SOC206 Collaborative Group Project

Skateboarding Subculture: Style/Space/Sound

Chris Feggans, Jo McQuilty, Kelsey McGill

Youth is a time period of individual emotional and physical development allowing one to establish self identity through opinions of musical style, dress code as well as leisure activities. These decisions are the building blocks of self identity and allow young adults to create a space to value as their own. As with any subculture, individuals who partake in the skateboarding subculture dress differently, use their own language and adhere to their own standards and rules, (Steyn, 2004, pg, 15). Skateboarding has endured as a subculture despite the challenges and negative connotations posed by the mass media and general public. Skaters are often viewed as aggressive, rebellious and expressing notions of indifference towards the greater society, (Steyn, 2004, pg. 12). Style has manifested itself into the skateboarding subculture through dress, look and performance. The specific style which often consists of baggy clothing and footwear, allows individuals to visibly express their involvement within the skateboarding subculture, (Steyn, 2004, pg. 16). Skateboarding lacks formal structure allowing individuals to control their own actions, ultimately opposing organized sports and patriarchy which they represent, (Beal, 1996, pg. 1). The subculture itself is relatively homogenous consisting of mostly young male adults who define themselves as being classless. Despite labeling themselves as classless, participants often fall within middle to upper class society in order to economically support their leisure activities and realistically partake in the sport, (Steyn, 2004, pg. 15). The skateboard itself is the most defining characteristic of the subculture, visually expresses ones commitment to their action based upon the condition of the boards underside and whether or not it has been worn away due to continued use, (Steyn, 2004, pg 12). The attraction to this post-modern subculture is the absence of conformity or understanding as a fundamental appreciation.

Through lack of strict formal structure the skateboarding subculture allows skaters to live out the ideology of leisure and relaxation that middle class capitalism strives for. The skateboarding culture was pioneered in the 1950’s as an activity for surfers when the ocean surf was flat, (Johns & Wolley, 2001, pg. 1) As the skateboarding culture evolved skaters continued to look for spaces which would afford them the opportunity to partake in their activity. Frequently these defined spaces were not necessarily established nor specifically designed for the purpose of skateboarding. In hopes of establishing symbolic ownership of specific public areas skaters began moving to the heart of cities. This ideology according to Altman’s theory, is associated with the term territorial functioning, when individuals identify public territory as being occupied for a limited period of time,(Johns & Wolley, 2001). Skaters exploit the ambiguity of both the ownership and use of public space giving it meaning in a way which no one else has nor can. Lack of formal structure marks nonconformity as a key component of the subculture, encouraging participants to control their own sport, (Beal, 1996, pg. 2). Despite not adhering to an authoritative male figure such as a coach, skaters express deference to male authority. This relatively male dominated subculture allows individuals to develop their own rules while simultaneously providing a means of creating gender stratification.

Where skateboarding originated in localised and often private spaces such as swimming pools and drain pipes, by the 1990’s street skateboarding had become by far the most popular form. Street skating is characterized by a sense of freedom and fluidity, where everything and anything can represent a terrain for skateboarding. New tricks were invented to suit different landscapes and in the process of

taking skating into the street, skateboarders created new ways of inhabiting urban spaces (Nolan, 2003). They enjoyed the challenge of attempting to reassign urban functions, by skating architecture that wasn’t designed for skateboarding (Clayton , Pers Comm, 2010) Skateboarding on the street implies a form of ‘symbolic ownership’ of the particular space, a common factor that has been emphasised in the formation of any youth culture (Woolley & Johns, 2001). The ‘symbolic ownership’ is in part achieved through the exploitation of the ambiguity of social spaces, and the subsequent ability for skaters to redefine meanings attached to social spaces (Woolley & Johns, 2001). This reassertion of meaning is often oppositional to the hegemonic ideology attached to the space (Stratford, 2001), which creates a situation where skateboarders inevitably become embroiled in a struggle over spatial politics.

