socialist labor party

The Differences

SOCIALIST PARTY .\s,, ‘THE

SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY

Socialism, Anarchism iSI)

Anti-Political Industrialism

A. ROSENTHAL ,:

The Differences BETWEEN THE

I

SOCIALIST PARTY AND THEj

SOCIALIST LABORPARTY ALSO BETWEEN

Socialism, Anarchism AND

Anti-Political Industrialism BY

A. ROSENTHAL

PRICE 10 CENTS

COPYRIGHT Igo

BY

ALTER ROSENTHAL.

PREFACE

Controversies are the results either of conflicting interests on the part of the combatants, or of mutual misunderstanding or diversity of opinion on the part of debaters. In the first instance, diversity of purpose is at the bottom of the conflict, and an endeavor to clarify the issue will only infuriate the party in the wrong. For to it, being put right will mean to lose.

In the second instance, clarification will dispel the cause of the dispute, showing it to have been but im- aginary.

In the third instance clarification is desirable by either of the disputants, in order to have the truth issue vic- torious, provided they are all inspired by it. In this instance to lose means to gain. For it implies the loss ob the wrong conception of a thing and the gaining of the right conception of it.

Believing the revolutionary elements of all shades to be well-meaning ; believing also it high time for the revolutionary forces to unite and on a sound basis, the author has analyzed the various leading revolutionary issues to the best of his ability, the results of which analysis he submits to those having the es- ‘tablishment of universal happiness at heart, and invites them to do their own share in the matter of clarification of the issues, so that the barriers of misunderstanding or errors on the part of either of them may be removed and unity of purpose be accompanied by unity of action.

A. ROSENTHAL.

Brooklyn N. Y., September rgo8.

& HE Socialist Party, the Socialist Labor Party, the Anarchists and the Anti-Political Industrialists are all agreed upon the point that our present

system of society has fulfilled its mission and has to go. What they are disagreed upon is, first: the means by which the present system is to be overthrown ; and second, the immediate form of the system which is to sup- plant the existing one. In face of the fact that in this country capitalism has nearly reached its point of collapse, the mere entertaining of revolutionary ideas. nay, even the propagating of same in a general sense without caring to be thoroughly clear upon the methods of destruction of the present system and the construction of the future one, has ceased to be a virtue. When we are about to suffer shipwreck, mere screaming for help will only create confusion, mere sup- plying ourselves with what are labeled “life-preservers” may end in life destruction, mere floating around above water without knowing the way to safety will end in our perishing from exposure and starvation. The supreme need of the hour will be, first; carefully to look for and put on life preservers de facto, provided such are obtainable, so that we are allowed to abandon the sinking vessel and enabled to be kept afloat ; second to strive for a point of safety, provided there is one in sight. Accordingly, if the impending American revolution is to be a success, unlike the Paris Com- mune or the so far unsuccessful Russian revolution, and if we are to sacrifice as little of human blood as possible; finally if the triumph is to be a permanent

achievement, clearness upon the methods of destruction as to their unmistakable efficiency, and clearness upon the plan of construction mapped out in advance as to its practicality, are indispewable.

Now let us proceed to analyze the theories of the above-mentioned schools.

rst, Anarchism. Leaving aside the advocates of outright dynamitism who believe that by killing off of governmental officials they kill off the causes of the evils, we will advance the arguments of the phil- osophical anarchists. They .claim that the only thing to be done at present is to enlighten the workingmen as to their interests. This accomplished, a general strike is to be arranged and effected, thus working havoc and demoralization among the ranks of the ruling cIass and compelling them to surrender all the means of life to the workingmen. Agitation is also to be carried on among the army, etc., in the name of freedom and anything that men ought to hold sacred, prevailing upon them to join the strikers and turn their bayonettes against the rulers instead of against the workingmen. Fighting is inevitable, as no ruler has ever given up rulership peacefully, but victory is assured because of the preponderant number of the striking and fighting workingmen. The revolution accomplished, the workingmen individually, voluntarily, without di- rectors, supervisors or authorities of any sort, will carry on production as they may see fit,- exactly on what plan it is too early to foretell. It is certain, however, that the individual, having no interest in stealing, rob- bing or deceiving, will do the right thing of his own accord. Laws, constitutions or other regulations to im- pose duties upon individuals will be entirely needless. The machinery available being productive of commodities in abundance, people will not be so particular, but each individual will work whenever and how long he

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pleases, and be at liberty to consume whatever and any quantity he pleases. Thus individual freedom, the highest ideal of mankind, will be achieved. To organize the workingmen either politically or economically as a means of emancipation is either utopian or mislead- ing. Aside from the fact that organization implies central directing authority over the rank and file, majority rule over the minority and individual, which should be done away with, it also spells corruption. Just look at the politicians or labor leaders elected and promoted by the workingmen. Do they live up to their promises and duties? Why, the politicians ignore them just as soon as they secure the desired offices. The labor leaders sell the workers out right and left. This goes to show that leaders, representatives, or authorities, mislead, misrepresent and misrule respectively. Consequently the right thing to adopt is direct action, putting an end to indirect representative authority.

2nd. Pohtical Socialism. (Socialist Party position). The proclaimers of this doctrine maintain that the ballot box is all-sufficient as a means whereby to bring about the social revolution. Same is not to spring into being at one time, however, but is to keep step with industrial evolution and education of the workers. Industrial evolution tends to the placing of business under governmental control, leading to governmental ownership of same, as exemplified by the Post Office. Evolution has already reached a point where for the Post Office to continue in the hands of greedy corporations or trusts who would charge excessive rates for postage, would impair the world’s traffic. Precisely the same theory applies to telegraphs, telephones and railroad systems, which by the very law of evolution, without any socialist activity, will have to be placed under governmental control or business will be endang- ered. Meanwhile the workers will be educated, laws in

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their favor enacted, as for instance an 8 hour work day, old age pensions, free baths, anti-injunction laws, etc., until at last the workingmen through their votes direct the government to inaugurate Socialism in full, and the revolution is effected. Thereupon sweeping discharges will go on among the ranks of governmenta officials in all departments thereof. Judges for issuance of eviction papers, marshals for doing the evict- ing, policemen for chasing peddlers or clubbing strikers, etc., etc., will have to be dismissed and given different jobs. New jobs will have to be created and the officials elected by the workingmen of each district, city, county or state ; also the national officials will see to it that each and every worker gets the full product of his labor, each official in his territory. Questions of vital importance will be decided by a referendum vote. Corruption among officials can only exist under the present system, people being tempted to acquire wealth by any means in order to become independent of others, which circumstance will be no more under Socialism. Trade unionism, being called into being for the only purpose of wresting better terms from the capitalists, will vanish as soon as capitalism, its cause, is no more

3rd. Anti-Political Industrialism. Whatever the adherents of this idea know about Industrialism, they have learned of the Pro-political Industrialists, only they deem it feasible to organize the workingmen of this country industrially for the purpose of “taking and holding” without the understanding of submitting this proposition to the public at large to vote on it ; and they believe that the enormous power of the industrially organized workingmen is amply sufficient to bring about the Social Revolution. Agreeing with the Pro- political Industrialists that it is territorial politicianism which has to go and that it is Industrial Government, irrespective of the residences of the individuals, which

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has to come, they think it a waste of time and energy to bother about ballotism. Their position does not war- rant specific treatment as same will be set forth here- inafter under the heading of Pro-political Industrialism -their parent.

