Spring 2004 Journal

Volume 3

The views and conclusions expressed in this Journal are those of the authors only and do not necessarily represent the views of the Institute for Policy Studies, its Center for Civil Society Studies, or the International Philanthropy Fellows Program.

© 2004 Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies

Center for Civil Society Studies Institute for Policy Studies Johns Hopkins University

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U.S.A.

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted for commercial purposes in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher at the address above. Parts of this book may be used for noncommercial purposes so long as the authors and publishers are duly recognized.

About the Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies

Under the direction of Dr. Lester M. Salamon, the Center for Civil Society Studies of The Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies seeks to encourage the development and effective operation of nonprofit, philanthropic, or "civil society" organizations. The Center carries out its work through a combination of research, training, and information-sharing both in the United States

: To learn more about the Center please go to our website. dand throughout the worlccss~/edu.jhu.www

The Johns Hopkins International Philanthropy Fellows Program brings six to eight scholars and practitioners together each year from many parts of the world for a semester or academic year of advanced study and research in the development of the nonprofit sector. The Fellows work with a research advisor at the Institute’s Center for Civil Society Studies to formulate and conduct their research resulting in a working paper on that topic. Conducting their research at Hopkins in Baltimore must bring a comparative advantage in order for Fellows to be accepted into the program.

Since the program began in 1989, more than 125 Fellows from 48 countries around the world

For more information about this program please contact Carol Wessner at . have participatededu.jhu@cwessner

We would like to acknowledge the following Fellows, without whom this journal would not have been possible:

Editors: Paula Kabalo and Richard Wamai

Editorial Board: Elena De Palma, Pankaja Kulabkar, Nino Saakashvili , Maria Tysiachniouk

Foreword Dr. Lester Salamon

The appearance of this third edition of the Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellows Journal is evidence not only of the maturation of this Program, but also of the field it was always intended to encourage. As such, it is a good occasion to reflect on where this field has gotten to, and where it must go in the years ahead.

Fortunately, I recently had an opportunity to give some thought to these questions

in the course of accepting a wonderful tribute that my colleagues in the nonprofit research community bestowed on me this past year, and the editors of the Fellows Journal have asked me to record some of those thoughts here. I do so reluctantly because this really is the Fellows’ journal, not mine. But perhaps they will serve to stimulate some reactions from all of you.

In my comments to the Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and

Voluntary Action (ARNOVA), I observed that much of my work and that of my colleagues over the previous decade or more could be thought of as a variation on the theme sounded by a famous American political scientist, Aaron Wildavsky, who wrote a book entitled Speaking Truth to Power about the need for analysts to be truthful and objective in presenting the results of their work to political leaders.

Our task in the field of nonprofit research and management has been different, for

we’ve been dealing with a set of institutions that is accustomed to thinking of itself in terms of values but reluctant to recognize its own strength, and that has long been marginalized and taken for granted as a consequence. Unlike Wildavsky, therefore, our task has been not to “speak truth to power,” but to “speak power to truth”-- to document the nonprofit sector’s considerable scale and importance, not only in the United States but around the world; to make the diverse components of this sector aware of their important commonalities; to shatter some of the myths that have grown up around this field by bringing them face to face with the reality of how this sector actually operates and is financed; and to bring the third sector out of the shadows and demonstrate the major role it plays in sustaining our communities and buttressing our economic life.

Looking back on this body of work, I feel that significant headway has been made

in de-mystifying the third sector; in demonstrating its significant and growing presence, and in putting this sector on the conceptual map of the world. The recent adoption by the United Nations Statistical Commission of a new Handbook on Nonprofit Institutions in the System of National Accounts is, in a sense, the culminating step in this process of legitimizing the third sector internationally.

But having brought the third sector out of the shadows, the question before us is: To what end? What shall we do with this new-found attention to the third sector and voluntary action?

One answer to this question, clearly, must be to strengthen the attention to the

needs of the disadvantaged, something nonprofit organizations are uniquely equipped to do, even though they do not always do it.

Another answer, I believe, is related to the war on terror. In an article I wrote on

the first anniversary of 9-11, I took the charitable sector in the U.S. to task for failing to see that the real message of that horrible event was the need to focus more explicitly on the building of civil society institutions as constructive outlets for the frustrations and hostilities that are fueling international terrorism. Indeed, one of the tragedies of the past two years of American policy is that instead of stepping up our investment in civil society, particularly in the Arab world, we have put added barriers in the way of its development.

But as researchers, it seems to me that the justification for bringing the third sector

out of the shadows lies elsewhere: the ultimate objective must be not simply to deepen our understanding of the third sector for its own sake, useful though that might be, but to deepen our understanding of the broader social realities of which the third sector is just a part.

For this, however, we have to carry our new knowledge of the third sector back

into our respective disciplines and use it as a new vantage point from which to view long-standing discipline concerns. Instead of drawing on the insights of economics, sociology, political science, and psychology to understand nonprofit organizations and voluntary action, which has been our project for the past two decades, in other words, our challenge for the future is to show how knowledge of the nonprofit sector and voluntary action can improve our understanding of economics, sociology, political science, and psychology.

The payoffs from such an effort strike me as full of enormous promise, as some

scholars have already begun to recognize. Armed with a better understanding of the nonprofit sector and voluntary action, for example, economics will re-discover Adam Smith’s “other book”—not the Wealth of Nations with its fabled faith in the invisible hand of the market, but his Theory of Moral Sentiments, which emphasized the critical importance of “sympathy,” of what we would today call reciprocity and trust, in allowing the invisible hand to work its miracle; political science will come to understand better the limits of representative democracy and the need for associations to give life to civic engagement and humanize state services; policy specialists will come to recognize that the European “welfare state” is really largely a myth, and that a substantial “welfare partnership” built on a close relationship between the state and voluntary groups has existed in much of Europe instead; and the study of international relations will come to appreciate the new reality of powerful non-state actors in the form of global NGO networks that have taken their place on the world scene.

In short, as students of the nonprofit sector and philanthropy, we have much to offer the established disciplines, not simply about the nonprofit sector, but about the central questions of the disciplines, and about the central issues of our day. And who better to undertake this task than the remarkable network of scholars, practitioners, and activists who comprise the Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellows family?

Lester M. Salamon

Contents EDITORIAL NOTE 2 2004 CONFERENCE East African Conference Statement Faith Kisinga 3 FIELD REPORT And they lived happily ever after … NGO Partnership Sustainability: Fairy Tale or Fairly Difficult? Brad Henderson 5 Supporting Behind the Lines An interview with Mihai Lisetchi 10 RESEARCH Interim Arrangements: Benefits and Disadvantages of Empty Property Use by Nonprofit Organisations in London 1970 to 2000 Anna Bowman 14 Human Resources in Nigeria’s Nonprofit Sector Ada Okoye 19 PERSONAL COLUMNS The Missing Link in Uganda Civil Society Peace T. Kyamureku 25 The Roses Revolution: Civic Movement and Popular Change in Georgia Nino Saakashvili 30 BOOK/ARTICLE REVIEW 35 NEW FELLOWS 36 FELLOWS HIGHLIGHTS 38 IN MEMORIAM 40 2003 FELLOWS CONFERENCE STATEMENT 42