Bordern’s characterization of the skateboarder’s spatial experiences as similar to the homeless illustrates to some extent the conflictual relationship that exists between skateboarders and the dominant ideology that is performed on ’the streets’ (2001, p253). Skateboarders challenge the ‘spatial hegemony’ of public spaces through their attempts to reconceptualise the normative assumptions that are associated with urban spaces (Nolan, 2003). They transform the designated functions of urban architecture into something that benefits them, actively resisting social norms and expectations. The consequences of these actions have been well documented, many academics noting the tense relationships that exist between not only skateboarders but youth cultures in general and the dominant ideology (Malone, 2002; Stratford, 2002; Nemeth, 2006). Skateboarders threaten to” bring about a meaning for a place that is not favoured by those involved in creating the [dominant] discourse” (Creswell, 1996, p59) and as a result of this are labeled as transgressive or deviant, and their actions are represented as anti-social. This results in the exclusion of skateboarders from public spaces, generally achieved through anti-skateboarding legislation prefaced by many offences including “noise pollution, loitering, property defacement, and trespassing” (Vivoni, 2009, p142) and public safety in general.

Anti-skateboarding devices such as “CCTV cameras, automated sprinkler systems, pigeon-proof ledges and bum-proof benches” (Vivoni, 2009, p144) have been installed in many notorious ‘skatespots’ such as Philadelphia’s LOVE park in an effort to deter skateboarders (Nemeth, 2006). Skateboarders are instead referred to constructed environments such as skate parks where there behaviour is considered acceptable and acts as a form of both social exclusion and more importantly social control. This is an example of the dominant ideology attempting to normalize skateboarding, by creating certain social spaces and conditions under which skateboarding can be considered an acceptable pursuit. As Chiu explains “when skateboarding is a widespread activity in the city, it is considered transgressive and a nuisance. But when it is pictured by the authorities as a sport, it has a legitimate reason to exist.”(2009, p37).

Street skateboarding is as such a resistant activity, subverting the state’s ability to regulate citizens spatial practices (Chui, 2009) and attempting to recontextualise and reconstruct the normative meaning associated with certain urban landscapes. It is the thrill of defying social control that accompanies street skating that appeals to so many skateboarders, as my interview subject put it “, it's not the fact that the parks are a form of social control that makes them less appealing, it's the fact that skating the streets is in direct defiance TO social control that makes them more preferable. If a skate park is put there for skateboarders, they will use it and not care, but if a plaza is built for people, that happens to be skateable, they will love it” (Clayton, Pers Comm, 2010).

In postmodern society however, the space for these traditional forms of self expression and resistance are in decline. Society today is diffuse, lacking social solidarity and more focused on the individual. Youth must find other ways to express themselves and whereas traditional forms of resistance, in the 1970's for example, tended to resist State and religious paternalisation, postmodern youth today tend to resist rather the lack of meaning and lack of sense that they feel in the absence of these overarching institutions. Jean Francois Lyotard describes this sense as a general 'incredulity towards metanarratives' where we question the validity of pursuits for truth and knowledge as these seem to have come into disrepute (Van Krieken et al. 2006, pgs. 674-676). Many subcultures today, skateboarding included, tend to form their own belief systems, create their own spaces for expression and form a sense of social solidarity amongst members in order to produce meaning in a world which seems to have become void of purpose (Weinzierl 2003, pg. 3). These types of concerns and constructions have been evidenced in the skateboard subculture by means of primary research conducted through observation of the behavior and interactions of members at a local skate park and also in an interview with a member of the subculture.