4th. Pro-political Industrialism (Socialist Labor Party position.) The advocates of this doctrine, which will be set forth below, arrived at their position after close examination of the theory of the Political Social- ists. They have found same to be erroneous in the following : Ist.- In the assumption that governmental management of business under capitalism, implies low rates and is wrested from the hands of the greedy capitalists and run in the interests of the public. 2nd. -In believing that the ballot box is all-sufficient as a means whereby to oust the capitalists from the industries. Srd.-In the assumption that a political government is capable of managing production.

As to the first: The liberal rates of postage are not due to governme?ztal management any more than is the trifling cost of newspapers due to private management. Evolution has not deprived the capitalists of an op- portunity to charge extortionate rates for postage through the interference of the meddlesome government, any more than is evolution compelling the private newspaper men to charge low prices for their publications to their own chagrin. The fact of the matter is that the reason for the newspaper men’s charging low prices for their publications is simply to increase their circulation, which fact enables them to charge exorbit- .ant rates for advertisements and to pocket greater proceeds than they would were they to charge high prices for their newspapers. Now the same identical idea uw- derlies the Post Office, which, like any other institution, is nothing more or less than the creation of the ruling class for their own benefit. It is simply more profit-

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able for the capitalists as a class to charge low rates for postage, thus stimulating traffic, national and interna- tional, and charge exorbitant prices for commodities and high rates for their transportation after the deals have been closed, than, through high rates of postage to prevent deals from being effected. That is why they leave the post office in the care of their governmental clerks, themselves taking care of the industries yielding the fat proceeds directly. Evolution of itself, with the people passive, far from wresting anything from the ruling class, rather tightens their grip upon the ruled. Consequently the wresting of the industries from the capitalists will not be performed for the greater part by evolution leaving for the workingmen to do just the finishing; but it will have to be done in its entirety by the workingmen.

As to the second; same seems to be deduced from the following facts : First ; occasionally the various capitalist parties elect and seat their candidates alter- nately, through the ballot, the defeated party bowing to the decision of the people without ever putting up a physical fight against the victors. Second; the capitalists as well as any other ruling class, know full well that if a revolution is to be put off, agitation and en- lightenment of the masses must be stopped at the be- ginning, since as soon as revolutionary ideas have spread to a certain extent any effort to stamp them out is bound to fail ; and yet they do not deprive Socialist of the right of free speech, free press, and free assemblage, nor of the privilege of putting up their own ticket; neither will they oppose the decision of the people upon the inauguration of Socialism, or they would stop them right now, before it is too late. Tt follows, then, that constitutional rights are given full recognition, be the issue what it may.

Now in drawing conclusions from one instance and

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applying same as a measuring-stick for a different instance, the determining factors of the one instance must be thoroughly understood; then and only then are we qualified to compare the one instance with the other and see whether or not the determining factors underlying the one underlie the other; on which grounds we pronounce them either equal or unequal. Lacking that understanding we absolutely lack the qualification for comparison and for drawing of car- , rect conclusions, which fact cannot but prove disast- rous in a case wherein issues of great moment are involved. Now what are the factors determining the capitalists to allow their rival parties to seat their candidates, or to allow Socialists to preach the revolution in the open ?

The superficial observer will say ; either morality or obedience to law, or at least sense of shame. Mor- ality will make them comply with the requirements of ethics willingly, obedience to law will make them obey it reluctantly, and sense of shame, while it may not keep them from counting out rival candidates or stuffing ballot boxes stealthily, yet it will certainly keep them from committing offenses against the constitution, law and morals openly. Are the capitalists really guided by either? Decidedly not. There is no ruling class who would stop at anything whenever their class interests are at stake. Their reputed morality, etc., is mere hypocrisy used as a cover for keeping their real color from view. And what is true of themselves is true of the intellectuals attached to them. In 1887 the ruling class of this country murdered several labor leaders. In 1907 they judicially kidnapped Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone and attempted to murder them They failed, and the falsely accused were honorably acquitted. Have the governors who ab- ducted them in violation of their oath to uphold the

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constitution been impeached and punished? Have the teachers, the preachers, the professors, the editors, the scientists, the executive authorities and all the rest of the guardians of law, order and morals of the nation demanded impeachment, just for appearance sake? Nothing of the sort ! It was simply a case of trampling the constitution under foot openly and unblushingly. It was a case of “To hell with the constitution,” exactly like the Russian despot’s, “To hell with the Oct- ober manifesto.” Is it not obvious that when they put up an appearance of law-abidingness in not disputing the seating of their rival candidates or in allowing So- cialists to make use of their constitutional rights of free speech, etc., that that seeming meekness is dictated by policy rather than morality or sense of shame? Therefore if we are not to pay the penalty of our culpable credulity, if we are to draw correct conclusions from these premises, we must make ourselves clear upon the reason, why the capitalists feign tameness in politics.

It is this: The decree of the masses through the ballot as to which economic class shall be entrusted with the administration of the industries of the land is not dependent upon the accidental mood the voters happen to be in at the moment of casting their votes, either of the combating classes standing as fair a chance to win as the other, as is the case with players at a game at cards. There either one stands an equal chance of winning, and the loser, if stronger, can ignore the winner altogether and give him a good licking, too, if he insists upon getting the stake. With politics matters stand quite different. There are two laws governing same, as will be shown : Law I.-Only that economic class can win at the polls which would win in a physical fight. Accordingly there is no reason whv the ballot should not be adopted in preference to

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the bullet. Law II.-Once the ballot has been adopted, it must be the exclusive method of settling disputes, and should any class attempt to fight out a dispute physically it will not only lose the point at issue that it might have won at the ballot, but it will bring on its own total ruin. According to this law the ballot is the only alternative as a means to settle disputes for a class which wishes to live on.

.: In a politically free,, industrially developed country i like ours, where the contest between the classes is a

purely economic one, a struggle for industrial suprem- acy, the economic class controlling the bulk of the industries of the land, by reason thereof, and irrespective of its numerical strength, as a rule commands the back- ing of the masses. They command those dependent upon them for their jobs, promotion and credit, directly and indirectly. They command those hoping to secure jobs, promotion, etc., at their hands, either directly or indirectly. In short, they command all those believing their own welfare dependent upon theirs. In the event of an issue between said class and another one next in order of industrial control, the masses will back up the former; they will vote for them in the event of a vote, they will fight for them in the event of a fight. The professional fighting forces of the land being dependent upon those in control of the industries for a livelihood and promotion, by reason thereof will also back up the former, either by voting or by shooting, as the case may be. In the event of the masses growing so bitter against the former class for the lot they meted out to them that they absohrtely make up their minds to substitute them by the class next in order, the masses will vote or fight for the latter. The workingmen, without whom no industries can be run, will in the event of the former’s refusal to abide by the decree of the majority, deny their

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services to the former and accept employment of the latter, who will be only too glad to give it to them. The former will thus be unable to run their industries. The professional fighting forces of the land, for the same reason above stated will now back up the latter, be it by voting or by shooting. This proves law No. I.

