slavic relative clauses: the case of absolutive relativization (in czech)

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Mirjam Fried Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague Constructional and Lexical Semantic Approaches to Russian March 24-26, 2011, St. Petersburg, Russia

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Slavic relative clauses: the case of absolutive relativization (in Czech). Mirjam Fried Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague. Constructional and Lexical Semantic Approaches to Russian. March 24-26, 2011, St. Petersburg, Russia. Introduction. Classification of relative clauses - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Page 1: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Mirjam FriedCzech Academy of Sciences, Prague

Constructional and Lexical Semantic Approaches to Russian

March 24-26, 2011, St. Petersburg, Russia

Page 2: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

IntroductionIntroductionClassification of relative clauses

semantics: restrictiveness vs. non-restrictivenessfunction: attributive vs. non-attributiveformation types:

RC coding strategies (relative position; nominalization, etc.)coding of head N’s function in RC (cf. Comrie 1981)

internally headed RC pronoun-retention (aka ‘echoing’/ ‘resumptive’ pronoun in RC) relative pronoun no overt indication

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Page 3: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

IntroductionIntroductionClassification of relative clauses

semantics: restrictiveness vs. non-restrictivenessfunction: attributive vs. non-attributiveformation types:

RC coding strategies (relative position; nominalization, etc.)coding of head N’s function in RC (cf. Comrie 1981)

internally headed RC pronoun-retention (aka ‘echoing’/ ‘resumptive’ pronoun in RC) relative pronoun no overt indication

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Page 4: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Slavic RCsrelative pronoun strategy (frequent in European lgs):

e.g. kotoryj (R) & its equivalents in other languages

absolutive relativizer + personal pronoun (frequent in non-European lgs):e.g. deto (Blg), što (Mac), ki (Slovene), ieže (OCS)

što (BR, R?)

co (Cz, P?), kiž/kenž (U/LSorb)

-- not well described or incorporated in RC family

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Page 5: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

In this talk…In this talk…Summarize the absolutive pattern in Czech: (based

on qualitative & frequency-based quantitative evidence, Fried 2011)

corpus-based description of its properties & distributionrelationship to který-RCs within the same functional space,

capturing the dynamic/fluid aspects of the pattern

Sketch a (sample) constructional analysis (e.g. Fillmore 1989, Fried & Östman 2004)

Revisit questions for investigating the absolutive patterns in other Slavic languages

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Page 6: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

BackgroundBackgroundRelative clauses with který ‘which’:

restrictive/non-restrictiveno obligatory marking of (non-)restrictivenessagreement in number/gender with head Nstylistically neutral (in terms of register, genre, text-type)typologically:

relatively low on accessibility hierarchy relatively less explicit

can be organized in a semantic & functional taxonomy

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Page 7: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

A. restrictive

RCs with relative pronoun RCs with relative pronoun kterkterýý

RC meaning/function

I. determinative II. non-determinative

B. non-restrictive (5)

1. category 2. kind individuating

3. identification 4. characterization

A. explicative (6)

B. Continuative (7)

(TEN) (TEN)

(TEN) *TEN

*TEN

[TEN proper N] [proper N]*TEN

(synthesis of Grepl & Karlík 1998 and Svoboda 1972)

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Page 8: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

RCs with absolutive RCs with absolutive coco(8) ta paní, co u nás bydlí, je moc hezká

that woman CO at us lives is much pretty ‘the woman [CO] lives with us is very pretty’

(9) Ten člověk, co jste ho za mnou kdysi poslal,

that man CO AUX.2PL 3SG.ACC after me once sent {viděl jste ho ještě někdy potom?} ‘The man [CO] you sent [him] to me a while back, {did you ever see him again}?

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Page 9: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

A “non-standard” variant of A “non-standard” variant of relative pronounrelative pronoun????