The Role of the Third Sector :Bridging Social Divides

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EDITORIAL NOTE We are delighted to present the third issue of the Fellows Journal. It is another expression of the ‘typical fellows spirit’ – a rich fabric of practitioners’ experience, research results and different points of view on the nonprofit sector and civil society around the globe. But this time, unlike previously, we feel that the issue also provides a reflection of recent trends in global civil society. Some of the articles shed light on citizens’ actions around the globe and in various fields and aspects of life; some tell us about the ‘latest events’ and the ’burning issues’ in different localities; and others provide us with the latest possible answers to problems in our field of action and interest. In the Field Report section, Brad Henderson describes a case of collaboration between organizations intending to offer some possible solutions to the housing problems in Paraguay. Our Romanian fellow, Mihai Lisetchi, shares with us a fascinating experience – the establishment of a new organization. Lisetchi’s story illustrates the challenges of a young civil society searching for legitimacy and sources of power during a transitional period. The Research section presents findings from the doctoral research conducted by our fellow colleagues: Anna Bowman from the UK and Ada Okoye from Nigeria. Bowman investigated the utilization of empty/abandoned property by civic organizations and followed their achievements and challenges. Okoye is studying Nigeria’s young nonprofit sector and finds the lack of professional manpower as one of the main barriers to the development of Nigerian civil society. Writing in the Personal Columns section, Peace T. Kyamureku from Uganda discusses the “missing link in Ugandan civil society.” She points the marginality of women within Ugandan civil society and demonstrates the effect this has on the effectiveness of the sector as a whole. In a ‘historical document,’ Nino Saakashvili from Georgia shares with us the latest events that led to the “Roses Revolution” in Georgia and emphasizes the role of nonprofit organizations in fostering the spirit and methods that led to this recent revolutionary political change. Poverty in Paraguay; struggle for recognition in Romania and Georgia; the urge for professionalism and the inclusion of marginalized populations in Nigeria and Uganda; collaboration and its challenges in the UK; all these together are the voice of civil society today. In this sense the fellows, and the Fellows Journal, as their mirror, represent the richness and multifaceted missions of the nonprofit and civil society sector around the globe. As a mirror of the JHU Philanthropy Fellows, the Journal truly reflects our diverse lives and environments. These are shown not only in the research and practitioners’ experiences and observations, but also in the highlights and transitions in the lives of members. We hope, as always, you will all find this third issue enriching, and, in keeping with the spirit of the Fellows’ program, we invite you to join us and share your experiences and thoughts.

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2004 CONFERENCE

East African Conference Statement

Faith Kisinga* In the East African region, the nonprofit sector plays significant economic and socio-political roles; the sector provides services in, among other areas, community development, basic services, human rights, and governance of the society. Activities in the sector have also empowered economically and socio-politically disadvantaged individuals and groups in the society. On the whole, nonprofit sector organizations provide services in virtually all sectors of the economy in all the three countries – Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. Throughout the region, the civil society sector is sizable and diverse, including indigenous grassroots associations and self-help groups, religiously affiliated organizations, foundations, health care centres, schools, welfare groups, political parties, business and professional associations, and secular NGOs. In Kenya, these organizations employ well over a quarter of a million full-time equivalent workers, both paid and volunteer, and are engaged predominantly in service-oriented activities. Their main sources of support are service fees, charges, and membership dues. Although there are no readily available estimates for the three countries, in Kenya, there are 220 000 nonprofits registered. They have shown a phenomenal growth rate of about 170% in a period of ten years. Some, e.g. the women’s groups, showed an even more impressive growth rate of 190%. In terms of expenditures of nonprofits in GDP terms, they account for 2.5% in Kenya, 2.9% in Tanzania and 1.4% in Uganda. Unfortunately, the growing role of the nonprofit sector in the region has not been matched with increased support by governments in the region. The legal and policy framework for the operation of nonprofit organizations is largely sketchy, weak, and increasingly non-conducive for their initiatives in the region. In all three countries, there is no single body of law responsible for nonprofit sector activities. Rather, in this region, the sector is governed by distinct and disparate bodies of statutes - some of whose origin had the intention of controlling rather than promoting the growth of activities in the sector. Although some of the nonprofit sector organizations were and have been established on a recognized legal framework, the primary objective of that framework was not establishment and promotion of their activities. The three countries in the region have attempted to introduce policies and legislation to govern one group of nonprofit sector organizations – the non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The focus of legislation and policies has been on the developmental NGOs and the principle guiding the policy and legislation is to coordinate their development initiatives in line with national

* Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 2002-2003; Program officer, Ufadhili Center for Philanthropy and Social Responsibility.

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development priorities. In other instances, the attempt has been informed by the need to acquire knowledge on the amount of resources controlled by NGOs and the regional distribution of their activities. The nonprofit sector in its entirety thus has been glossed over in terms of policies and legislation. There are no policies and legislation intrinsically linked to the principle of promoting nonprofit sector initiatives. What we have are laws scattered in different government departments everywhere in the region. This picture is the same in several other countries in the developing world. The Johns Hopkins International Philanthropy Fellows Conference, whose theme is An Enabling Legal and Policy Environment for NGOs: Ensuring Impact and Value to Society, will discuss issues around trends towards an enabling policy and legal framework for nonprofit sector organizations. Questions to guide the discussion will include:

• What is the implication of the existing laws and policies on the existence and operation of the nonprofit sector?

• What are the key milestones in creating an enabling policy and legal framework for the nonprofit sector?

• What are the key aspects in the policy and legal framework that need to be addressed in creating an enabling environment for the nonprofit sector?

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FIELD REPORT

And they lived happily ever after … NGO Partnership Sustainability: Fairy Tale or Fairly Difficult?

Brad Henderson*

There once was a kingdom in a far off land: that land is Paraguay, a land-locked country in South America known for its excellent beef, excessive corruption, and present economic failings. The entrenched poverty led to the formation of Habitat for Humanity Paraguay (HFH Paraguay), an affiliated program of the international NGO, Habitat for Humanity International (HFHI). HFHI has a network of “franchised” or affiliated local organizations in over 90 countries that are dedicated to building simple homes with low-income families. As Regional Resource Development Advisor, one of my responsibilities is to help Paraguay, and the other eight countries in South America, achieve greater sustainability by developing partnerships with businesses, government, and other members of the civil society. Paraguayan housing needs are notorious, where over 40% of the 6 million population either live in inadequate houses or in conditions of severe overcrowding. One particularly impoverished area is a neighborhood known as the Chacarita, which is located on the banks of the Paraguay River that borders Asuncion, Paraguay’s capital city. The Chacarita is an informal squatter settlement with both recent arrivals to Asuncion and families that have lived there for generations. It is a community of street vendors, paper and glass recyclers, informal businesses, and beggars who live in the tumbled mess of corrugated roofing materials, cardboard, unpaved streets illegally connected into municipal electrical and water systems. From the residents’ perspective it is ideally located since it is close to public transportation, markets and clients of their informal business ventures. Unfortunately it is also below the high water mark of a river known for its frequent flooding. When the river rises, the families abandon or disassemble their shacks and flee to higher ground, usually the streets of downtown Asuncion, with their personal possessions. When the water recedes they return to the area and rebuild their homes and the cycle continues. The misery of the families caught the attention of an American woman visiting Paraguay in the 1990s and since then, the Project for the People of Paraguay (PPP) has worked to alleviate the deplorable living condition of these families. PPP raises money and invests in programs to help Chacarito families improve the quality of their lives. As one can imagine, one of the most pressing needs is housing. In 1998, PPP expressed interest in forming a partnership with HFH Paraguay to build homes with families living in the Chacarita. The relationship was initiated

* Johns Hopkins Philanthropy fellow 2002-2003; Resource Development Advisor for Habitat for Humanities International’s national programs in Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay, Venezuela and Ecuador.

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during the first year of actual home construction for HFH Paraguay and everyone was convinced that it would have a fairy tale ending.

The beautiful princess and the handsome prince: It seemed, from first examination, that these two organizations were a perfect match. PPP had access to economic resources and wanted to invest in housing for the families of the Chacarita. PPP received all of its resources from the USA, where HFHI is a well-known and trusted organization. Supporters felt confident that their donations would be used responsibly and that some of the poorest, most marginalized Paraguayans would have access to interest-free long-term credit and be able to obtain a basic home. In addition, the HFHI representative guiding the startup phase of the HFH Paraguay program was an American citizen who communicated directly in English with PPP’s founder, who makes all of the organization’s major decisions and personally fundraises all the resources to run it, but doesn’t speak Spanish. These factors quickly created a high level of trust and motivated both parties to move rapidly toward working together. From HFH Paraguay’s perspective, it was a match made in heaven. The families living in the Chacarita represented a population in need, whose economic profile was within the defined market for their services, albeit at the bottom of the scale of minimum incomes. PPP’s economic resources could fund the construction of the homes and the purchase of land. The latter was a significant stumbling block, as most often the land that the poor occupy in Latin America lacks legal land title, thereby excluding them from participation in the formal credit market and working with HFHI. Land title is a requirement for a family’s participation to ensure a mortgage guarantee can be provided, and to protect the families from losing their homes to the “legal” owners of the land. PPP’s donation would ensure that land could be secured for the families with clear title, which HFH Paraguay would then use as a guarantee for their 10-year interest-free mortgage. In addition, a donation from PPP would help achieve local fundraising objectives, a condition for receiving funding from HFHI. A suitable piece of land for PPP families, which was reasonably priced and had the potential for future expansion, was located in Limpio, 9 miles from Asuncion. As a result of the strong relationship, a formal agreement was not signed for the first five homes built in 1998. Subsequent construction in the ensuring years was done with a brief written agreement but similar methodology. The mutual trust and common goals resulted in the completion of 35 homes in 3 years with a total donation of over $100,000 USD to fund land purchase and house construction. To improve communication and oversight, a staff member from PPP’s local staff, a sociologist, was elected as a member of the Board of Directors and actively participated in the family selection process. The partnership had all the hallmarks of success; a shared common vision between partners; win-win outcomes that would benefit both organizations’ missions; a flexible overarching structure that required minimal reporting; and fluid open communication. It was a perfect match, wasn’t it?