Now that the ballot box has been adopted and equal suffrage has been granted to the workingmen, the attempt to fight out an issue physically is an outrage perpetrated not upon the class affected, alone, but upon the entire population of this country, implying a high- handed repudiation of their right of suffrage ; and it goes without saying that the economic class attacked can with the assistance of the outraged population not only make the offenders pay the full penalty of the law, but cast them out of the community, commercially, industrially and socially. This proves law No. II. Thus peaceful warfare is the only alternative left. So instead of machine guns, public-opinion-manufacturing machines are employed in the shape of the press,/their projectiles being ready-made editorials edited in the offices of the corporations and published as bona fide ones, and so forth and so on. Occasionally the ultra capitalists, having reason to assume that their administration is not pleasing and that a change may be tried, -will manufacture financial panics on one hand and rush to the rescue of the distressed country on the other, thus demonstrating to the nation that they and they alone are the ones possessing the patriotism, the manhood, the cleverness, and the means to put the country on its feet again, while the middle class, the would-be captains of industry stand idly by like just so many asses.

They do not combine to stop Socialist propaganda because the entire working class of the land be they ever so conservative, will realize that this is a death

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blow dealt to their own political freedom, and that the same fate awaits themselves should they dare to make demands that would not suit the capitalists. The entire working class will therefore rise in revolt, going out frequently on general strikes. And general strikes in an industrially developed country like ours, especially when they are of a political character, will, as will be shown below, create panics and stagnation and drive the capitalists into bankruptcy. They will thus bring on themselves the ruin which they meant to prevent.

To illustrate: The gigantic industrial mechanism of this country with its vast, ever increasing productivity, with its ever greater demand for funds, with production not carried on by independent mechanics to any extent, but run by employers almost exclusively, with the bulk of the industries run by stock companies, with the stocks being speculated in and sent up to double or treble their actual value, with enormous outstanding debts payable in IO, 30 and 60 days, with its tremendous volumes of imports and exports, and all that to be financed by loans upon collateral of over-in- flated “securities” and by banks and trust companies absorbing deposits exceeding by six hundred per cent. their capital invested, with the deposits subject to check or demand, leaving aside the culpable speculations in- dulged in by the bank presidents at the risks of the depositors ,-all that has the stability of a huge pile of eggs, liable to crash down at the slightest disturbance at the bottom. A general strike, especially of a political character, with prospects of frequent renewals, implying a great decline in dividends immediately and un- certainty as to the fate of the “securities” for the immediate future, will without the shadow of a doubt cause a tremendous unprecedented slump in the stock market. Banks entangled with speculations in “securities” directly or indirectly will fail; depositors will be-

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come frightened and besiege their banks, withdrawing and hoarding their currency; more banks will close ; speculators will be ruined, dragging along others who gave them credit and the others dragging along stilt others; and there will be a panic unheard of before. The panic will be followed by a long period of stagnation, as usual. Even after “confidence” is restored and the banks are flush in currency, industrial depression lasts on. For the bulk of the employing class and speculators, awakening to the fact that they are worth say half of what they thought they were, reduce their standard of living accordingly. The manufacturers of automobiles and other luxuries suffer most severely, necessaries like clothing and house furnishings are next in order, and necessaries in foodstuffs are consumed in almost the same quantity, as far as the bourgeoisie is concerned. One will cut down one’s expenditures on luxuries, clothing, etc., before thinking of cutting down one’s food. Since the bulk of production of an industrially developed country consists in articles other than bread stuffs, it takes quite some time before the bourgeoisie raise their standard of living to the former level. A decrease in consumption, implying a decrease in imports and causing a drop in the purchasing ability of the foreign countries affected, re- acts again on the amount of our exports to said countries, which circumstance prolongs stagnation still more. Repetition of that sort of thing will throw off their feet even those who usually profit by panics. In an agricultural country like Russia, for instance, where the bulk of the country’s income is derived from the raising of bread stuffs, a general strike of the peasants cannot be of such profound, speedy and lasting e&&s. The land is the property of individual land owners, and so are its products. The !and is not in constant speculation on the market and

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its value is not subject to tremendous fluctuations hour- !y; as is the case with our industries, the value of which is represented by “stocks.” The produce of the land is almost limited; the debts of the land owners are not to be settled in IO days, they consist in mortgages having to run years; the banks are not dependent upon deposits withdrawable upon call. They depend upon enormous resources of their own and long term loans, and should a country like that be disturbed by a general strike, it will return to its normal just as soon as the storm is over. There will be no stagnation, for the consumption of breadstuffs is hardly reduced any. The domestic and foreign financiers, being aware of these facts, will not lose their “confidence” in the Czar and the landowners, but will keep financing them in sup- pressing uprisings, knowing that the starving peasants will have to submit.

It has been shown above that the capitalists of this country are thoroughly clear upon matters affecting their material interests and that their actions are governed by sound judgment rather than by impulse ; so much so that they watch the preaching of their overthrow manfully, not allowing their fury to over- power their reason. Furthermore, whether or not any credit is due them for personal participation in the management of the industries beside their employed experts, the fact remains that they as a class thoroughly appreciate the inside workings of the present system, that they know exactly the nature of the enterprises they invest their money in, and that in concentrating the industries they are never slow to take the hints given by evolution, whether they act on their own initiative or at the suggestion of their paid experts, whose ideas they perfectly comprehend. Lacl;ing a thorough understanding of their interests, they would combat their political rivals and the propagators of

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their overthrow in an improper manner, which would result in industrial disturbances. Lacking a thorough understanding in adapting their business methods to the progress or evolution, they would make frequent blunders and industrial stagnation would be a matter of frequent occurrence. The periodical industrial disturbances, when they are not manufactured for a purpose, are not due to their incompetency. They make the best of the system that it is in their interests to uphold.

Can the same thing be said of the workingmen? Do they act intelligently in their own business? Do they concentrate their own power so they can other effective resistance’ to the encroachments of the concentrated power of their employers? Do they appreciate the fact that the individual crafts of the several industries bear the same relation to their national organization as do the individual wheels of a clock to the whole of the clockwork, and that therefore a national economic or- ganizatior. comprising the several industries of the land, with the several crafts of each industry consolidated as one body would be in a position to dictate terms to their employers and control the destinies of this nation, the same as the is?+a&m cf a clock can- trols the course of its hands? Nothing of the sort! They fail to avail themselves of the opportunities evo- !ution places in their hands. They keep the several crafts of the same industry from coming in touch with one another. They sign different contracts, each ex- piring at a different date, in which they pledge themselves to remain at work whenever any one of their fellow crafts in the same industry, nay, even at the same plant, goes out on strike. They thus cut one a+ other’s throats by turns, suffering defeat after defeat dealt by their own fellow crafts, belonging to the same federation. That is their conception of unionism. In-

.

