captured schoolchildren are a true ‘lost generation’; as following the ‘Bring Back Our Girls Cam-paign’ of May 2014, international attention and action has, for the most part, simply moved on, despite an estimated two hundred girls still yet to be returned.

Boko Haram is particularly opposed to the ‘Western-style’ modern education which it views as threatening and in op-position to Islamic teaching. Since 2010, 10,000 Nigerian children have been unable to attend school as a result of Boko Haram’s activities, and as well as being a gross violation of ba-sic human rights, this will inevitably threat- en Nigeria’s rapidly growing economy. It has aleady done much to undermine the positive track record on human rights which the government has developed since the country regained democracy in 1999. Malala Yousafzai expressed her belief in a universal right to education, stating: “I don’t know why people have divided the whole world into two groups, West and East. Education is education and it’s the right of every human being”.

Education is power, and with a generation of northern Nigeri-an children lost to its wonders,

Boko Haram will only further establish its foothold. Boko Harem’s targeting of girls and young women has misog-ynistic roots, but is also a tactical move. As Brigham Young notes: “You educate a man, you educate a man. You educate a wom-an; you educate a generation”.

The Telegraph found that after abduction the girls were sold as brides to Islamist fighters for the equivalent of £7.50. This form of valuation and bride-price reduces the girl’s worth to her physical form and acts as the ultimate suppression of her intellectual mind. This is in addition to the perpetuation of the loss of childhood in a country already fraught with terror.

Since 2014, Boko Haram’s influence and strength has only been growing, and the Nigerian government has faced much criticism for its slow and disorganised approach to tackling the terrorist organisation. It is not enough for the internation-al community simply to dip into the situation when public opinion is sparked by another horrendous event. Petty politics and fear of offending the Nigerian government should not be preserved as a barrier to international intervention. I do not mean to suggest Britain should declare war on either the Ni-gerian state or Boko Haram, but our current actions are sim-ply not sufficient. By accepting the few Nigerian schoolgirls who escaped the clutches of Boko Haram into England and the British education system, the government appears to con-sider their humanitarian duties fulfilled. We must not forget

about the ‘lost generation’ of the thou-sands more schoolchildren remaining in Nigeria. Twitter campaigns such as ‘JesuisChar-lie’ and ‘BringBackOurGirls’ are all very well for gaining international attention, but these appeals are rarely backed up with prolonged action or

intervention. The abducted Chibok schoolgirls and the thousands of Nigerian children too scared to

venture to school deserve more than a 140 character message con-fined somewhere within the depths of

your Twitter feed.

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One encounter

“You are very lucky,” she said. I couldn’t hide my surprise. Here I was in Kaesong, a city south of North Korea, conversing with a local whose comment was lacking the common reticence that I was starting to get used to in this peculiar nation. This lady had asked if I was studying in the UK, and I said “yes”.

Was that envy I sensed? Not just envy, but envy of the West? In a country where anti-imperialist sentiments are indoctrinated from a young age, I was eager to know what she meant. However as I expected, the lady shrugged off my enquiries. Taking the latter as a cue that I should end the conversation, I thanked her and walked around the area for a while, pondering on what she said. Before I left, we carried on with some light banter during which I tried to elicit more reactions from her. I had little success- she probably realised that she’d already let on too much.

What does this all mean?

Kaesong, where I met this woman, is a very special place. It was home to a joint North-South industrial park between 1998 to 2008, where South Korean firms employed 47,000 North Koreans. Consumer items such as watches, running shoes and chopsticks were manufactured using inexpensive North Korean labour. The project was an attempt to improve inter-Korean relations, and perhaps, provide a coping strategy for the North’s growing economic malaise. Although the Sunshine Policy was officially announced as a failure in November 2010, it did leave behind a trail. As Victor Cha wrote in The Impossible State, the Kaesong industrial complex unwittingly exposed “mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, aunts and uncles to capitalism, to the generosity of outsiders, and to the flaws of its own economic policies” (2012).

I wonder if the woman I met at Kaesong had, at a point in her life, worked at this complex. I wonder if her time there sparked off a fire that continues to burn inside her. I constantly think back to what she said, and wonder if it was symbolic of the nation, of the people, of the leadership.

I guess I’ll never know.