At the local skate park two skateboard riders were observed among about 15 scooter riders (Soc 206 group work 2010). The observation took place within school hours for sport for the local school, two teachers were watching the youths, while later in the observation two older non-school age boys arrived. At first observation there seemed to be bodies everywhere and the skate park to be generally chaotic, however, after about 5 minutes it became clear that the skateboard rider was separate from the crowd. The scooters were extremely quick and agile while the skateboarder was slower and the skateboard more cumbersome to move about. The skateboard rider made large laps back and forth across the whole two bowls of the skate park taking the same line each lap, 'grinding' and jumping, flipping and turning in the same spots each time. Stopping after about 10 minutes for a rest, then taking the same line again. The second skateboard rider was an older boy dressed in tight jeans and a tight v-neck jumper, new looking skateboard and just learning to ride. The two skateboard riders took their own bowl for a while then began to ride in unison sharing the two bowls taking a platform each at opposite ends to start and finish from . They continued back and forth taking turns over the middle platform (Soc 206 group work (a) 2010).

The interview with the skateboarder revealed that skateboarding is something that you personally test yourself with but that you do together with your friends. Skateboarding challenges you to overcome your fears and to prove to yourself that you can achieve something, '...a feeling of belief in yourself' and '...it builds your self confidence and gives you a feeling of direction and belonging...' with the group. The interview also revealed how skateboarders feel they can be themselves and have their own style and choose from various skating genres; park, mini ramp, freestyle, vert (vertical) ramps and custom your own board 'feel' and deck appearance. It was mentioned that skateboarding is considered both a sport and a subculture and as providing both freedom and discipline, '...you can get rid of your anger and it also teaches you how to control your emotions' (Soc 206 group work 2010). This sentiment is reflective of the work of George Herbert Mead on the individual and society. Mead states that individuals are always both actively creating their environment while also being shaped by it. These two aspects are inseparable because human beings can only be such in a social context where they can

develop a sense of self which is believed to be the prerequisite for thought. Further, without the ability to communicate in the form of symbols with a shared meaning human interaction would not be possible (Van Krieken et al. 2006, pg. 660). The interview also revealed that vert (vertical) skateboarding from a half-pipe into a wall is particularly attractive and represents an 'extreme' challenge. Hardcore skateboarders take more risks, face greater fears and make bigger jumps with wider gaps of free air (Soc 206 group work). This type of boundary setting can also be evidenced in Jeannine Gailey's research on edgework, where a particular subculture sets it's own challenges, extremes and boundaries (Gailey 2009, pgs. 95-96). Similarly, there seems to be an attraction with defying and overcoming gravity while skateboarding (Soc 206 group work 2010).

Another appeal seems to be combining turns and twists in one fluid movement and grinding the skateboard on the edge of the pipe coping (Soc 206 group work 2010). This seems to represent a creative aspect of the subculture in that new combinations and patterns of riding the skateboard are constantly being formed and displayed. Zygmunt Bauman discusses this recombining of elements as being an expression and release for creativity (Bauman 1999, pg. xxxiv). Similarly, this creativity is also expressed in 'grinding' where the rolling motion of the ride is suspended temporarily and the skateboard is reappropriated for a different use by scraping the hard surfaces of the board against the concrete or the grind rail in order to increase friction and reduce flow (Soc 206 group work 2010). Jacques Derrida discusses this phenomena similarly in terms of language in 'under erasure' where the use value of the word, or in skateboarding, the action, is halted and separated into two distinct forms, thus halting the original flow of meaning and allowing a new form of use value to be applied (Deoxy 2009). This expression of creativity demonstrates how skateboarders produce new meanings through traditional stratifications of society (de Swaan 2001, pgs. 47-49). Grinding is traditionally done vertically up the centre of the tracks in between both sets of wheels but many skateboard riders experiment with new ways of grinding, sometimes on the actual board underside and more innovatively off the back of one set of wheels. There are also skateboard magazines and dvd's, skateboard competitions and conventions to encourage new members. These conventions are geared toward fostering a passing on of knowledge as the professional skateboarders 'pros' work alongside the amateurs 'ams' (Soc 206 group work (b) 2010). These forms of knowledge within the subculture also serve to produce new meanings while using traditional forms of social stratification (de Swaan 2001, pgs. 51-54). The conventions are indoors but are set up like outdoor skate parks, some are even set up to emulate outdoor street and freestyle scenes (Soc 206 group work (b) 2010).