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,dividuals or groups outside their federation trying to break their strikes they call scabs, and entire bodies of their own federation signing contracts to break their strikes they call good union men, provided they hold licenses to, scab in the shape of paid-up union cards. Are the Political Socialists any wiser? Do they point out to them that paying dues for such purposes means paying their own interment fees ? That organizing craft unions for such purposes means organizing their own funeral processions ? That signing contracts for such purposes means digging their own graves, and that to make the name of the A. F. of L. consistent with its functions it ought to be styled Mutual Throatcutting Federation of Labor? Do they ever try to enlighten them, sho;ring how with the several crafts in the same industry solidly combined, having for their slogan “An injury to one is the concern of all,” they would be invincible ? and how with the several industrial unions of the land consolidated on the same principle they would dominate this country? Not a bit of all that ! ! ! They find nothing objectionable about the so-called “unionism.” In their literature, in their press, etc., they only keep dunning them for votes ! votes ! ! and votes ! ! !

Now supposing they do get the votes, and the same are not counted out, and with no stuffing of ballot boxes, litigation for years, and final dismissal of the case if counted out as is the sealed fate of an undesir- able party,-are the Baers likely to summarily give up their “God-ordained” privilege of drawing dividends on -coal stocks and willingly go down into the bowels of the earth digging coal for a livelihood? Are the Am- erican heiresses with their rotten dukes loafing about amusement resorts in foreign countries, squandering away millions out of dividends on railroad stock,-are they likely to consent to having their dividends cut off .and send off their ducal good-for-nothing loafers to

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apply for jobs as firemen, etc., at some of “their” rail-- roads like ordinary mortals ? Are the rest of those enjoying a good time likely to be pleased with their ex-- propriation and the option of going to work or starving? Most assuredly not! They will beyond all doubt line up and stick to their holdings. Then the point at. issue will not be the suffering of revolutionary propaganda. Then they will be up against the revolution, proper. Then it will not be a case of repeated industrial disturbances, then matters will have reached their crisis and either the capitalists will have to surrender or the workingmen will see their long cherished hope burst like a soap bubble, and meekly submit to misery and humiliation. The attitude of the fighting forces of the land will turn the balance. Their action will again be dictated by material interests, and they will” side with whomever they will regard as reliable te further run the industries. Now, since on the one hand, there will stand the time-honored captains of industry with all their differences forgotten, solidly combined, and appealing to their old employees, the fighting forces, to stand pat; and on the other hand there will stand the workingmen knee-deep in blood shed by mutual throatcutting, with their hands in one another’s hair, busily engaged in executing orders of the Gomperses and Mitchells issued from the palatial mansions of the Belmonts and Baers with whom they enjoy a jolly good time banquetting, and will appeal to the fighting forces whose rifle diet they have been administered in abundance, to kindly oust the mismanaging capitalists out of the industries and ro be given a trial for self-government, is it not obvious that the fighting forces will side with the former? A day or two of starvation of the workingmen and their families, being half starved as it is, will see them on their knees applying for work. An attempt at physical

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.force will result in their bloody defeat, compared to which the disaster of the Paris Commune will sink into insignificance. Will revolutionary agitation among

-the army do? Nonsense! As well agitate among a crew and passengers of a vessel to entrust its captainship to a three-year old child or a grown up idiot. For the workingmen to train themselves in handling of modern firearms and provide a sufficient supply of same is a (matter of impracticability. They cannot possibly raise the millions involved. They have not the leisure nor will they be permitted to drill in the open, and of

‘course nothing of that sort can be performed in secret to any considerable extent. Neither have they the

means of providing food and other necessaries for themselves and families in the event of a protracted fight. (The fact that in this instance voting does not involve shooting is not at war with the above set-up laws gover- -ning politics. In the first instance it is two sets of capitalists either in possession of both a portion of the industries of the land and of managing ability sufficient to ‘guarantee efficient administration of the nation?s busi- .ness if entrusted with same. Those are to be regarded as notional figures whose value increases by the attach- ment of zeros, in their instance the zeros constituting the workingmen. In the second instance the zeros at- tempting to go it alone amount to nothing. In either case it is economic power, that is, the control of and the ability to run the industries that wins.)

As to the third : Assuming for the sake of argument that the workingmen will defeat the professional fighting forces of the land and take possession of the industries, in what way will they decide upon the various questions that will be submitted to them? By a referen-

r dum vote ? How can they intelligently do it? Just think of shoemakers voting on a proposition as to the

+,extent of bricks to be substituted by concrete. Just

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think of bricklayers deciding by a vote as to the intro- duction of rubber heels as a substitute for leather ones. Just think of barbers deciding by their vote as to whether or not alterations shall be made in the railroad industry to facilitate transportation. Just think of cooks voting on a proposition for reforms in the tailoring industry. And what is worse, just think of each industry having its officers elected by people of different trades, knowing nothing about their business, but simply because of the fact that they happen to reside in the same district. ,4re committees to be appointed by the residents of each district. county or city to decide for them? Suppose they do not know any more about the questions to be decided upon than their constituents. Are the aldermen and the assemblymen respectively to de- _ tide on questions coming up in the territories of their respective jurisdictions? Why, for heaven’s sake, what do politicians know about business ? They never med- dle with the inside doings of any business under capitalism either. Their functions are confined to legislative, judicial, and executive duties exclusively. Business proper, is transacted by the capitalists or their paid experts. With those functions abolished, what in the world will those politicians be good for? Confusion will be inevitable, people will be at a loss what to do, the politicians will look like thirty cents, and the ex- capitalists will laugh in their sleeves wondering where it is all going to end. Some action will have to be taken. Eventually a conference will be held, and upon some heated discussion, about the following resolutions will be adopted : “‘Whereas, our revolutionary leaders have proved to know as much about Socialism as the man in the moon; and, Whereas they have placed us in a position of a man who on the instructions of his leader undressed and threw his clothes overboard under the impression that a new suit of clothes had

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been provided for him, but which were not forthcoming; and, Whereas our ex-capitalists have at all times proved themselvs to be bright men and good man- agers, therefore be it Resolved: That the politicians quit their posts, forthwith form a committee, and wait upon the ex-capitalists, giving them to understand that we along ‘with themselves (the politicians) are not ready for self-government for the time being, and be- seech them in the name of the whole lot of us and in the name of progress to kindly resume charge of the industries and manage same until-well until a proper plan shall have been elaborated in keeping with the principles of Socialism.”

Rather a humiliating position the community will be in, won’t they?

Hence the position of the Pro-political Industrial- ists (The Socialist Labor Party). Political, that is territorial, government, with its several politicians as- signed to the several districts, cities, counties, and states, having jurisdiction over same, and with armed forces to enforce their bidding, has nothing to do with production whatsoever. For the purpose of carrying on production the capitalists employ workingmen, mental and manual, exclusively, and these are all that is required. Since, however, the capitalists are steadily engaged in a two-fold struggle, the one between themselves as a whole and’ the producers over the division of the products, each trying to receive a bigger share thereof, and the other among themselves as competitors each endeavoring to become the sole exploiter of labor, and since the surplus value appropriated cannot wholly be pocketed immediately but must be loaned, trusted and sold on mortgage to a great extent, re- sulting in occasional conflicts among the parties concerned, the capitalists are obliged to employ another set of help, in the shape of the government. That par-

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titular set is to attend to the following: First, to protect the holders of surplus value from attack while holding it, to heip them recover it if loaned or trusted, to help them along in labor troubles, and to guard the interests of the set of competitors in power employing them. But for fear of attack on property, but for conflicts arising between classes and individuals, that set of help would be out of a job and would have to join the producers.