Indeed, there is very little we do know about the country. Personally, I was surprised by how keen the locals were to interact with tourists. I remember conversing with a young North Korean man on the Metro (we spoke in Mandarin), and when it was his stop he motioned for me to get off with him. Before I could ask “am I allowed to?’ he was already half-way out the door, his short stature soon lost in the sea of strangers streaming in. I did not sense any animosity or restraint from the locals I spoke to (and on one occasion, danced with), and most of them would reciprocate when we waved or said hello. I left with the lingering feeling that, for a society commonly regarded as insular and backward, there was an enthusiasm to interact with the ‘outside world’- perhaps more so than they would like to admit.

Yet, we live in an era of political animosity towards North Korea. This is perhaps most evident in the recent finger-pointing directed towards the country after the Sony hackings, despite increas-ing evidence to disprove this accusation. Then there was the public outcry felt across the globe when the screening of The Interview was cancelled, which led George Clooney to exclaim “We have allowed North Korea to dictate content, and that is just insane”. What’s really insane, however, is how easily individuals are willing to jump onto the bandwagon of false accusations without conclusive evidence. Even Barack Obama involved himself in the debacle, asserting that Sony should have consulted him before they made their decision to pull the film – perhaps the first time a president has publicly asked a private corporation to seek con-sultation on a business decision. What this all reveals however, is that with the amount of symbolic, social and economic capital against the North, there is a clear line between the ‘good’ and the ‘bad’ guys . What no one seems to have considered is that perhaps both sides are ‘bad’, although one side is certainly less hypocritical than the other. If anything, the recent imbroglio is a good wake-up call; one which should encourage the international audience to seek the truth about the people of North Korea rather than conflating them with the people who compose the ruling elite, or relying on culturally imposed prejudices.

Lost in Translation

9

One encounter

“You are very lucky,” she said. I couldn’t hide my surprise. Here I was in Kaesong, a city south of North Korea, conversing with a local whose comment was lacking the common reticence that I was starting to get used to in this peculiar nation. This lady had asked if I was studying in the UK, and I said “yes”.

Was that envy I sensed? Not just envy, but envy of the West? In a country where anti-imperialist sentiments are indoctrinated from a young age, I was eager to know what she meant. However as I expected, the lady shrugged off my enquiries. Taking the latter as a cue that I should end the conversation, I thanked her and walked around the area for a while, pondering on what she said. Before I left, we carried on with some light banter during which I tried to elicit more reactions from her. I had little success- she probably realised that she’d already let on too much.

What does this all mean?

Kaesong, where I met this woman, is a very special place. It was home to a joint North-South industrial park between 1998 to 2008, where South Korean firms employed 47,000 North Koreans. Consumer items such as watches, running shoes and chopsticks were manufactured using inexpensive North Korean labour. The project was an attempt to improve inter-Korean relations, and perhaps, provide a coping strategy for the North’s growing economic malaise. Although the Sunshine Policy was officially announced as a failure in November 2010, it did leave behind a trail. As Victor Cha wrote in The Impossible State, the Kaesong industrial complex unwittingly exposed “mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, aunts and uncles to capitalism, to the generosity of outsiders, and to the flaws of its own economic policies” (2012).

I wonder if the woman I met at Kaesong had, at a point in her life, worked at this complex. I wonder if her time there sparked off a fire that continues to burn inside her. I constantly think back to what she said, and wonder if it was symbolic of the nation, of the people, of the leadership.

I guess I’ll never know.

Indeed, there is very little we do know about the country. Personally, I was surprised by how keen the locals were to interact with tourists. I remember conversing with a young North Korean man on the Metro (we spoke in Mandarin), and when it was his stop he motioned for me to get off with him. Before I could ask “am I allowed to?’ he was already half-way out the door, his short stature soon lost in the sea of strangers streaming in. I did not sense any animosity or restraint from the locals I spoke to (and on one occasion, danced with), and most of them would reciprocate when we waved or said hello. I left with the lingering feeling that, for a society commonly regarded as insular and backward, there was an enthusiasm to interact with the ‘outside world’- perhaps more so than they would like to admit.