The results of the research clearly indicate a dedication of skateboard subculture members to both a mobilised resistance to broader definitions of an individualised capitalist society and to the constuction of new meanings. The youths resist both traditional forms of State and religious paternalisation but they also resist postmodern forms where all meaning is suspended. Instead they use traditional representations of paternalisation but fill in their own meanings. Transcripts are outlined in detail in Appendix 1 (Soc 206 group work (a) 2010) and Appendix 2 (Soc 206 group work (b) 2010), along with photographs in Appendix 3 (McQuilty (c) 2010) which show the public area being utilised by the youths. The graffiti art in the photographs demonstrates how the youths have 'customised' and 'personalised' the State provided space (Soc 206 group work (c) 2010). The research demonstrates that

skateboarding in postmodern society does not appear openly and overtly political because it is resistant rather at a codified level, we have to watch more closely, think more abstractly and talk to skateboarders in order to understand their expressions of resistance (Day & Keys 2008, pgs. 11-12).

References

Borden I, 2001, Skateboarding, Space and the City: Architecture and the Body. Oxford, Berg, 332 pp

Bauman, Z 1999, Culture as Praxis, SAGE Publications Ltd, London

Beal,B 1996,Alternative Masculinity and its Effects on Gender Relations in The Subculture of Skateboarding, Journal of Sport Behavior August 1996.

Chiu, C. 2009, Contestation and conformity: Street and park skateboarding in NewYork City public space, Space and Culture, Vol 12, p25-42.

Clayton L, email interview, 18th May 2010 see appendix for full interview

Creswell, T, 1996, In place/out of place: geography, ideology and transgression, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis

Day, K and Keys, T 2008, 'Starving in cyberspace: a discourse of pro-eating-disorder websites', Journal of Gender Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1, March 2008, pp. 1-15

Deoxy 2009, Writing under erasure, accessed 22/10/2009, http://deoxy.org/alephnull/erasure.htm

de Swaan, A 2001, 'How people distinguish themselves from one another: stratifications', in Human Societies: an introduction, Polity, Cambridge UK, pp34-54

Malone, K, 2001, "Street Life: Youth, Culture and Competing Uses of Public Space." Environment and Urbanisation, Vol 14, No 2, p157-168.

Soc206 Group Work (a), J 2010, Appendix 1: Primary Research Observation, 19/5/2010, Observation of Engadine Skate Park

Soc 206 Group Work (b), J 2010, Appendix 2: Primary Research Interview, 19/5/2010, Interview with Skateboard Subculture Member

Soc 206 Group Work (c), J 2010, Appendix 3: Primary Research Photographs, 19/5/2010, Photos of Youth Customisation and Personalisation of Public Spaces

Németh, J, 2006, 'Conflict, Exclusion, Relocation: Skateboarding and Public Space', Journal ofUrban Design, Vol 11 No 3 p 297- 318

Nolan, N, 2003, 'The ins and outs of skateboarding and transgression in public space inNewcastle, Australia', Australian Geographer, Vol 34 No 3, p311-327

Steyn, D 2004 Postamble 1(1). The body in public culture: skateboarder.

Stratford, E, 2002, 'On the edge: a tale of skaters and urban governance', Social & CulturalGeography, Vol 3 No 2, p193- 206

Van Krieken, R Habibis, D Smith, P Hutchins, B Haralambos, M Holborn, M 2006, Sociology: Themes and

Perspectives, 3rd Edition, Pearson Education Australia, Frenchs Forest

Vivoni, F, 2009, Spots of spatial desire: skateparks, skateplaza’s and urban politics, Journal of Sport & Social Issues, Vol. 33, No. 2, 130-149

Weinzierl, R 2003, 'What is 'post-subcultural studies' anyway?', in Post-Subcultures Reader, Berg, New York, pp3-23

Woolley, H & Johns, R, 2001, 'Skateboarding: The City as a Playground', Journal of UrbanDesign, Vol 6, No 2, p211- 230

Appendix 1

Observation Research

Engadine Skate Park

Wednesday, 19/5/2010

1.45pm Group of about ten school youths on scooters, one youth on a skateboard. Looks like sport with the local school, two teachers are watching the youths. The scooters ride in lines following each other around the park.