Sixe the source of confiicts both between classes and individuals is the private ownership of the means of life, the abolition of same will render that second set of help absolutely superfluous, and the officials elected by the Socialists on the last capitalist election will have no functions whatever to perform, just as soon as So- cialism is safely established, and will have to join the producers. Since the workingmen, mental and manual, are able to and do run production under capitalism for the consideration of a fifth part of the products, there is no reason why the fact of their receiving the full value of the product shouid render them incapable of running production. The transfer of ownership of the machinery of production to the operators of same necessitates no abrupt change in management and lest production be interrupted, the foremen, clerks, book- keepers, etc., engaged by the ex-capitalists can be re- tained unti1 things get in shape and there is enough leisure for the workingmen to elect their own clerks, etc.

Accordingly, on the morning Socialism is to be inaugurated the workingmen are to go to work as usual, as if nothing particularly had happened. The cars are to convey them to their various destinations free of charge and at their first chance they will notify their respective employers that thenceforth if they are willing to co- operate with them as fellow workers, receiving nothing

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beyond the value of their labor, they are heartily wel- come, and all past differences are forgotten, otherwise they are at liberty to leave, and no loitering will be allowed. Work is to go on as before. The stock clerks are to notify the correspondents whenever some class of raw material is about to run out, the latter are to order same of the mills or wholesale places as before, the clerks of those mills or wholesale places are 1;o fill the orders as usually, and the finished products are to be delivered to provisional public stores.

Sufficient provisional public stores for fcod stuffs are to be opened, say one to each block or square, so that food is easily accessible. The value of commodities is to be figured in hours and minutes representing the ex- act time consumed in their production, this being the real value of an article. The workingmen, instead of getting paid in dollars and cents, are to get, say, a check-book each, in which will be credited the time of labor performed, reserving a certain percentage for the public service men, as those in the transportation industry, drivers, street cleaners, school teachers, physi- cians, and all the rest of those who are not direct but indirect producers. The latter will also receive check- books in which will be credited the time of service or duty, charged to the accounts of the producers. Those checks will be drawn in hours and minutes instead of dollars and cents. Employment bureaus are to be opened up and the applicants recorded and classified according to trade and occupation. The workingmen in the shops, mills, mines, factories, railroads, street railways, etc., are to provide room for other workingmen by means of shortening their own working hours and by providing material, tools and other factory equipments for a bigger force. Reports are to be submitted to the employment bureaus daily, and the vacancies are to be filled. New provisional factories are to be opened,

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equipped and filled, until the unemployed question is. disposed of, when there will be enough leisure to effect improvements. Since the productivity of labor increases in the measure that co-operation is concentrated, the workingmen engaged in each industry will hold national conventions, discussing and passing upon concentration, improved methods, etc. No question will be puzzling for them, since any man of common sense can appreciate matters concerning his own trade. Since the several industries are interdependent, meetings and conventions will have to be held by representatives of the several industries, discussing and passing upon questions of supply and demand of raw mat- erials, regulating same in accordance with requirements, and so on and so forth. Questions concerning the several industries, as, for instance, the building of railroads, will, of course, be decided upon by representatives of the several industries. but the execution, su- pervision, administration, in short any particular concerning the building of the same will be attended to by workingmen of the proper trades or occupations, irrespective of their place of residence.

It is quite logical for twenty-five workingmen living in the same tenement house to be ordered evicted by the same judge having jurisdiction over that particular district and to have their belongings. put out in the street by the same marshal and sheriffs. It is also logical for the same twenty-five workingmen picking up their belongings and moving to twenty-five different districts to have their second eviction papers issued by twenty-five different judges, and their belongings put out into the street through twenty-five different marshals and by twenty-five different thugs. This is logical, proper, and wise beyond criticism; but it is absolutely illogical and impracticable for twenty-five work-- ingmen engaged in twenty-five different trades, residing

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In twenty-five different districts working in twenty-five different factories to go and work co-operatively in the same factory upon changing their residences and moving into one and the same house. It is simply because any trio of judge, marshal and thug you may.pick out at random is amply qualified to put out into the street the effects of any producer, be he a shoe-maker, a tailor,. a hatter, or so on ; and of course it is more handy for each trio to evict their own neighbors than to go to other districts for victims. But you cannot expect any workingman to be both shoe-maker, tailor, hatter, cook, bricklayer, carpenter, painter, and baker in one. That is why thugism divides its government territorially, and Socialism cannot but divide it industrially.

But how in the world can the workingmen of this. country from the &lantic to the Pacific be expected to act as a body in carrying out the above outlined plan so tactfully without being educated and organized for that purpose ? There you are !

Education and organization are indeed indispensable. But are not the workingmen in need of education and organization on industrial lines right now, in order to extract a living wage from their employers? Of course ihey are. And also, of course, it devolves upon us to see to it that a solid industrial economic organization extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, is effected anyway. So’while we do that, let us keep impressing upon the workingmen the fact that be their organization ever so strong, as long as production is carried on for profit they cannot escape panics, stagnation, and want, and that they must fix their minds upon the fina goal of carrying on production for use. In this way we can train and drill them and ensure their execution of the plan mapped out above to the letter.

With clashes between capital and labor inevitable, and with the workers organized industrially to such an

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extent as to be enabled to tie up traffic at short notice, the latter will have occasion to demonstrate the pre- ponderance of their economic strength over that of the former. On such occasion it will not be the point at issue, as, for instance, the gain of a dollar a week in wages that will be of importance, as would be the case with the A. F. of L. The chief issue involved will be the fact that the intelligence, skill, discipline, tactfulness and strength of the solidified revolutionary forces will have extracted from the capitalist forces the admission ~of their economic bankruptcy. With the workers fear- lessly proclaiming their final goal and the planful organization with which to reach it, capitalism will tot- ter to its very foundation. “Securities” will slump tremendously, never to rise again. Speculators will be driven into bankruptcy wholesale. Financial institutions entangled with speculation will fail. Banks and trust companies will be besieged by depositors for their monies. Numeroos embezzlements and fraudulent practices on the part of the heads of those institutions will be discovered. The billions of deposits withdrawn will net be redeposited again. The usual imports of gold coin from European countries borrowed upon collateral will not be forthcoming. The note, bond, and mortgage holders against railroads, etc., will press their claims. No new loans will be contracted. A great many factories, mills, mines etc.? will shut down. Rail- roads will lay off a considerable proportion of their forces. Stagnation will set in without any prospect of recovery. The millions of the United States treasury that may be put at the disposal of the drowning captains of industry will not save them. “Confidence” will never be restored and stagnation will last on endlessly. The reason is this : The volume of business transacted by this country requires a certain amount of currency to keep it going. The several billions of dollars scat-

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tered among the commercial banks, savings banks and trust companies are employed in financing the business of this country. The investments of those institutions, however, amount to but from two to three per cent. of their liabilities, and are repayable upon call. The bulk of this money is furnished by investors, dealing in the commodity “money,” and the rest, excepting the unsteady daily balances of merchants, is furnished by the small fry for safekeeping. All that is in almost constant circulation, largely in the shape of checks, constituting the oil for the industrial machinery. In manufacturing the panic of 1907, all that the great money bags had to do was simply to withdraw a certain amount of currency from circulation temporarily. The panic created, a period of stagnation was bound to follow, even though the currency was redeposited in the banks. With the currency never replaced, of course industrial activity could never be resumed. Currency is replaced after the immediate effects of a panic are over, and those institutions which have stood the shock and strain are con- sidered sound and safe.