Yet, we live in an era of political animosity towards North Korea. This is perhaps most evident in the recent finger-pointing directed towards the country after the Sony hackings, despite increas-ing evidence to disprove this accusation. Then there was the public outcry felt across the globe when the screening of The Interview was cancelled, which led George Clooney to exclaim “We have allowed North Korea to dictate content, and that is just insane”. What’s really insane, however, is how easily individuals are willing to jump onto the bandwagon of false accusations without conclusive evidence. Even Barack Obama involved himself in the debacle, asserting that Sony should have consulted him before they made their decision to pull the film – perhaps the first time a president has publicly asked a private corporation to seek con-sultation on a business decision. What this all reveals however, is that with the amount of symbolic, social and economic capital against the North, there is a clear line between the ‘good’ and the ‘bad’ guys . What no one seems to have considered is that perhaps both sides are ‘bad’, although one side is certainly less hypocritical than the other. If anything, the recent imbroglio is a good wake-up call; one which should encourage the international audience to seek the truth about the people of North Korea rather than conflating them with the people who compose the ruling elite, or relying on culturally imposed prejudices.

Lost in Translation

Wan Foo’s stunning photographs give a

haunting and singular look into life in

contemporary North Korea, and her brief

ethnographic account of Kaesong illu

minates the nature of life in this rarely

seen country.

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Cigarettes and Alcohol

“Arctic Monkeys and Kasabian, that’s ten years ago now and shame on those two bands for a start because they didn’t inspire anybody else. The working classes have

not got a voice any more, there doesn’t seem to be a noise coming from the council estates, you know what I mean?” Noel Gallagher, speaking to BBC Radio Four in December 2014.

Never shy of expressing an opinion or engaging in casual self-promotion, former Oasis guitarist and chief songwriter Noel Gallagher stands as one of few heavyweight figures re-maining in a British popular music scene engaged in a pro-longed identity crisis. Gallagher’s comments, though easily dismissed, speak to wider questions about the role and mean-ing of ‘Working Class’ music in contemporary society. Is there a cultural value to working class music, and does music have a role to play in representing class interests?

Considering Gallagher’s above quote in greater depth, it is difficult to see how Arctic Monkeys speak particularly to or for the British working class. From singing about swapping jump-ers in nightclub queues in 2006, to engaging in high-profile tax-avoidance in 2014, it remains at best difficult to see how humble beginnings and stylistic nods to various facets of youth culture represent anything distinctly ‘working class’.

Similarly, when looking back upon Oasis’s undoubted leg-acy on the popular music scene, one must ask questions of Gallagher’s own self-affirmed credentials as the voice of the council estates. In his 2014 blog post, Britpop: all mirage, no Oasis, Kevin Quinn remarked, in reference to Definitely May-be, Oasis’s inaugural album which achieved both huge critical

and commercial success, “‘We’re gonna live forever’ were lyrics that people loved because they were saying ‘we can imagine that we’re going to get out of this shithole, even though really we know we’re not.’” One is hard pressed to find anything in the back catalogues of Oasis and their contemporaries which offers a sense of meaning or importance which is exclusively working class.

In his stinging critique, On Popular Music, sociologist and musicologist Theodor Adorno describes consumers of popular music as craving “relief from both boredom and effort simulta-neously”, suggesting that the millions of consumers who pur-chased Oasis records throughout their 18 year career served as little more than a passive, uncritical mass fuelling a profit-driv-en music industry. The ongoing narrative surrounding the idea of working class music staunchly opposes this viewpoint. Talk of a ‘lost generation’ of working class musicians suggests a need for musicians to speak for the class in which they grew up, and that doing so can have a profound impact upon the lives of its members. Aside from offering escapism, or a sense of hope which in reality is not there, modern ‘working class’ pop music fails to do this.

To decry a lack of working class musicians may be motivated 11

Cigarettes and AlcoholvOn the Lost Generation of British, Working Class Musicians

Owen Bray

by noble intentions, yet to do so uncritically of their music’s content suggests a wilful ignorance. A lack of consideration for the true power of culture continues to create calls for working class musicians who do nothing to truly represent the lives of those in whose name they write and perform.

Adorno proclaims “the whole structure of popular music is standardized”, an argument which remains difficult to dismiss, at least in terms of the formulaic structures of popular music itself, over 70 years since his critique was first published. If the music of Britain’s so-called working class heroes differs little, at least lyrically and stylistically, from that of their middle class contemporaries, then a musician’s background is ultimately irrelevant.

Then is there a way forward for working class music, or is class merely an irrelevance in the music industry today? The recent, if belated success of Sleaford Mods, the Nottingham-based duo described recently in The Guardian as sounding “like nothing else”, would suggest that all is not lost in the search for working class music.