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The wicked witch arrives: Although HFH Paraguay had established policies, the actual activity of family selection and house construction were a challenge for the nascent organization. Although families where selected, trained, and homes built some early warning signs were overlooked that would return to haunt the partners. For example, some of these families refused to pay upon completion of the initial five homes built in 1998. This clear violation of the contractual obligations and trust usually meant that the families were not correctly selected; the pre-construction education was not effective; or the house cost exceeded their ability to pay. However, the reasons for the failings of these first clients were never evaluated and the partnership continued to develop over time. Another complaint was the monthly adjustment in the mortgage payment that averaged $35– 40 USD. HFHI requires that homeowner loan repayments be adjusted over time to reflect inflation or the increasing cost of construction. This policy is fundamental to HFHI’s belief that families receiving a home should repay the cost of actual rebuilding of their home, so that the funds are available for other families to receive a similar home in the future … one house pays to build another house. In Paraguay, inflation is a systemic problem. During the last 15 years it has averaged 12% and so continuous adjustments resulted in continuous changes of the monthly payment, creating confusion and resentment for the families. Contradictory and unclear communication by HFH Paraguay staff only aggravated the situation and led some families to stop paying for the inflation adjustment increase and eventually their entire house payment, in protest. PPP sympathies lay with its families and a subtle divide developed as to whether or not this payment adjustment was fair and valid. HFH Paraguay’s lack of a credit management plan and follow-up enabled these families to avoid their financial responsibilities. Even worse was the collateral effect when other families saw that refusing to make their house payments brought no negative consequences. The fairy tale had started to become a nightmare. In addition to repayment problems, a few families abandoned their homes. Some decided to return to the Chacarita as the one hour daily commute was tiring and expensive. Living so far from their work made earning a living more difficult. With no money invested in either the land or the homes, minor construction problems in the houses were viewed as additional justification for abandoning the homes and suspending payments. Late payment rates soared to a height of 70% in July 2002 and exceeded the late payment requirements of HFHI, so funding for further construction was withheld. Furthermore, upon learning the extent of the non-payment, PPP demanded that the last donation of $35,000 USD be withheld until the problem was addressed. However, problems were not confined to the families. Communication had essentially ceased between HFH Paraguay and PPP. HFH Paraguay’s local Executive Director avoided meetings with PPP staff and families and misled HFH Paraguay’s local Board of Directors. The HFHI staff person who had initiated the relationship had moved to another country, and a turnover of other staff further clouded communication.

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The relationship reached rock bottom in June 2003 after direct communication between PPP’s founder and HFHI’s head office about the lack of results and problems. As a result, HFH Paraguay’s national Board of Directors investigated the situation and among other things, fired the negligent local Executive Director and developed a plan to reduce the late payment. Since then this plan has been paying off as the number of families in arrears dropped by half and regular communication with the new staff members seems to be slowly rebuilding the relationship between HFH Paraguay and PPP. Conclusion. And the moral of the story is: although I have had knowledge of the relationship for a number of years, once the problems were communicated directly to HFHI, I became involved as the intermediary/reconciler between PPP and the staff in HFH Paraguay. As a result of this experience, I have come to the following conclusions about sustaining partnerships:

• Trust developed through shared experiences creates a better foundation for long-lasting partnerships: PPP and HFH Paraguay’s relationship was formed quickly based on the donor’s knowledge of HFHI in the U.S.A. and the apparent compatible missions. Trust was not built but was “inherited”. Usually trust is formed through repeated interactions, over time. Building on successes or learning from failures develops a resilient relationship between the organizations, especially when direct communication occurs between more than one individual from each organization. The trust needed for true collaboration must be knit together with the people that ultimately have a stake in the outcomes. The relationship between PPP and HFH Paraguay lacked this foundation of trust and strong communication channels to address the difficulties that the partnership faced.

• “I know exactly what you mean” but we better write that down on paper: Although on the surface both organizations shared similar goals, the philosophical beliefs behind these goals were not considered prior to nor during the partnership. PPP intervention with the families was solely focused on providing support to improve living conditions for those within its program. Empowerment, community development, and program sustainability were not part of the PPP’s mission or vocabulary. On the other hand, HFH Paraguay’s mission is to develop a program that can increase meaningful community participation and to assure that the loans are secured and repaid. This, perhaps subtle divergence, created a division regarding the “fairness” of some credit terms and called into question whether or not owners should be obligated to pay for their homes.

This difference of philosophy, coupled with a lack of formal agreements, created an opportunity for misunderstanding and confusion. Perhaps if the partnership had a formal agreement some of these differences could have been anticipated and addressed before actual construction.

• Foster open inter-organizational communication at many levels within the organizations: The damaging effect of one staff person’s failings can never be underestimated. HFH Paraguay’s inability to monitor its local program Executive Director’s performance caused a rapid erosion of the relationship between the organizations. Effective partnerships require communication at a multitude of levels, both informal and formal, to prevent one person’s failures or mistakes from disrupting the

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entire relationship. Rebuilding trust will take time. However, in this case, it may have suffered too much to recover to the needed level.

Is there a happy ending to the story? My impression is that both organizations have had many discussions about this experience and are in a better position to analyze partnership feasibility. This experiential learning should yield more beneficial relationships in the future for both parties. The ending of our fairy tale is yes, they live happily ever after but it remains to be seen if they will live together.

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Supporting Behind the Lines An interview with Mihai Lisetchi*

Interviewer: Paula Kabalo**

Tell me about your organization Our main purpose is to work with organizations, public authorities and citizens, encourage participation between sectors and to improve the problematic public image of the Romanian nonprofit sector. What was the trigger for the establishment of such an organization? First, it should be emphasized that the Romanian third sector appeared in its modern form only in 1990. Prior to that, there were of course various associations under communism, some of them even quite similar to those existing today, although all the activity was of course directed to the Communist ideology. Most of the associations were organized by the party, and a few were independent. But the most significant ones were linked to the party. During 1997 there was a large campaign against the nonprofit organizations in Romania. The campaign was led by the media in reaction to the easy and cynical establishment of foundations as a cover for illegal second hand car trade. This was the result of a problematic 1991 law that enabled the formation of foundations without supervision and allowed a foundation to be established and led by only one person. During this campaign, the media described the NGOs as the arm of the mafia in Romania. In response to that, a group of civic activists checked the law and discovered that the 1991 law was enacted even before the third sector developed and gave a tax exemption to every donation received by an NGO from abroad, regardless of the content. This was exploited, of course, as a cover for illegal import activities. The damage was so grave that whenever an organization identified itself as an association or foundation, people would react immediately with contempt and disrespect. In view of this crisis, the civic activists decided to take a stand and to organize a counter campaign. What did the campaign include? Who was in charge of it? Our opportunity to meet was at the national NGO forum – an annual conference of NGOs. That is when we decided to promote the interests of the sector at the national level. We connected with journalists and organized press meetings in the parliament.

* Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 1995, Executive Director, AID-ONG Agency for Information and Development of NGOs, Timisoara, Romania ** This interview is the first in a series of interviews we plan to conduct in the following issues in order to shed light on further aspects of fellows activities. This specific interview was intended to focus on Mihai's organizations' actions and initiatives, but ended as a broader overview of the main developments in Romanian civil society during the last decade.

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What was the focus of the campaign?

1. We urged the media to recognize the fact that the only ones enjoying the present misused law were not the NGOs – most of them did not even know the law existed… the law was not enacted in order to foster the nonprofit sector.