Industrial activity returns then gradually to its normal and investors look hopefully into the future again.

But if the cause of a panic were a slipping of the grip of the employing class upon the neck of the working class in keeping their faces to the grindstone turning out dividends, the outlook for the investors would be anything but bright, the future anything but safe. Clashes between capital and labor would be liable to be renewed any day causing industrial panics over again and consuming their fresh investments mercilessly. That is why stagnation must keep on, uninterruptedly-not because of the workingmen steadily refusing to return to work, but because of the cowardice and lack of “patriotism” on the part of the money bags. Ifzdustriul

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stabilify, in other words pvo!cfarian servility, is what guarantees security to investing interests, and that is incompatible with proletarian edightewlfenf.

So how is that calamity to be remedied ? The workingmen once enlightened cannot be reduced to their previous state of ignorance any more than can a chic- ken be turned back into an egg. Crushing their organization may interfere with their constructive work, but then the rest of the working class of this country outside the revolutionary organization, infuriated at the outrage perpetrated upon their peaceable fellow workers, may, in conjunction with them, effect repeated general strikes of a merely destructive characte:-. mak- ing matters just as bad if not worse-the fear of which is the very reason why the capitalists refrain from denying free speech, etc., to Socialists, as set forth above. No ! Industrial stability cannot be established by violence! Kot in this country, thanks to its high stage of developmeut.

With stagnation unrelieved workingmen will suffer severest, but the other classes, as small businessmen, professionals, clergimen etc., will suffer also. With taxes and duties dwindled down to a minimum, the resources of the government will also be bound to become exhausted. The policemen will see the day approach when they will have to feed on their own clubs, the military will see the day near when they will have to feed on bullets, swords, and bayonets, if no relief is forthcoming. And the industrially organized workingmen will be the only ones who can afford relief, and who will offer their good offices to save the country. Their offer will be heartily accepted, and amidst cheers of workingmen, businessmen, professionals, clergymen, police, and military, the Republic of Labor will be inaugurated. If presidential election happens to be too far off for the starving pop-

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ulation, they may conceive the idea that the constitution is there for the people and not the people for the constitution, and they may establish universal happiness right off.

In order to bring about the revolutionary economic ,organization, both believing in politics and actually going into it are absolutely ,,ldispensable. Ist,-Be- lieving in politics. The organization must stand upon the principle of universal suffrage, embracing in its .preamble a clause to the effect that the final act of the revolution is to be submitted to the public at large for .a vote and to be acted upon accordingly. But for such a clause, the literature and press of the organization will he confiscated, their propagandists prosecuted, their meetings prohibited, in short, the organization will be stopped altogether on the ground of inciting to violence. Proposing a revolution and inviting the class ‘to be overthrown to vote on the proposition is constitutional, and for reasons set forth elsewhere in this -pamphlet must be respected. Denying the right of a say in the matter either to the class proposed to be overthrown or to any other class, or even to an individual

ecitizen, is violence and can be stopped. znd.,--Actual!y going into politics. The organization must do its ut- most to elect and seat its representatives in the legislative, judicial, and executive departments, to protect it while in the process of formation and until Social- ism is safely established, or else it will be checked in its development through hostile legislation openly, and

crushed through Pinkertonian machinations underhand- edly. For with the capitalists in control of the political machine they will, for instance, have laws enacted prohibiting railroad men, car men, telegraph and telephone operators, gas and electric men, and the like from going out on sympathy strikes, on the ground that

athat will interfere with public safety, public comfort and

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ruin such business interests as are not involved in the conflict at all, which would be “unfair.” They will go a step further, and have laws enacted prohibiting the men employed in the above industries from de- claring strikes altogether, on the same grounds, but ordering that they must submit their grievances to a board of arbitration or to the government. The Post Office employees have already been prohibited from forming an organization or joining any labor organization for the purpose of bettering their conditions. They have been told that their grievances, if there be any at all, are to be submitted to their superintendents for “consideration” and that cnly a harm!ess kind of “as- sociation” will be tolerated, having for its purpose free burial, entertainments, and the like; and that pro- hibition is obeyed to the letter. The capitalists can have laws enacted prohibiting a strike in any one industry to extend beyond a certain area and involve beyond a certain number of men, and upon reaching the prohibited point, necessitating the conflict to be settled by arbitration on the ground that extensive strikes will only ruin the country and result in the harm of both parties concerned. They can have laws enacted prohibiting individuals or organizations from inciting people to tie-ups prohibited by law, same to be prosecuted as underminers of the welfare of the Republic.

So much for legislation, now for assassination methods. The capitalists will, for instance, send their Pink- ertons into the revolutionary unions, both in the ranks and in the lead, and whenever an important strike is on with the workingmen about to win, some horrible ex- plosion will be heard, the bomb-throwers will be cap- tured, brought to trial, cross-examined, and through paid-up union cards in their pockets and somehow brought in evidence, they will be made to “confess” that they are members or even leaders of the union.

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Some correspondence will be brought in evidence as having passed between those members or leaders of the union referring to bombs, explosives, blowing ups of some “Steunenbergs,” all of course couched in cautious concealing tm-rns but with the undeniable signatures of the defendants under same. And with severe cross- examination led by the “able” counsel for the prosecution, the defendants will be made to “confess” to the planned crimes. The criminal laws will be made to suit the purpose of the assassination plans if they are not so already, or they will be so interpreted. Pending decisions the prosecution will get out injunctions ag@st the organizations throughout the country, enjoining them from picketing, issuing their press and literature, holding meetings, in short, from carrying on their wovk in any shape form or manner, on the ground of ‘being a secret organization of dynamiters. If the evidence, testimonies, corroborations and confessions skilfully elaborated by the McParlands turn out their way, the organization will be stamped out summarily, besides long terms of imprisonment or execution of the active members into the bargain. In the most favorable out- come the trials will be dragged out as long as possible and meanwhile the organization will be crippled by the injunctions. Realizing that their victories will at all times be turned into defeats through assassination methods, the workers will have to disband anyway, and either meekly submit to conditions or form an organization of terrorism meeting assassination with assassina- tfon ; but their original purpose will hardly ever be reached.