Relative clauses with co:absolutive, non-declineable relativizer copersonal pronoun to indicate head N’s grammatical

function in RC; agrees with head N in number/genderoften interchangeable with kterýtypologically (‘pronoun retention pattern’, Comrie 1981):

relatively high on accessibility hierarchy relatively more explicit

lots of unanswered questions about their properties in Slavic…

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Page 10: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analysesExisting analysesonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

strongly deictic (also their hypothesized origin) collocates with TEN ‘that’ on head N

head N cannot be a bare proper noun

resumptive (‘echoing’, ‘anaphoric’) pronoun:no pronoun in NOM, i.e. SUB function (ex. 8)optional in ACC (ex. 9a vs. 9b)obligatory elsewhere

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Page 11: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analyses in relativization spaceExisting analyses in relativization spaceRC meaning/function

I. determinative II. non-determinative

A. restrictive B. non-restrictive (5)

1. category 2. kind individuating

3. identification 4. characterization

A. Explicative (6)

B. Continuative (7)

(TEN) (TEN)

(TEN) *TEN

*TEN

[TEN proper N] [proper N]*TEN

CO *CO

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Page 12: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

kter-kter- constructionconstruction

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat prorel.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

morph.

lxm KTER-

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

RC

RC modification

#1

Page 13: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

kter-kter- constructionconstruction

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat prorel.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

morph.

lxm KTER-

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

RC

RC modification

#1

Page 14: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

kter-kter- constructionconstruction

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat prorel.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

morph.

lxm KTER-

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

RC

RC modification

#1

Page 15: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC RC construction ??construction ??

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.cat propers.

#1

Page 16: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC RC construction ??construction ??

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

Page 17: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: SUB function in RC RC construction: SUB function in RC

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case NOM] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

Page 18: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: OBL function in RC RC construction: OBL function in RC

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.cat propers.

#1

gf obl

Page 19: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Remaining problemsRemaining problems

‘optionality’ of resumptive pronoun in ACC

additional, special patterns (cf. Fried, In press):temporal RCsquantifying RCs

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Page 20: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

ACC pronoun in RCACC pronoun in RC(9) a. Ten člověk, co jste ho za mnou kdysi poslal,

that man CO AUX.2PL 3SG.ACC after me once sent {viděl jste ho ještě někdy potom?} ‘The man [CO] you sent [him] to me a while back, {did you ever see him again later}?

b. {Připravil jsem si tu pro každého z vás tisíc korun} za tu práci, co jste ___ se mnou měli

for that work CO AUX.2PL ACC with me had‘{For each of you, I have ready a thousand crowns here} for the work [CO] you had with me’

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Page 21: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: animate OBJRC construction: animate OBJ

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ gf obj ]]}

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case ACCnum. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.cat propers.

#1sem [anim +]

Page 22: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: inanim. OBJRC construction: inanim. OBJ

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ gf obj ]]}

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

sem [anim -]

sem restrictive

Page 23: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: inanim. OBJRC construction: inanim. OBJ

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ gf obj ]]}

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case ACCnum. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.cat propers.

#1sem [anim -]

sem ‘explicative’ (= type II-A)

Page 24: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Special patternsSpecial patterns(10) Temporal… od doby, co nám na Národní zavřeli Klub spisovatelů … ‘… from the time [CO] our Writers’ Club on Národní has

been closed down on us …’

(11) Quantifying{Byl to nuzák […]; pomyslné vlastnictví lodí však vydalo}

za všechny drachmy, co jich bylo v Helladě.for all drachmas.ACC CO 3PL.GEN was in Hellada‘{He was a pauper […]; but the imaginary ownership of ships was equivalent} to all the drachmas [CO] were [of them] in Greece.’

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Page 25: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: OBL function in RC RC construction: OBL function in RC

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cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role head role modifiercase [ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem frame […]FE #1 [ ]

val {#1 [ case #4[ ] ] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case #4[ ]num. #2[ ]gnd. #3[ ]

morph.cat propers.

#1

gf obl

Page 26: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

coco RC construction: quantifying RC RC construction: quantifying RC

cat n

cat n

cat vfin.

cat vfin.cat ??.

role modifier

case [ ]num. pl.gnd. [ ]

lxm CO

synmax [ ]lex [ ]

sem …

val {#1 [ ] }

RC

Absolutive RC modification

#1

case GENnum. pl.

morph.

cat propers.