2. The law did not refer to quotas and thus, you could export a million cars without tax – so actually the ones to blame were the parliament members or the ministry of treasury, but certainly not the innocent NGOs. (Thus, the number of imported cars, received as “donations” was not limited by the law.)

3. We also pointed out that the whole procedure of buying and selling cars was of course commercial, and hence could not enjoy tax exemption.

In short, we pointed to the government as the one to blame for all this scandal. What were the results of this “counter campaign”? The result was that the government accepted the challenge and changed the law, although the press did not admit its failure in exposing the wrong “criminals.” But the law went to the opposite extreme – cars for people with disabilities would now be taxed and so would those used for educational organizations assisting children to reach schools in remote areas. So the law was revised again to be more reasonable. How did this story effect the creation of your organization? This gave an additional "push" to an idea I have been thinking about since 1994 – the creation of a “Resource Center for NGOs.” Now I decided it is time to open a Resource Center in my hometown Timisoara – and it should be noted this was the first time a Resource Center was established outside Bucharest as a legal body. It was also the first Center established as a collaboration between the third sector, the government, the local council, and the governmental delegates in the county. What was your organizational affiliation at the time? In the early ‘90 I was working in the field of youth activities. I was the president of the youth foundation in Timisoara. Then, Pro Democracy – later on developed as the biggest civic organization in the country – approached me and asked me to establish a chapter in Timisoara. One year later I was hired as an employee of the organization and received the assignment to assist various clubs in the region. That was how I discovered most of the Romanian NGOs were suffering from administrative and governance problems. And when did you start your activity at the national level? That was when I came back from Hopkins after receiving professional training. What was the focus of your work? The focus was to strengthen the organizations in the sector through the supply of services to strengthen the capacity building of NGOs especially organizations interested in pubic benefit activities. This included, for instance, management consultancy.

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Now tell me about your other campaign against the law for party financing? We discovered the government was working on an enactment relating to the sources and limitations for funding political parties. We feared that, in view of the situation in Romania, where some parties own organizations, they would exploit them in order to pervert the circuit of the public money through NGOs. It is not that we are against political NGOs. The problem is that they do not declare it openly and misuse the organizations. In the absence of a serious organizational culture and lack of accountability we considered that they should be prohibited by law to receive money from NGOs. We do recognize the fact that in other countries with a different political culture it could be possible, but in Romania it cannot work and hence should be prohibited. Our critics claim, of course, that we violate civic rights. How did you implement this plan? We formulated a declaration sent to the parliamentary committee and the Prime Minister and President but neither the politicians nor the press responded to the challenge. The media started to react when the ordinance was already in the midst of the legislative process. And then we discovered that the parliamentary committee approved it without any revision (and without any public hearings). They even explained the law as an act of conducting a better relationship between the political parties and civil society – that is an absurdity. We expect the government to support NGOs with its budget and not the other way around. When the press started to act, our letters received public exposure and it became a public issue, but nevertheless the political arena did not respond to the demands of the people. We tried to foster the issue through the media but soon discovered that, while we were discussing it with the media, the law was promulgated by the President. This process takes usually two weeks but this time it was done instantly. So you actually failed? Well, we managed to get a minor achievement – they restricted the right to receive donations during election campaigns. (which means two months during a four year mandate!) But we could not go on with this campaign because there are other issues more crucial to solve right now. Such as? Such as a new law relating to the registration process of NGOs. The law consisting of the registration rules was enacted in 1924 under the Romanian Kingdom. This law was revised in collaboration with organizations through a long process starting in 1995. The initiative to change this law started in the Romanian national NGO Forum and the reason for the initiative was that we wanted a law that stimulates associations and is not neutral towards them. The process of enacting a new law enjoyed extra support after the 1996 elections, when some civic leaders joined the parliament and thus strengthened the power of the sector as a whole. In 1999, in a public press meeting, the ordinance was submitted to the Ministry of Justice and this acceptance of the draft expressed the willingness of the government to adopt a line of policy presented by the third sector. The new regulation has a preamble stating the importance of NGOs and is actually the first Romanian document referring to the role of NGOs within the community.

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It is the first document referring to the relations between state authorities and NGOs, demanding the nomination of a special person in the government ministries, as well as at the level of any local government, responsible for the connection to the sector. But actually this is still not implemented because of budget difficulties and lack of training. Finally, it is the first time that the status of public benefit organizations is legally mentioned in a formal document. So, at the end of the day, the NGOs achieve their goals just through political frameworks? Personally, I oppose this tendency to move from non governmental to governmental activity, because it gives the impression that civic leaders use the NGO arena as a springboard. But in this case specifically it was a success and expressed a new level of inter sectoral collaboration.

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RESEARCH Interim Arrangements: Benefits and Disadvantages of Empty Property Use by

Nonprofit Organisations in London 1970 to 2000

Anna Bowman∗ Introduction My research reviewed the importance of one form of interim local authority support for emerging new nonprofit organisations in London in the 1970s and 1980s.The support was in the form of access to buildings rather than funding. It also identified some of the drawbacks of this kind of support. The almost-free use of local authority empty property helped to establish a new wave of nonprofit housing and studio space organisations in London in the 1970s and 1980s. My PHD research explored the benefits and disadvantages. Intended to be available until government funding was available for renovation, many so-called `short life’ houses continued to be managed by nonprofits for up to thirty years. The reduced government funding available to local authorities in the 1980s and the subsequent restructuring of the social housing sector in the 1990s resulted in periodic extensions of the short term arrangements. The extensions presented an opportunity for the organisations managing the homes to build up credibility and financial reserves in order to eventually acquire permanent housing to rent to their tenants. In some cases the nonprofits were able to purchase the properties they managed. However, those with continued responsibility for managing short-life property found it also presented organisational challenges, not least because residents experienced protracted insecurity and demanded more stability. The growth of short-life property in London in the 1970s and 1980s was a response to particular circumstances: in the post war period London local authorities’ purchased badly managed private rented housing for slum clearance and when the worst of the slums were demolished the redevelopment programmes continued, with a focus on building new family homes. Local authorities needed to upgrade London’s housing stock and environment to encourage middle income people to stay, as many were relocating to surrounding towns, where better homes were available. In an effort to stabilise a declining population, local authorities’ strategy was to improve transport and housing (Hillman, 1971). The programmes were disrupted by the 1973 Oil Crisis and government investment in council housing continued to decline. Properties blighted by the delayed redevelopments were left empty after the original residents were rehoused. During the 1980s, some local authorities acquired more homes even though they did not have the funds for repair. Social and demographic change created new demands. Although London’s

∗ Dr Anna Bowman carried out her research at the Bristol University, UK. She was Senior International Fellow in Philanthropy, JHU 1995 and is currently working as an independent regeneration consultant and visiting lecturer at London South Bank University.

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population continued to decline during the 1970s and 1980s, there was a rise in single person households who needed smaller homes. The juxtaposition of empty properties and increased housing stress among young single people resulted in the growth of squatting. New nonprofit housing organisations were formed, to try and tackle the problems in a creative and systematic way. At its peak, in the mid 1980s, there were over a hundred new nonprofit organisations in London, which used temporarily empty property, housing perhaps 20,000 people. The organisations were outside the mainstream social housing movement, and characterised by a community action focus. Empty property enabled them to move into the business of property management and housing provision. Their growth parallels that of the mainstream housing association sector, which expanded during this period. However, the organisations managing short life property initially tended to be small, were overwhelmingly concentrated in London, and were usually involved in other activities as well as housing. There were also some short life housing organisations in regional cities, which had a large student population and shortage of cheap housing. Short life housing bears some similarities to the short term arrangements introduced in New York to deal with abandoned property acquired by the city, in lieu of property taxes. Leavitt and Saegart (1990) have described how some of those ` in rem’ properties were transformed into nonprofit housing co-ops. However, there was a crucial difference between London and New York, in that the residents of the properties in London moved into empty, derelict buildings, whereas most of the co-ops developed in the properties in New York involved existing residents, whose landlords had walked away from their responsibilities. New Nonprofit Organizations, Serving New Needs In London, the loan of empty property, initially let on a peppercorn basis, enabled new community organisations to put their ideas into practice, utilising volunteers’ self-help to restore the buildings. Once made habitable, the empty buildings could be rented as homes or workspace and met new needs, especially for cheap rented housing for young single people, migrant workers, and self-employed people who needed space to work from home. The use of empty property was not regarded as a permanent solution, but was the opportunistic use of available resources and was characterised by makeshift arrangements, which gradually became formalised. The most successful of the new cohort of housing and studio space organisations included Ujima Housing Association (now the largest black-led housing association); African Refugees Housing Action Group (ARHAG) which is the largest refugee-run housing association; and Acme studios, the largest nonprofit artists’ studio space organisation in the UK. The study also reviewed the importance of short life property on the development of Lambeth Self Help Housing Association, a large housing co-operative; Patchwork Housing Association, a supported housing provider, with a therapeutic perspective and West Hampstead Housing Association, which became the largest nonprofit specialist provider of accommodation for homeless families in the late 1990s. All six organisations recognised the value of short life property as the catalyst enabling them to manage property, and its availability in the 1980s was the engine for growth and organisational transformation. Small government grants, introduced in 1976, enabled the organisations to employ contractors, rather than rely on self help. Further formalisation came when licenses were