Monotonous backing beats, thudding and whirring away as if echoing the noise of factory machinery or the drone of the offices of the white collar working classes, are barked over by lead singer Jason Williamson, addressing issues from the un-fairness of the work process (“you make more money out of my existence than I do”) to continued prejudice towards the work-ing classes (“get a giggle outta the unfortunate drinking holes of the lower classes”). Sleaford Mods offer no solutions to the “Liveable Shit” they denounce in pubs and small venues across the country, yet nor do they pretend to. They reflect the dirty side of working and under-class Britain in their biting lyrics. The listener may do with them as they please.The fact that both members of Sleaford Mods are in their for-ties might suggest that there is more to Gallagher’s comments than suggested here, though the band’s well-documented op-

position to Gallagher both personally and musically further epitomises the problem with much of the mainstream calls for greater working class popular music. Sleaford Mods increas-ingly appear to be the exception that proves the rule. Different generations face different problems, yet class structures tran-scend mere generational fluctuations in economic inequality, reflected in issues of lived experience in which the majority of today’s ‘working class’ bands express no interest.

Gallagher’s recent appearance on Channel Four’s Gogglebox, a television programme in which British families are filmed as they sit around and watch TV themselves, demonstrates that whilst his immense fame and fortune has elevated him out of the working class from whence he came, he remains largely dependent upon its existence. He has no interest in changing the existing social order.

Gallagher and his contemporaries produce some good music, if nothing else, as the critical and commercial successes across the world of Oasis, Arctic Monkeys, Kasabian et al. would suggest. However, when notions of a seemingly lost working class generation in popular music are evoked, such discussion presents more questions than answers. Aside from ignoring the music emanating from vast youth subcultures from which ageing, highly popular figures such as Gallagher are necessarily excluded, eyebrows must be raised when they begin to discuss the political value of their own work; more often than not, there isn’t one.

To be from a working class background is not enough. Until both musicians and audiences recognise this, this seemingly lost generation of working class musicians in Britain will re-main in the shadows.

Is there hope for a popular music industry which expresses the true concerns of the working classes in a relevant, authentic manner? Definitely. Maybe.

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#BLACK LIVES MATTER09.08.2014. Don’t let the movement die with the hashtag.

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#BLACK LIVES MATTER09.08.2014. Don’t let the movement die with the hashtag.

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The shadow of nationalism has haunted Japan for decades. With an ideology of supremacy in ascendancy during the 1930s, the island waged wars of conquest across Asia during WWII that rivalled Nazi atrocities on the Western front in their savagery and brutality. More than half a decade later and flickers of this sentiment are again growing in strength. The prime minister defiantly pays respect to war criminals, whilst the public turn increasingly against the country’s neighbours. Questions are thus posed as to why this is happening, if we shall see Japan’s future generations lost to nationalist fervour; and, if so, what this will mean for the world.

Prime minister Shinzo Abe’s far right sentiments are well pub-licised. Symbolically his veneration of the Yasukuni shrine, where the names of convicted war criminals are inscribed, in defiance of China and South Korea’s outrage; was a display of extreme national pride. More pragmatically, Abe has moved to increase the country’s military freedom and capability, and named 15 out of 19 members of his new cabinet at the close of 2014 who were members of the reclusive and hardline ‘Nippon Kaigi’ group. This organisation aims to re-organise educational policies, and their beliefs include the idea that Japan’s invasion of surrounding territories during WWII was something to be applauded; and that many of the atrocities Japan committed, such as the infamous ‘Rape of Nanking’ in China, have been exaggerated or even fabricated all together. The latter assertion is arguably analogous to Holocaust denial. Such sentiments are fiercely prohibited in Germany, yet in Japan government cab-inet members who hold them are actively selected for office. One of Abe’s senior educational advisors, Ayaka Sono, openly praised the apartheid system of 1970s South Africa, saying different races couldn’t live together and that any immigrants

allowed into the country should be segregated from the pop-ulace. The response from the PM to this utter lunacy? To say that Japan would implement a ‘fair’ immigration policy, the details of which he chose not to divulge. Japan has always been a nation with a strong ethnic and cultural identity, sceptical of immigration; but Abe’s appointments have certainly intensified the startling xenophobia and staunch nationalism of its govern-ment.