#1

sem quantityuniv. scope

marker‘EVER’

univ. quant.‘ALL’ ‘property expressed by RC applies to all instances

of head N; quantity is judged unusually high’sem

Page 27: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analysesExisting analysesonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

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Page 28: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

RestrictivenessRestrictivenessonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

Hierarchy of semantic preferences:

identification (type I-A-3)> characterization (I-A-4)> explicative (II-A) [ex. (11), (12)]> kind-of (I-A-2)> non-restr. determinative (I-B)> category (type I-A-1)> *continuative (II-B)

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Page 29: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analysesExisting analysesonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

strongly deictic head N collocates with TEN ‘that’

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Page 30: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

DeixisDeixisonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

strongly deictic head N collocates with TEN ‘that’

Hierarchy of deictic contexts (TEN N, co), cf. Fried 2011:

N = Anim. sg > Inanim. sg > Anim. pl > Inanim. pl in %: 68 65 35 32

Individuation issue, rather than simply deixis:highly individuated/referential > less individuated

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Page 31: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analysesExisting analysesonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

strongly deictic (also their hypothesized origin) collocates with TEN ‘that’ on head N

resumptive (‘echoing’, ‘anaphoric’) pronoun:no pronoun in NOM, i.e. SUB function (ex. 8)in ACC (exs. 9, 10) “more common” with inanimate head

Ns and only “optional” with animate head Ns

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Page 32: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Resumptive pronoun & animacyResumptive pronoun & animacyresumptive pronoun is (almost) obligatory with

animate Ns in OBJ function (animate Ns less expected to be non-subjects, therefore marked; for discussion cf. Fried 2010)

resumptive pronoun is dispreferred with inanimate Ns; presence/absence depends on semantic type of RC – explicative vs. restrictive

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Page 33: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Existing analysesExisting analysesonly restrictive meaning no usage of type II

strongly deictic (also their hypothesized origin) collocates with TEN ‘that’ on head N

resumptive (‘echoing’, ‘anaphoric’) pronoun:no pronoun in NOM, i.e. SUB function (ex. 8)in ACC (exs. 9, 10) “more common” with inanimate head

Ns and only “optional” with animate head Ns

co-clauses are not part of standard language

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Page 34: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Stylistic register of absolutive Stylistic register of absolutive coconon-determinative uses (type II) –

tend to be used in emotional, expressive speech, but not exclusively so

special, formulaic patterns (quantifying, temporal) are register-neutral

rest is mixed

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Page 35: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

SynthesisSynthesisMost robustly attested RC with absolutive co:

Function: determinative restrictiveSemantics: individuation of head referentHead N: concrete, animate, singular entitySyntax: mix of pronoun-retention

& no overt marking strategies

Non-random distribution of additional functions:spread from identification to non-restrictive contexts

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Page 36: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Two relativization strategies in existing accounts:Two relativization strategies in existing accounts:RC meaning/function

I. determinative II. non-determinative

A. restrictive B. non-restrictive

1. category 2. kind individuating

3. identification 4. characteriz.

A. explicative

B. continuative

(TEN) (TEN)

(TEN) *TEN

*TEN[TEN proper N] [proper N]

*TEN

CO *CO

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Page 37: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Two relativization strategies in corpus sample:Two relativization strategies in corpus sample:RC meaning/function

I. determinative II. non-determinative

A. restrictive B. non-restrictive

1. category 2. kind individuatingindividuating

3. identification3. identification4. characteriz.

A. explicative

B. continuative

(TEN) (TEN)

(TEN) *TEN

*TEN[TEN proper N] [proper N]

*TEN( CO )

*CO

temporaltemporal

quantif.quantif.

CO

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Page 38: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

What to do next?What to do next?Absolutive relativization in Slavic

e.g. deto (Blg), što (Mac), ki (Slovene), ieže (OCS)

što (BR, R?)

co (Cz, P?), kiž/kenž (U/LSorb)

existing commentary: colloquial/non-standard; resumptive pronoun “optional” in non-NOM function,

BUT: szczęśliwy ten wojak, co on domu przyjdzie ‘happy is the soldier thatCO [he] comes

home’ (Rospond 1971)38

Page 39: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

What to do next?What to do next?Absolutive relativization in Slavic

What are its actual properties and distribution?In what sense is the resumptive pronoun

“optional”, and what determines its use?Why is this strategy ‘missing’ in some

languages? (or is it??)

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Page 40: Slavic relative clauses: the case of  absolutive relativization  (in Czech)

Thank you!

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