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replaced with leases from 1989 and when local authorities increased charges for the use of the property. By 2000 the short life roots of the majority were invisible, as all except two had moved away from using empty property. Between them the six organisations owned over 4,000 permanent homes. Ujima, by far the most successful, owned over 3,000 homes for rent and had an ambitious development programme for new construction. Acme, which had moved away from housing to the development and management of artists’ workplace studios owned 3 freehold buildings and 9 leasehold properties, comprising 374 studios, and was planning to build new workplace studios. There were a number of reasons why the organisations I studied generally moved away from short-term empty property use. They found it difficult to manage, because of its poor condition, and the supply of local authority property declined, to be replaced by more expensive private sector empties, often in worse condition. The restructuring of the social housing market, with nonprofit housing associations replacing local authorities as the developers of new rented housing, gave the larger specialist nonprofits an opportunity to expand into new areas, after 1989. The most significant element in the transformation of the empty property users into mainstream housing associations was the view of their tenants. After ten years of insecurity, they wanted better quality permanent homes. They also recognised that if their organisations did not provide this, then no one else would and gentrification in London meant few could afford owner occupation or private sector rents. My research explored the paradox of residents’ struggles to obtain permanent rented housing and security in the 1990s, against a backdrop of increased government dependence on short term and temporary arrangements for accommodating homeless families. Both trends were in part the result of rising property costs in London and scarcity of affordable housing. Population increases in the 1990s were accompanied by house price inflation, following a temporary property slump in 1992, as developers failed to build enough new homes. This priced many potential first-time buyers out of owner occupation. The rise in homelessness also reflected the net loss of social housing as a result of the impact of the Right to Buy legislation for council tenants, which reduced council housing. The tension between the need to provide permanent move-on housing from short life property and the demand for increased temporary accommodation for families was felt acutely at West Hampstead Housing Association (WHHA), where I worked. These demands pulled the organisation in two directions: managing local authority contracts to house homeless families referred in temporary accommodation (leased from private sector owners) and trying to provide permanent homes for long term residents (mostly single people) of short life property. WHHA was unusual in continuing to specialise in empty property work in the 1990s as the complexity, costs and risks of these schemes had increased. Larger associations were in a better position to bear the risk. Not till 2002, when the Mayor of London’s study Planning for London’s Growth was published, did politicians plan seriously to expand permanent affordable housing provision in London. By then there were over 50,000 homeless families living in temporary accommodation, because there were no permanent homes available for them. Much of the temporary accommodation was provided by large housing associations.

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Conclusion One area I was unable to research, because of lack of records, was the financial value of the interim resources which local authorities provided between 1970 and 1990 before short life housing began to be phased out. Initially the property was regarded as worthless, because it was due to be demolished and therefore had no monetary value, being let on a peppercorn. As we have seen, it did have a value as the organisations in my study were able to improve the buildings, let them, and obtain a revenue stream from rents. The indirect local authority support in terms of the loan of buildings was crucial in enabling them to become established, grow and eventually move into permanent property management. The lack of financial information means that the level of local authority support for the growth of a new cohort of housing associations is understated. Likewise, the organisations did not cost the value of their repairs or volunteers’ input. It was only when local authorities introduced higher charges, along with leases after 1989 that residents began to calculate the value of their repairs, as part of their campaign to gain permanent homes. I also found that formalisation of the organisations I studied and their transformation into mainstream providers in the 1990s had a cost for most organisations, as it required them to restructure and concentrate on housing provision or move away from rental housing altogether. Some organisations needed to restructure and float off non-housing activities into separate organisations; others, like Acme, concentrated on non-housing work. For ARHAG, which helps refugees settle, this was difficult as their mission involves giving social and educational support to residents. My research raised some issues which may have broader relevance to the nonprofit sector internationally. One was the relative lack of research on the prevalence of interim housing arrangements. There was little analysis of the role of revenue grants as incentives to use empty property and other forms of support for the small short life housing associations which emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. This is not surprising within the British context as mainstream housing organisations were focused on developing permanent homes to rent. The short term use of empty property has been a sideline and concentrated in London. One consequence of this was that although there is a literature on homelessness and on the responsibilities of organisations managing housing on an interim basis, the phenomenon has not been theorised in relation to the way in which it may have helped to facilitate the restructuring of social housing and to support the development of a small, new cohort of housing providers. In some circles, there is a suspicion of interim arrangements, because they may mask the true extent of social problems. Possibly for this reason, the processes, implications, and benefits of interim property resources have not been explored in detail. The literature on self help housing in the South provides some insights, but self help organisations in South American countries, for instance, emerged within a different social and economic context. Further work on analysing the economic and social value of interim arrangements would be useful, especially in seeing how they may be a necessary part of the process of growing new nonprofit organisations and partnerships.

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References Bowman, A. (2003): Interim Spaces: Reshaping London – the Role of Short Life Property –

1970 to 2000, Unpublished PHD thesis, University of Bristol. Hillman, J. (Ed.) (1971): Planning for London; Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin. Leavitt, J. and Seagert, S. (1990): From Abandonment to Hope: Community-Households in

Harlem; New York: Columbia University Press. Mayor of London (2002): Planning for London’s Growth; London: GLA.

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Human Resources in Nigeria’s Nonprofit Sector

Ada Okoye∗ Introduction Several explanations have been advanced for the growth of civil society activity in Nigeria. Prominent among these explanations are the dual crises of militarization and state failure in service provision at the intra-national level. In this regard, references have been made in the literature to people’s self-reliant efforts to solve common problems usually emanating from “yawning gaps left by elitist governmental incapacities” and “the process of popular struggle to fight the military-led oppression of Nigerian people which forged new alliances and organisations.” (Arigbede, 1993:87; Olorode, 1997:12) Given this background, the civil society organisation (CSO) has come to be regarded as a popular type of the non-governmental, nonprofit organisation. The term “civil society organisation” is generally used in Nigeria to refer to non-governmental organisations with a focus on human rights, democracy, and governance. In discussing the Nigerian nonprofit sector in this paper, the civil society organisation will constitute the unit of analysis, while recommendations at the end will be directed at the sector as a whole in its generic character as an agent of development. In Nigeria, CSO intervention occurred at the place of sustained neglect and mismanagement by successive military governments in a country of well over one hundred million people. In other words, where government failed to respond to new approaches of participatory development, remaining attached to paternalistic methods which provide services for people without involving them, non-governmental organisations such as CSOs rose to fill the gap (Awe, 1996:260). This view celebrates the interventionist spirit of the CSO as one that works to “develop human skills, generate enthusiasm, stay with a problem regardless of the odds, until it is solved…. bringing new thinking to old problems.”(Shehu, 1996:240) Needless to say, this new thinking was often not to the liking of the military government, and so, CSO activities, especially from the late 80s to the late 90s were carried on under a lot of tension. The civil society arena has since changed with the return of political power to civilians and the institution of a democratically elected government. Contemporary Developments in the Civil Society Movement in Nigeria The election of a civilian government in Nigeria in May, 1999, brought with it adjustments in the intervention strategies of CSOs. A study on this subject indicates that human rights organisations have responded well to the challenges of working in the new democratic dispensation. Mostly these organisations have developed their organisational capacity to engage in democracy building processes through campaigns for legislative and judicial reform (Ibhawoh, 2001:17).