In reference to hostile legislation, the question may be asked, “Cannot the entire working class resent it and by means of general strikes stop it ?” The answer is, “Of course they can, but also of course they wont!” For cannot they resent and stop the despotic treatment

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meted out by the government to the Post Office employees? Of course they can. They do not do it though, for lack of class-conciousness ! Or would it not be more logical for “organized” labor to vote a Socialist ticket, in which case the mere fact of a Socialist ticket having rolled up a couple of millions of votes would send a cold shudder down the spine of any party elected, causing it to keep the injunction laws in abeyance and take the initiative at the first chance to repeal them and offer reforms in favor of labor as did the scared bourgeoisie of England in enacting an old age pension law. - Would not that be more logical than suffering Gompers to run around a-begging from one party of exploiters to another, lowering the dignity of labor and getting nothing? Or what is still more striking: cannot they resent and stop their Gomperses from entering into agreements with their employers obligating the various crafts of the same organization to break one anothers’ strikes, which fact does them more harm than injunctions and which it is up to themselves to remedy? Of course they can do all that, and lots of other things ; but they lack the education required, for their leaders keep them in ignorance. In their present educational state they will resent a wrong provided same is com- pletely unveiled. The flimsiest veil, however, will suf- fice to hide the wrong from their view. For instance, Farley’s strike breakers, who came along and took their jobs away on the elevated while a strike was on, they called scabs ; while the same Farley men running extra surface cars carrying the same passengers who otherwise would patronize the elevated, collecting fares for the same company, they did not mind. The rest of the conductors and motormen running surface cars jam- med with patrons of the elevated, which car men be- longed to the same federation, they regarded good

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-union men, honorable union men, who signed contracts -to act as strikebreakers and lived up to them. Why? Because the atmosphere between the surface cars and .the elevated formed a veil, hiding ‘the scabbing. The -unions resented the kidnapping of Moyer, Haywood and. Pettibone because the capitalists were foolish -enough this time to commit an offence against the constitution, not veiled. They did not resent the victimiz- ing of Preston and Smith because they supposed that

crime to have been committed in accordance with the ,4aw! In other words, there was a veil. Had kidnapping been. constitutional they might not have resented it either.. Par the workingmen are law-abiding. In- junctions are’ lawful, they think. Preston and Smith

languish in prison in accordance with the law, they are told, so they do not rebel. Denying Socialists free press and free speech as long as’ they do nothing but write and talk is unconstitutional and the entire working class w.ould resent it unqualifiedly ; but laws prohibiting the tying up of an industry throughout the land lest ?t ruin the country, they will approve of, for they do -not wish to see the country ruined. God forbid!

In order to appreciate what -Industrial Unionism -really stands for the workingmen must be posted upon -the subject through reading the proper literature and press, and the surest and quickest way to get them in- terested in same is to organize them’in industrial unions and recommend that press and literature to them. For with the .workingmen overworked and overworried how to .make .both ends meet, with their minds stunned by -want and poisoned by false economics dished out to them at their trade union and co&n society meetings and the press, and with scarcely any spare time left to &em after attending to same, how can we expect them to turn out en masse to our meetings and fully appreciate our doctrines ? And should we succeed in

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arousing their interest in our teachings to some extent, then the capitalists will chloroform their minds with reforms, as for instance old age pensionEtis;^si&and mfirmity pension laws, and the like, so as to head off the Socialist movement ; and to wait until all their store of chloroform is exhausted will prove rather too long. On the other hand, we can succeed in organizing them in industrial unions, the craft unions having outlived their usefulness. Once in the organization their en- vironments are all changed. Instead of keeping company with “No-politics-and-Yes-nonsense-in-the-union men” trying to keep them in ignorance, they will as- sociate with enlightened revolutionists endeavoring to educate them. Once in the organization they will easily be gotten to read the literature and press of the same, and in the course of say one year a person of average intelligence can learn so much of economics as to become class-concious.

Once the organization has reached a point where it can win strikes that the trade unions cannot, each victory will .be accompanied by tens or hundreds of thousands of applicants for membership. Not that they will be ready revolutionists ! They will flock to our organization for protection. But once in they will also be gotten to read the literature and press of the organization regularly, and in the course of say another year they, too, will become enthusiastic revolutionists. Thus the revolutionary industrial union, besides building up the frame work of the Socialist Republic, can at the same time do more educational work, both quan- titative and qualitative, in ten years than open air and hall meetings can do in generations.

In reference to Pinkertonian conspiracies, no resent- ment will avail, any more than will the protests against a trap that has been set do one any good. The. only thing to be done is to render the trap unworkable.

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On the other hand, with the economic organization going into politics, the workers will be enabled to render the anti-labor laws ineffective, or repeal them altogether in the measure that they get control of the political machine. The judges, for instance in being applied to for injunctions against labor, will upon “due consideration” find the issuance of same unwarranted. Incompetent Farley strike-breakers or college students, will be prohibited from taking the places of striking car men, on the ground of endangering the lives of the passengers. The mailing of telegraph messages in times of strikes of the telegraph operators will not be tolerated, and the offenders will be prosecuted as frauds. In the event of car men refusing to convey scabs to their destination, and restaurant workers refusing to serve them-entailing, of course, incon- venience to the public-the strike-breakers will be en- joined from acting as such on the ground of disturbing and inconveniencing the public. Strikers will receive ample police protection against hired thugs of the capitalists. The Post Office as well as other governmental institutions will be obliged to employ none but union men. The laws will be modified or interpreted so as to -incriminate the guilty ones and confessors exclusively. ‘The capitalists, realizing that there are no “Goodings” ,to back them up, the “Orchards” will avail them nothing. Thus political power, though transitory, is as Fessential to the economic organization during its period of formation to protect it against outside attack, as is the eggshell essential to the egg during its period of hatching to protect it against insects, exposure or attack of any sort that would otherwise destroy it; though just as soon as the chick is hatched out com- pletely, it has no need of the shell.

-* And the candidates of the party reflecting the objects ‘.‘?of the Industrial Organization, if overwhelmingly

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elected will be seated. For naturally they will be- elected first in industrial centres where the organization and its influence are strongest, and wholesale counting- out cannot be practiced without the public being aware- of same, for “one may monkey with the thermometer but one cannot monkey with the weather.” And as. long as the point at issue be not complete surrender of the industries but merely the seating of a Mayor or- Governor, it will not pay the capitalists to unmask and appear as open law-breakers, brazenly and recklessly trampling the constitutional right of suffrage under- foot ; for the same identical reason that it does not pay. them to deny Socialists the right of free speech, free press, etc., as long as they confine themselves to talk-- ing, writing and the like, as set forth elsewhere in these- pages. Should the capitalists unmask, h\\wever, and arbitrarily insist upon the counting out, and subse- quently have laws enacted ‘forbidding tie-ups, etc., be. those ever so veiled, and have Pinkertonian plota effected, be they ever so skiffully executed, then the. workingmen will easily be made to see into those tricks,. their latent instincts of solidarity aroused, and they will readily respond to the cry of the revolutionists. resenting as bitterly and emphatically the repressive laws and conspiracies as they will do the fraudulent elections. Moreover the election of the candidates in question implies the existence of a fair-sized membership of the industrial organization, say from two to., three millions throughout the land. This fact again implies another fact, namely that the pure and simple. unions, by reason of repeated disappointments, be- trayals and defeats will be hopelessly demoralized and only through the laborious efforts of the lieutenants of the capitalists, the Gomperses and Mitchells will they be- keptfrom coming into contact with the revolutionists. Hence the capitalists could afford the revolutionists no,

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better chance for smashing the barriers of misrepresent- ation and slander brazenly put up by the former’s press and lieutentants between the revolutionists and the pure and simple unions in order to prevent the latter being won over by the former, than by resorting to open lawlessness. With the pure and simple unions won over and educated on revolutionary lines, any candidate that will be elected will be seated, without the shadow+ of a doubt.