1.46pm Skateboarder (SK1) goes in straight lines across both bowls in the park back and forth from the platforms at each end and over the centre platform.

1.47pm SK1 then stays in the far bowl going back and forth between the farthest platform and the centre platform making sharp 180 degree turns on the centre platform rise.

1.50pm Two older boys arrive, not in school uniform like the others. One boy has a scooter and the other a skateboard (SK2).

1.51pm SK2 walks around the top of the park to the far bowl platform and hesitates for a while then rides the skateboard down into the far bowl, gets to the base and jumps off the skateboard. Appears to be hesitant, only doing short runs and jumping off in the farthest bowl. SK1 moves to the closest bowl then sits on the closest platform and rests.

1.54pm SK2 begins doing lines from the farthest platform to the centre platform, back and forth stopping and starting, no turns. SK2 has tight jeans and a tight tshirt and jumper and new looking skateboard. Rolls for a while then keeps jumping off, appears hesitant of riding the skateboard and uncomfortable. Keeps jumping off skateboard to stop.

1.56pm SK1 rides back and forth in the closest bowl while SK2 stands at the top of the far platform and does tricks flicking the skateboard up into the air and turning 180 degrees while standing on the skateboard.

2.05pm SK2 sits on the centre platform and watches the scooter riders. The scooters ride all over the bowl freestyle.

2.10pm SK1 sits on the cement seats/skateboard platforms on the closest platform for a while then gets up and begins riding in a line across both bowls to the far platform. Back and forth in the same lines.

2.15pm SK1 and SK2 go back and forth across the entire bowl. SK1 starts and ends at the nearest platform and SK2 starts and ends from the farthest platform. They ride in unison but at opposite ends taking it in turns to share the centre platform.

2.17pm Meanwhile all the scooters line up and follow each other again around the bowl.

2.18pm The scooters start riding freestyle again.

2.19pm SK2 leaves with scooter friend. SK1 continues doing long lines back and forth across both bowls and over the centre platform.

Appendix 2

Interview Research

Jackson's House

Wednesday, 19/5/2010

The interview took place at the respondent's house and as the respondent was under 18 years permission was gained from his mum. The respondent gave permission for his first name, Jackson, to be used but he was assured that his sir name would be kept anonymous. It was explained to Jackson that the interview was about subcultures and was research for Sociology. He gave permission for notes to be taken during the interview and to be reproduced in group work and submitted at university. The interview was not recorded with a taping device.

The interview was arranged around the following questions although was only conducted in a semi-structured style as Jackson discussed many points he considered important to the skateboard subculture.

Q1. When and why did you start skateboarding?

Q2. Where do you ride your skateboard?

Q3. Do you go skateboarding alone or in a group?

Q4. How often do you ride your skateboard?

Q5. What's skateboarding like compared to everyday life?

Q6. Do you think skateboarding has an effect on other areas of your life?

Q7. Is there anything else you'd like to mention?

Jackson said he started skateboarding when he was about 12 years old because he saw it on TV and it looked 'cool', especially the tricks. A few slightly older neighbourhood boys also skateboarded around the local streets after school. Skateboarding around the streets provided a form of socialising, leisure and having fun. Now he's 16 and mainly goes to skate parks. He doesn't do 'vert' (vertical) ramps but prefers mini ramp (about 4-7feet high) which is about half the size of the vert ramps which are ramps that merge into a vertical wall. Mini ramp doesn't have a vert only the ramp. Jackson goes to the skate park with neighbourhood friends. He said some consider skateboarding a sport and others see it more as a subculture with lifestyle attachments.