∗ Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 2003 – 2004 ; Lecturer, Nigerian Law School, Enugu Campus and doctoral candidate, Institute of Development and Labour Law, University of Cape Town, South Africa. The author acknowledges the funding assistance of the University of Cape Town for the ongoing research of which this paper is part.

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For this purpose, several CSO networks were formed and a few have begun to collaborate with state institutions. In April 2001 for instance, the Constitutional Rights Project, a human rights organisation, in collaboration with the Senate Committee on Human Rights organised a two-day workshop in Abuja on “Legislative Agenda for Legal Reforms and Human Rights”, funded by the Royal Norwegian Embassy (Nwankwo and Lawal, eds., 2002). The workshop was aimed at initiating a process of legislative review of laws and statutes made by the departed military regimes. Some other coalitions of CSOs emerged with the aim of facilitating a people-centred approach to the review of the 1999 Constitution, which was a product of the military regime, to make it a credible and reliable instrument for good governance and human rights observance. One such coalition was the Citizens’ Forum for Constitutional Reform (CFCR), with a membership of about ninety CSOs spread across the country, and a state co-ordinator in each of the thirty-six states of Nigeria, appointed from the staff of the participating CSOs (CFCR, 2002). The CFCR was the response of CSOs to the setting up of the Presidential Technical Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution (PTCR), a government initiative instituted for the same process. CFCR strategy was to secure the participation of the citizenry in the constitution review exercise through workshops and other activities, and present the input gathered to the PTCR, to forestall a superficial review process. Yet other collaborative initiatives were taken by international organisations working to strengthen new democracies. For example, the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) collaborated with a number of CSOs to organise a multi-level project aimed at establishing a representative platform for democracy consolidation. Under the project, visits were made to executive, traditional and religious leaders while other stakeholders such as civil society activists, academics and politicians, among others, were brought together in workshops to dialogue on issues fundamental to the strengthening of democracy in Nigeria (Agbaje, Gasa and Bamidele, 2001). Earlier on in August 1998, the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), a coalition of over sixty geographically and thematically diverse CSOs had been formed. The TMG emerged in the wake of the transition programme announced by the then military head of state, General Abdulsalami Abubakar who succeeded General Abacha, following the unexpected death of the latter in June 1998. Hasty and impromptu as it was, the transition programme was welcomed, indeed precipitated, by pressure internally form civil society organisations and externally from the international community. The TMG announced a three-fold mission of observing elections, fostering civic education and promoting democratic norms, which it has consistently discharged by training and deploying over ten thousand election observers to all thirty six states of the country in the 1998-99 general elections, and again in the 2003 elections. These monitoring exercises were carried out in loose collaboration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the state institution responsible for conducting elections, which provided the TMG with lists of polling stations. An offshoot of the 1998-9 monitoring exercise, with regard to the member- organisations of the TMG, was that it “exposed the fact that these organisations [were] very much unequal in terms of capacity” (Iheme ed., 2000:vii).

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After the formal transition process in 1999, therefore, while carrying out follow up activities such as accountability programmes for newly elected officials in the country’s legislature, the TMG also embarked on a project to build the capacity of its member agencies as well as other CSOs (Iheme ed., 2000) This reflects the growing awareness of the need for professionalization in the activities of nonprofit agencies in Nigeria, a point which informs the next section of this paper. Human Resources in Nonprofit Organizations in Nigeria While few authors or commentators on the Nigerian nonprofit sector have addressed the issue of human resources in CSOs, the subject is brought squarely into the CSO discourse with the observation made by the then Executive Director of the oldest surviving human rights organisation in Nigeria that “in most NGOs, there are no specific career paths for the members of staff” (Oroh, 1997:142). This statement was reinforced by a recent research finding, in respect of human rights organisations in Nigeria, of an inadequate supply of professional such as attorneys, researchers and social workers (Ibhawoh, 2001:17). Other commentators have mentioned the need for agencies and professionals dedicated to the protection of the fundamental rights of individuals, but have not followed up with suggestions on ways of establishing this much desired professionalism. (Banwo, 1997:42) While poor staffing has been identified as a constraint facing CSOs, the dynamics responsible for this have not been researched and ways of addressing this constraint have not been significantly examined (Ibhawoh, 2001:30-1). Generally, the inference from these commentaries is not that professionals are in short supply within the country, but that CSOs cannot ordinarily afford to hire as many as they need. It is submitted that whatever the limitations of these fleeting brushes with the subject of human resources in civil society organisations, they do indicate that the trend in the Nigerian third sector is institutionalisation, a process which will certainly require the building of a professional staff base, a sort of commissioning of “missionaries” of the third sector. Proposals towards the growth of third sector professionals in Nigeria The nonprofit sector in Nigeria has entered into a new phase of existence, and will need to take a number of steps to institutionalise, that is, take its place as the third sector of the Nigerian political economy. Since military rule, the common “enemy” that often disrupted the work of CSOs and other third sector organizations, has given way to civilian governance, opportunities exist like never before, to advance development programmes within the country. One foundational step would be to commission research into the size, scope and structure of the third sector in Nigeria. Some attempts have been made in the past at sub-sectoral levels to gather some data on this, but even the results of these efforts need to be updated (CLEEN, 1996; CONNOHPD, 1997, Ngeri-Nwagha, 1995). A 1996 off-the-cuff estimate put the number of registered NGOs at about one thousand, five hundred (Shehu, 1996:241). This does not include thousands of unregistered community based organisations and kinship associations. Linked to the imperative of research into the size of the sector, is the need for further research into the legal framework for the work of nonprofit organizations and the character of its employment relationships. Existing publications on this will need to be disseminated more widely among

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practitioners and researchers, and be made available to the public for purchase (Olowokure, 1999, 2000). The second recommendation is based on the current trend of funding networks of agencies for a specific project in different areas. This strategy is a funder’s way of avoiding duplication of efforts, improving impact, and ensuring accountability (DFID, 2003). For optimal utilisation of the synergy created by collaborative effort, staff of nonprofit organisations will need to be equipped with partnering skills and a mission orientation compatible with collaboration within sub-sectors of developmental activity. Related to sub-sectoral collaboration is cross-sectoral collaboration, where organisations in the third sector partner with government to advance developmental activity. This calls for professional skills on the part of nonprofit sector staff who, in Nigeria, view government with a mixture of suspicion and indifference. This notwithstanding, some third sector agencies have partnered with government to advance their mission. For instance, the Lagos-based Human Rights Law Service (HURILAWS) collaborated with the Lagos State Executive and Judiciary on a legal reform project, which produced a simplified High Court Rules book for civil trials in 2003 (HURILAWS website). To consolidate the gains of this and other efforts, there needs to be ongoing specialised professional development for staff employed in CSOs and other nonprofit organisations. While there is still no overall training or regulatory body, infrastructure organisations are emerging. The Development Information Network (DEVNET) is one such organisation which seeks to facilitate access to development information for its over 140-member organisations.(DEVNET website). Another issue which will require a specialised workforce in third sector organisations is reflected in the call for the refocusing of developmental activity by third sector agencies in rural areas – the “grassroots” (Ibhawoh, 2001:18). With more than sixty percent of the population in rural areas, it is imperative for lasting development that city-based agencies extend their activities to rural communities. Developmental activity in rural communities has the potential of yielding even more human resources for grassroots work, since the experiences of rural dwellers are directly relevant to such activities. On the side of the donors, it will be necessary for donor agencies to re-revaluate their grant making processes and adjust them to changes in the developmental role of third sector organisations in Nigeria. For instance, more funding will be required for institution building, which should include provision for benefit packages and other professional incentives that will promote staff retention, since other sectors are sometimes perceived as offering more employment stability and juicier benefit packages. Where, however, cross-sectoral migration does occur from the nonprofit sector to government, the positive side is that such staff tend to bring into overly bureaucratic government processes, the innovativeness and dynamism for which the third sector is known. Another donor adjustment will be to give wider latitude to local agencies in the application of grant funds within the bounds of accountability, and to prioritise outcomes measurement over rigid compliance with grant guidelines. Finally, effective human resource management requires that every nonprofit agency should have a comprehensive personnel policy manual. This is standard practice in countries with well

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developed nonprofit sectors like the United States of America, as shown in a recent study (Okoye, 2003). In the Nigerian context, such a manual or handbook would incorporate generally applicable terms and conditions of employment negotiated between staff and management (Oroh, 1997:138). Considering the size and diversity of the country and the multiple dimensions of its developmental needs, the proposals put forward in this paper are not considered to be comprehensive. Rather, they are only intended to highlight the ways in which developmental activity in Nigeria is changing and point out some steps that will need to be taken to outfit its human agents for the expanding role of Nigeria’s third sector in the new paradigm of democratic development. References Agbaje, A. Gasa, N. and Bamidele, O. (Eds.) (2000): Democracy in Nigeria: Continuing

the Dialogues: Report of the Zonal Workshops, Nigeria, June – August; Lagos: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.