For an organization like that numbering now from five to six millions is too powerful to stand nonsense from the capitalists. An organization like that can throw the capitalists off their feet with one turn. And when it comes to the last capitalist election when they will be bankrupt anyway, hardly a fool will be found to countthe entire nation out and the few bankrupts in. Besides, the workingmen can call an election by themselves, giving every one the right ,of a say who cares to exercise it, as is worthy of civilized men, and do their own counting of the ballots.

And the candidates if seated will not sell out their party. For sell-outs imply ignorance on the part of the rank and file who are not aware of same. A candidate betraying a revolutionary party, even to the slightest extent, will be branded as a traitor forever. He will be disgraced by his own party and cast out by the capitalists. For they have no use for “lame ducks” who cannot deliver the goods. Mitchell got a job as president of the Civic Federation Board of Arbitration because he can still deliver the goods. There are still some workingmen whose confidence he commands, or else he would be unfit for the job.

AS TO ANARCHISM. I

It has been shown: Ist..-That a general strike, if passive, means gen-

-4o-

era1 starvation to the workingclass and if a general lock out is meant by it it implies a bloody defeat for the workingmen if attempted without the consent of the army, etc.,

and .,-That for the workingmen to gain the support of the fighting forces and effect a bloodless revolution they must have it in their power to stop all the wheels of industry at will in short order, thus demonstrating harmony among themselves, ability of selfgovernment and the superfluity of the ruling class.

grd.,-That if production is not to be stopped during the transition from the old regime to the new one, causing famine or a scarcity of necessaries, and if order is to prevail when the workingmen start in production on their own account, clearness upon the immediate form of the new system is indispensable so that it can go into effect right on the morning of the revolution.

4th .,-That the frame-work of the new system is to be constructed prior to the revolution in the most intelligent and skilful manner, the workingmen to be train- ed, drilled and rendered qualified to take up the management of production on their own account as experi- enced men, not as greenhorns.

sth.,-That the above cannot possibly be accomplished by a mob, but by a solid, skilfully constructed, organization

Gth.,-That territorial government, which, by the way, implies rulership, will be abolished

7th.,-That industrial government will take its place, being nothing more or less than an organization of workingmen for the purpose of carrying on production to the best advantage of all concerned, each industry managing its own affairs, and the officers required ex- ercising no rulership whatsoever, but working in the capacity of clerks.

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II

It stands to reason:

1st .,-That plentiful production having to be carried on co-operatively, each individual expressing his desire to participate in same by that very act submits to the laws governing co-operation. For instance, a person agreeing to act in the capacity of engineer, taking charge of a steam engine furnishing motive power to a plant, by that very act undertakes not to leave his post .without warning whenever he feels like going to visit a friend, as he would be at liberty to do should he work independently, for by so doing he would cause tie-ups and all that that implies. Those agreeing to work at the power houses undertake not to leave their posts without warning whenever they may feel inclined to go out fishing, as they would be at liberty to do should they work independently ; for to do so would -paralyze traffic and industrial activity and plunge the community into darkness. Thus it is clear that the laws or regulations governing co-operative production

are not a bit despotic, but wholly of an ethical character. Offenders will not be punished corporally or otherwise, but of course will be regarded discourteous if not cranks, and people will refuse to co-operate with them in production as long as they do not change their conception of individual freedom. Of course they will be at liberty to take up the knitting needle, and sit down to work from early in the morning till late at night turning out a pair of stockings in two or three weeks, enjoying individual freedom, the loftiest ideal of man- .kind, to their hearts’ content; Nor will they be lynched or hanged for calling those getting a pair of stockings knitted by machine in tive minutes, slaves, or other names.

2nd .,-That co-operative production necessitates org-

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anization, implying central directing authority. TO illustrate : A hundred thousand men employed at a. plant manufacturing clothes canndt properly carry on their work as a mob. They must be divided into a certain percentage of cutters, a certain percentage of sew-- ing machine operators, and so on, lest they ,keep one another waiting, causing waste of time and delay in finishing the articles. That is organization. Since styles change both in shape and color, seasons change, the demand for one class of goods or the other varies, and production of course has to conform to the demand as per orders received, were the workers individually to attend to the mail, the telephone, the stock book,. the order book, etc., in order to be posted on the various, affairs they would waste time needlessly. It is more proper and time-saving for them to appoint a clerk or. clerks to take charge of that part of the work, inform- ing them what styles or classes of goods are to be taken up, etc. And what is true of a single plant is true of an entire industry and of the several industries combined, for they are all interdependent. Here is central’ directing authority. And all that implies no rulership, or anything of that sort, any more than does an orchestra enjoying the treat of music, though implying most perfect organization and headship on the part of the orchestra director.

III

It goes without saying that discussions cannot be weir carried on with thousands of individuals participating.. Let, for instance, ten thousand men start a discussion in the month of June as to the use of lake ice in preference to manufactured ice for the summer season and ten to one they will not get through until December. Let them again start in another discussion as to the use of radiators as a substitute for coal stoves for heat-

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ing purposes and the month of July will see them with no conclusion arrived at. Representatives elected, well versed. in the subjects, will answer the purpose. And they will not misrepresent, either, for they will have no reason to. Nor are the interests of the trusts misrepresented at Congress either. Intelligent and powerful constituencies are not misrepresented.

IV

As to the desirability of individuals’ being enabled to carry on modern production, or to “play orchestra” independently,- well, granted for the sake of argument, that it is desirable, just as it is for us to have another set of eyes at the back enabling us to look out for danger that may approach us from behind, or just as it is desirable for us to have wings enabling us to fly off a house on fire or a sinking vessel. But is it not absurd to aspire for things we can never get and thereby neglect to get the things we could get if we tried to ?

The position of the Pro-political Industrialists (The Socialist Labor Party), has been expressed in a nut- shell in their resolutions submitted to the late Inter- national Congress of Socialists at Stuttgart. They read i

Whereas, The integrally organized industrial organization of the Working Class is the present embryo of the Commonwealth of Labor, or Socialist Republic, and foreshadows the organic form of that Commonwealth, as well as its administrative powers ;

Whereas, Craft Unionism, wherever capitalism has reached, untrammeled, full bloom, has approved itself what the plutocratic “Wall Street Journal” of New York has hailed it, in hailing the Gompers-Mitchell

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American Federation of Labor, “The bulwark of capitalist Society” that bred the officialdom which the capitalist Mark Hanna designated as his “Labor-Lieu- tenantship,” therefore be it-Resolved

I. That “Neutrality” towards Trade Unions on the part of a political party of Socialism, is equivalent to “neutrality toward the machinations of the capitalist class.”

. II. That the bona fide, or revolutionary Socialist Movement needs the political as well as the economic organization of Labor, the former for propaganda and warfare upon the civilized plane of the ballot; the latter as the only conceivable force with which to back up the ballot, without which all ballot is moonshine, and which force is essential for the ultimate lock-out of the capitalist class ;

III. That, without the political organization, the Labor or Socialist Movement could not reach its triumph ; w,ithout the economic, the day of its politica triumph would be the day of its defeat. Without the economic organization the movement would attract and breed the pure and simple politician, who would de- bauch and sell out the working class ; without the political organization, the movement would attract and breed the agent provocateur, who would assassinate the movement.

Which of the above doctrines is correct?

Well, ponder the question and reason it out.

A. ROSENTHAL.

socialist labor party

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