More worryingly still, far right sentiment is not restricted to Abe and his cabal of fanatics. Many of the Japanese public might not have heard of Nippon Kaigi when voting for Abe, but did vote en masse in 2012 for the ‘Japan Restoration Par-ty’ which stood to the right of even the ruling party; and in a gubernatorial election in Tokyo last year showed high levels of support for Toshio Tamogami: an ex-army officer with a pen-chant for hosting xenophobic rallies. In broader society, a film claimed to glorify the life of a WWII kamikaze pilot topped the box office last year, books targeted at denigrating Japan’s neighbours have popped up in shops around the country; and protests against Chinese and Korean scum march through the streets. Statistically 81% of Japan’s citizens feel unfriendly towards China, the highest level recorded, up 59% from four years ago and 40% from 20 years ago. As mentioned prior, Japan has always been a conservative nation when attitudes to ethnicity are in play, but there is clearly a recent upsurge in racialised suspicion and hatred. Frighteningly enough it is not just the old who are becoming increasingly affected; but actually the youth more than anyone else. Almost a quarter of those voting for the extremist ex-officer were in their 20s, more people in their 30s supported Shinzo Abe’s shrine visit than any other demographic; and the readership of the fiercely national-istic magazine ‘Will’ that rails against Korea, China and the US,

The Rise of Japan’s Far Right

Sam Raby investigates the resurgence of Japanese right wing sentiment as Prime minister Shinzo Abe openly celebrates war criminals, and asks what this means for global relations?

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The Rise of Japan’s Far Right

Sam Raby investigates the resurgence of Japanese right wing sentiment as Prime minister Shinzo Abe openly celebrates war criminals, and asks what this means for global relations?

has grown from almost exclusively men over the age of 50 to include huge numbers of men and women in their 20s and 30s. These are people who will be active voters for decades to come, and will be soon raising, and educating, children to think in the same manner that they do.

The reasons behind such a complex trend are of course difficult to navigate, but we can tentatively tease out some likely factors. The rhetoric and campaigning of Abe and his government is of course partly dependent on the public being sympathetic to his message for success, but no doubt also itself helped carve out far right sentiment by appealing to people’s sense of national pride and identity. In addition it is well known that economic difficulty and extremist attitudes form an unholy and fecund pairing, and this may indeed be a factor here. Whilst Japan is far from the financial ruin that catalysed its extremist ideolo-gy in the 1930s it is certainly in a period of stagnation, and it seems plausible perhaps that the public look at its more suc-cessful neighbours (especially the rampant growth of China) with worry. Indeed books postulating that China’s economic system will fail and lead it to be overtaken by Japan or that Ko-rean Samsung’s success will soon unravel have become hugely popular of late.

One cannot of course over-generalise. For each protest against foreign workers taking place there are heroes like Tadamasa Iwai, an ex-kamikaze operative in WWII who has dedicated his life in old age to educating young people about the dangers of war and nationalism. When Sono took to glorify the apartheid regime online commentators reacted with fury, and when the population was asked if they supported immigration into Japan in the future a third said yes. However we equally cannot deny that nationalism and xenophobia are prevalent in Japanese gov-

ernment and society and are on the increase. The future effects of this remain to be seen. Analysts point out that Japan’s public has swung in and out of nationalist sentiment before in the 80s and 90s, so we might posit that further action is required here to make this trend truly a long term one. We might argue that this could come in the form of radical changes to the education system. As mentioned prior, Abe has brought into power lots of individuals who want to change Japan’s textbooks, and has indeed expressed interest in doing this himself. If he is able to force through long term amendments to the curriculum that are fiercely nationalistic and gloss over Japan’s bloody past then it could well mould future generations in such a way of think-ing. Such behaviour would of course require future govern-ments to maintain the changes, and would outrage the island’s neighbours. Abe has shown already that he is not at all afraid to do the latter and as for the former requirement it is too hard to say for certain, but given the unusually high level of public support for Abe and his extremist vision, especially amongst the young; it does seem at least a possibility for the near future. The results of such continually burgeoning nationalism would be disastrous. Racism towards foreigners in the country would only intensify, the immigration vitally required to support Japan’s ageing economy would be cut; and, however unlikely, there is always the chance of war over the mutually contested territories lying between the island and its neighbours.

Thus, whilst the situation is far to early to call, the stakes are incredibly high. If, and it is a big if, the shift to the right wing becomes a stable and long term trend then we risk seeing fu-ture generations thoroughly consumed by radical thought and the blood-soaked ideology of nationalism.

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No time like the present to contribute to Silverstreet! We are looking for enthusiastic

writers, photographers and designers to join us for next term. Interested? Drop us a line at

silverstreetcambridge@gmail.com