Arigbede, S. (1993): “Is there an NGO Culture in Nigeria?” in A. Gumucio-Dagron and G.K. Ngeri-Nwagha (Eds.), NGO Puzzle; Lagos: UNICEF.

Awe, B. (1996): “Non-governmental Organizations and the Development in Nigeria”, in Human Rights, Democracy and Development in Nigeria, Vol. 1; Lagos: Legal Research and Resource Development Centre.

Banwo, A. (1997): “Democracy and Human Rights in Nigeria: An Overview” in Nigeria Non: Governmental Organizations and Democracy; Lagos: Committee for the Defence of Human Rights in collaboration with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

Centre for Law Enforcement Education (1996): Directory of Penal Reform NGOs in Nigeria; Lagos: Centre for Law Enforcement Education.

Citizens’ Forum for Constitutional Reform (CFCR) (2002): Memoranda submitted to the Presidential Committee on Provisions for and Practice of Citizenship and Rights in Nigeria and the Presidential Committee on National Security in Nigeria; Lagos: CFCR.

Department for International Development (DFID) (2003): Newsletter; DFID, Enugu Office (March).

Ibhawoh, B. (2001): Human Rights Organizations in Nigeria; Copenhagen: the Danish Centre for Human Rights.

Iheme, E. (Ed.) (2000): Fundamentals of NGO Project Management; Lagos: Transition Monitoring Group.

Transition Monitoring Group (2000): Manual of Town Hall Meetings in Local Government Wards; Lagos: Transition Monitoring Group.

Ngeri-Nwagha, G. (Ed.) (1995): A Directory of NGOs in Nigeria; Lagos: UNICEF. Nwankwo, C. and Lawal, O. (Eds.) (2002): Legislative Agenda for Legal Reforms and

Human Rights; Constitutional Rights Project. Okoye, A., (2003): “Human Resource Policies in the Nonprofit Sector: A Comparison of

Civic-Advocacy and Service Delivery Agencies in Baltimore”; Research Paper, Johns Hopkins University Institute for Policy Studies, Center for Civil Society Studies (December).

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Olorode, O. (1997): “NGOs, Military Rule and Popular Empowerment” in Nigeria Non Governmental Organizations; Lagos: Committee for the Defence of Human Rights in collaboration with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

Olowokure, M. (2000): A Review of the Legal Environment of NGOs in Nigeria; Kaduna, Nigeria: Department for International Development.

Olowokure, M. (1999): The Legal Aspects of Establishing a Non-Governmental Organization in Nigeria; Kaduna, Nigeria: DFID.

Oroh, A. (1997): “Managing NGO Finances and their Effective Administration” in Nigeria Non: Governmental Organizations and Democracy; Lagos: Committee for the Defence of Human Rights in collaboration with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

Shehu, D. J. (1996): “Non-Governmental organizations and Development Process in Nigeria” in Human Rights, Democracy and Development in Nigeria Vol. 1; Lagos: Legal Research and Resource Development Centre, p.241.

The Coalition of the Nigerian Non Government Organizations on Health, Population and Development (CONNOHPD) (1997): Voices From below: Social Integration and Development in Nigeria; Findings of Research Conducted by CONNOHPD, Lagos.

www.hurilaws.org www.devnetnigeria.org

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PERSONAL COLUMNS

The Missing Link in Uganda Civil Society

Peace T. Kyamureku*

Introduction Civil society defined loosely includes non-governmental and community based organizations, human rights groups, research and academic institutions, the media, the business community and others. In Uganda, throughout its history, the environment has not been favorable for the development of a strong civil society. Uganda achieved independence in 1962, and until 1966 enjoyed multiparty parliamentary self rule and state development. In 1971 a coup led by Idi Amin started off an era of dictatorship, economic mismanagement and political chaos. This was followed by guerilla warfare in the 1980s which routed the chaos and finally, in the late 1980s, Uganda reached years of reconstruction and rehabilitation. During these years the number of indigenous and international organizations was very low but it kept growing constantly from 51 in the 1970s to 109 in the period 1980 – 1986 (Riddell, 1998). This trend continued with the formation of more organizations and there are now over 2000. Nevertheless, in spite of this significant growth, the feeling is that civil society in Uganda is still very weak and fragmented. What could be the reason for that? What is the missing link? In this article I wish to offer a possible answer to that question by pointing out one specific shortcoming that characterizes the Ugandan Civil society and could be considered as a significant reason for its weakness: the lack of recognition and support for women and women organizations within civil society in Uganda. What is civil society in Uganda? When civil society is understood to refer to all actors outside government, those in the informal sector, religious based organizations and well established, registered organizations, movements and networks (Civicus 1999) the Ugandan weakness becomes obvious. According to 1997 data, more than half of the 2000 registered NGOs in Uganda are involved in social development activities, 13% in agriculture and 8% in health. In addition, there are thousands of community based organizations (CBOs) formed to deal with issues within their communities that concern the members. The United Nations African NGOs Directory (1998) has hundreds of NGOs and CBOs listed in Uganda. Over 50 of them are made up of women, or are formed to deal with issues that concern women. Women comprise 51% of the Uganda population. The majority are illiterate and poor.

* Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 2003-2004; Deputy Secretary General of the National Association of Women Organisations in Uganda ( NAWOU )

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One of the women’s coping mechanisms is to form groups through which to improve their social, economic and political situations. The National Association of Women Organizations in Uganda (NAWOU), an indigenous umbrella association of women groups, continues to register new groups of women. In 2003, an exercise to review the NAWOU NGO /CBO directory showed that few organizations end or become dormant. While there were 1500 CBOs and 70 NGOs in 1997 registered with NAWOU, in 2003 there are over 2000 CBOs registered, and many more are not registered. The number of registered NGOs has not increased. (NAWOU is an indigenous umbrella nongovernmental organization with a mandate from the NGO Board of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to register women groups that want to network within the umbrella. Registration is a service offered by NAWOU to women CBOs and NGOs that find the registration procedures with the NGO Board expensive and complicated.) However, despite their increasing numbers, the women groups do not play a significant role as part of civil society. This missing link in Uganda’s civil society, if well understood, could lead to tapping a potential for a vibrant civil society in the country. Shortcomings in Ugandan Civil Society There are shortcomings in various arms of civil society. The human rights groups, for instance, play an active role in war torn Uganda but hardly include any woman among them. Women are oppressed, marginalized and are denied their rights by society because of patriarchy and culture, and a government which has been slow to enact appropriate relevant laws to protect them. We would thus expect women to be more visibly active and influential in advocating for human rights if there was no missing link.