Jackson talked about how when skateboarding started they were made with clay wheels which would jolt to a stop if you hit a rock when you were street skateboarding but today they are made with polyurethane wheels which enables a much smoother ride and much better negotiation of rocks and sticks on the ground. He said skateboard styles change often and are usually about better performance when you upgrade to a new model. He said that you can custom your board for your own riding style or preference by adjusting the tension in the trucks and wheels underneath.

Skateboarding was originally developed as a means for travelling to the surf and as a substitute for surfing when the surf wasn't good. Street skateboarders rode in half pipe storm water drains using the gravity from the half cylinder. Some storm water pipes used were closed and mimicked the barrel of a surf wave. Scrap wood was often used also to make ramps and grind rails plus everyday seats, stairs and railings were used in urban areas. Also concrete swimming pools drained of water are used as skate bowls. The skate parks today try to emulate the way that skateboarding originally began.

Skateboard language has also been developed. An 'ollie' is a jump to a ledge where the friction of the deck kind of sticks to your shoes and the board lifts with you when you jump. Jackson wasn't sure why a jump is called an ollie. Most of the terms are shortened words for example, vert for vertical as mentioned above, ams for amateurs and pros for professionals.

Jackson says that skateboarding allows him to be himself and to develop his own style of look and feel of the skateboard plus style of skateboarding eg. park, mini ramp, vert ramp, freestyle etc. because no-one judges you. 'It teaches you that everyone is different'. He said it provides a freedom and a discipline. 'You can go to the park and take out your frustrations when you've got the shits. But at the same time, skateboarding teaches you to control your emotions'. Jackson said it's a one-on-one sport where 'you can prove to yourself that you can do something, it gives you a feeling of belief in yourself but you're there with your mates'. He also said it gives you confidence to face and overcome your fears. Hardcore skateboarders ride over big gaps and down stairs, they face more danger, do harder tricks and face greater fears. He said skateboarding is really hard at first but gives you a sense of achievement. You start learning tricks and then you start combining tricks with turns and flips.

There are also skateboarding shoes and clothing available, along with magazines, dvd's, competitions and tournaments. Competitions and tournaments encourage amateur (ams) skateboarders to learn off the professionals (pros).

Appendix 3

Interview with male, 20 year old university student who skateboards

1. Did you prefer to skate in skateparks or on the street?

The street will always be more appealing to a majority of skateboarders, however with the decline of many street spots coupled with increasing security, skateparks are becoming more appealing.  2. What factors made you prefer to skate in that particular environment.

Skateboarding something that was not designed to be skateboarded on holds a certain challenge that can't really be replicated.    3. Why do you think the street is a contested space? i.e The authourities are against it

It causes damage and runs the risk of lawsuits/insurance issues etc. Also some argument could be made for Broken Window Theory, but it would be vague and unfounded. 4. Do you think skating in skateparks is a form of social control (i.e you are placed? Why/why not?

Well it certainly is, but your average skateboarder doesn't look at it that way, it's not the fact that the parks are a form of social control that makes them less appealing, it's the fact that skating the streets is in direct defiance TO social control that makes them more preferable. If a skate park is put there for skateboarders, they will use it and not care, but if a plaza is built for people, that happens to be skateable, they will love it. 5.  Do you see skateboarding on the street as a form of resistance/rebellion

It certainly is in some cases, but it's more the fact that it seems more real (if that makes sense?). For instance, a hunter doesn't shoot animals because he hates vegetarians,he does it for the sport, and if he were to go to a hunting range with fake animals just for practise, a certain amount of satisfaction (and bragging rights) would be lost.   6. Were there any places you liked to skate on the street? Why did this place appeal to you?

Martin Place was good, a nice hill combined with stairs and ledges, and had plenty of space for people to walk by without them getting in the way of us and vice versa. 

Appendix 4