The research and academic arm of civil society is predominantly male as well. It is in the Women and Gender Studies Department in the Faculty of Social Sciences at Makerere University (the national university) that women are involved in raising gender awareness, research, and publications. But its work is still very academic and contributes little to developing a vibrant civil society where women are actively involved. There is still a need to link the academic research with the realities of the communities. There are few local materials used in the teaching, and the teaching is therefore, rather theoretical. The high illiteracy rates require extra and additional resources from government and development partners to strengthen civil society. The literacy rate for women is 42% compared to 67% for men (2000 census, UBOS). Thus it requires a focused effort from the practitioners in academia, research institutions, and national NGOs to consult and work closely with the semi-literate communities. This demands resources for training and building capacity of some community leaders who would contribute to the civil society deliberations. It will take time, but is a worthwhile investment to strengthen civil society. The media plays an important role in linking government and the citizens. However, poverty and the illiteracy of the population restricts their access to information. An effort by the Uganda Media Women Association (UMWA) to reach the communities through radio is constrained by government’s refusal to extend tax exemption to the operations of Mama FM. Through radio, women can access information on different empowering subjects and it is the radio that can reach all parts of the country. Television is only in the urban centers and the print media is

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restricted by the low literacy levels. The media is therefore weak and is not completely free to stimulate vibrancy in the civil society. The business community is also predominantly male, focused on money making, and only supports the “macho” activities and sports (football, motor-racing, boxing) but rarely supports the advocacy role of civil society. Women are the majority in the informal sector and small businesses. Women organizations have partly led to the formation and are supporting the operations of women businesses at the community level, but have not built their capacity to be visible enough as part of civil society to engage government. The trade union movement is weak and has a long way to go, in a country that is relying on agriculture and a subsistence economy. We would expect the strength of civil society to come from the NGOs and CBOs, but these are still small, poorly resourced, with no focused long-term agenda, and restricted to small geographical areas. The majority of the big professional NGOs are in the urban centers while the CBOs are in the rural area. Both are supplementing government to “address unmet needs, fostering innovation, providing collective goods“ (Salamon, 1999) but they are not getting the recognition and support from government as important partners in development. Thus the country is missing out on their full contribution, using their numbers to identify social and political concerns, and giving voice to issues of the marginalized people who are the majority in Uganda. This means that they have limited impact on the national development process. There is therefore need for NGOs and CBOs to have a collective voice and action in order to engage government and donors from a point of strength. The fact that many of them are made up of women or work on issues of women becomes a challenge. It emphasizes the need to understand why they play a minimal role in Civil Society. Why do women organizations play a minimal role in civil society?

• Most women organizations are involved in social development and service delivery, but not advocacy. They serve their members but not the general public although they play a significant role in social and economic development.

• The members of women organizations at the community level are the poor, who cannot keep up with the changing policies. In order to play their role effectively in Civil Society, they need support to access information to enable them to contribute to policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring. The support would form the link between the CBOs, NGOs, donors, and the international organizations.

• They are not supported to be strong and vibrant by the big NGOs, the donors, and international organizations. The big NGOs lack the resources and the relevant information strategy to give the support. The policies of the donors and the international organizations are not friendly for most of women organizations.

• They lack strong democratic structures to voice the concerns of their members because they mainly use informal methods of work. Because only 42% of the women are literate, it takes time for the few educated ones to train others to take over power.

• The World Bank concepts of gender have overshadowed the women’s organizations. The provision for affirmative action for women and the marginalized provided for in the

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Constitution of Uganda, was ignored in pursuance of World Bank, United Nations and international organizations’ policy of gender mainstreaming that is not even understood by the CBOs/NGOs. The “women only” organizations are not taken seriously, an issue that has further widened the rift in civil society.

• The women organizations work within an environment guided by culture and tradition. There is need for resources – human, financial and time – for the leaders of organizations to be understood and to get support on issues that demand change of the status quo such as promoting women’s rights. When the elite women encourage the grassroots organizations they are “accused of planting wrong ideas” (Ashworth, 1995). Culture and patriarchy are strong and changing the status quo is not a priority either of governments, or of NGOs, which are led predominantly by men, and development partners who are guided by concepts of gender and gender mainstreaming, so “women only” organizations are seen as conservative and ineffective. One example is the National Association of Women Organizations in Uganda and the women organizations registered under the umbrella, which is an essential component for strengthening civil society.

• The big donor organizations and foundations do not quite understand the problems, issues, and concerns of women, especially in the Third World to give them needed support. They lack the personal experience of the problems and needs of women organizations, “which is one of the most powerful motivation for individual donors to give to organizations” as seen from a Fund raising workshop (NAWOU Training Workshop, 2003).

• Some grant-making organizations seek personal benefit and publicity from giving and many would not want to be associated with supporting change of patriarchy and the status quo; there is an issue of peer pressure!

Conclusion It is well known that gender inequalities lead to economic and social concerns. Women organizations are formed to deal with those concerns, and thus, if supported, could form a strong base for advocating for relevant policies and monitoring government programs. Women make 51% of the Uganda population and most of them are members of one or more groups or associations. When they continue to be ignored, then, it creates a missing link necessary to form a vibrant civil society. Women groups are an important component of civil society that should be recognized by government, donors, and all development partners and involved to reach communities and individual households. They serve as a connection for the creation of a vibrant civil society. This is, of course, still a long, slow and expensive process, but as I demonstrated in this article, worth investing in. When left on their own and divided, women groups are a wasted resource and may be used by politicians for selfish individual ends, such as supporting dictatorial regimes and corrupt politicians.

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References Ashworth, G. (Ed.) (1995): The Diplomacy of the Oppressed: New Directions in International

Feminism; Zed Books. Civicus (1999): Civil Society at the Millennium; Civicus; West Hartford, Connecticut:

Kumarra Press. National Association of Women Organizations in Uganda (NAWOU) (2003):

Fundraising Training workshop under the Transform Program (October). Riddell, R. Gariyo, Z., Mwesigye, H. (1998): Review of the National Policy on Non-

Governmental Organisations for Uganda; Kampala. Salamon, L. M. (1999): America’s Nonprofit Sector, A Primer, second edition; New York:

Foundation Center.

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The Roses Revolution: Civic Movement and Popular Change in Georgia

Nino Saakashvili*

Year 2003 was critical and crucial in Georgia’s history. The tension of the social, political, and economic situation existing in the country had reached its climax. The government finally ceased to pay even 14 GEL (1 Georgian Lari is equivalent to 2 US dollars) salaries and pensions. The country’s budget was practically drained. The condition of the population deteriorated considerably and became desperate. At the same time there was a growing number of the most expensive automobiles and many million dollar villas, which belonged to the government members, their close associates and, particularly, to the country’s president, his associates, and his clan. The formation of a group of very rich people, represented by the members of the government on the one hand, and the group of extremely poor, constituting the largest part of the population, on the other hand, was developing with cosmic speed. By the indicators of financial corruption, Georgia had become one of the “leading” countries in the world (According to the Transparency International). The cases of people being kidnapped became frequent in the country. The criminal situation had also deteriorated and the physical security of the citizens and of their property was under imminent threat. There were frequent cases of peaceful civilians being attacked and robbed both in the streets and their own homes. Human rights were permanently abused by the law enforcement agencies. These rather complicated domestic issues were complemented by external political problems. With the Chechen war ongoing just outside Georgia’s northern borders, there were multiple cases of Russia subjecting Georgian territory to bombardments – allegedly by accidental mistakes. This situation was further aggravated by the fact that Russia made libelous accusations against Georgia of supporting Osama Ben Laden and his Al Qaeda terrorist network on Georgian soil. Russian military bases, deployed in Georgia since the Soviet era, which are not yet fully withdrawn, made the Georgian-Russian relations even more tense. The country was sliding towards anarchy. The government and the president himself fully lost control over the situation. The confrontation between the political parties reached its utmost limit. Various international organizations left Georgia. The governments of different countries began to talk about possible closure of their permanent representations. Georgia’s international image and reputation were deteriorating daily. Under such circumstances, opposition parties, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and representatives of free media became very active. They were increasingly expressing their protest against the prevailing situation and state authorities. As a result of the foundations’ (non-membership organizations unlike associations/unions) work – comprised of strengthening and empowering citizens, providing them with legal assistance and human rights protection – the Georgian citizens also developed the sense of resentment. By the end of 2003 mass protest rallies demonstrated against existing political, economic, and social situation in the country.

* Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 1998, Executive Director, Horizonti Foundation, Tbilisi, Georgia

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This was the first mass outbreak of public protest in Georgia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The authorities responded aggressively to the protests. Rallying protestors, representatives of NGOs, free media, as well as their offices, were attacked in the capital Tbilisi and in many other parts of Georgia. The country’s authorities, including the president himself threatened the Soros Foundation and Youth Activists Movement “Kmara” (Enough). The threats included possible arrest, punishment and “calling people to account” (When someone requires other person(s) stop doing something) Under such circumstances the approaching parliamentary elections were considered both by international and local NGOs to be an event of paramount importance, being the only remaining opportunity to find an escape from the existing situation through peaceful change. To change the existing situation was in everybody’s interests, except for the government itself because of the fear of losing power and access to corruption money, fancy palaces and all other properties, which they have gained unofficially during the last several years from the state budget or from other state sources. They wanted to keep their positions as long as they could. In case of new and fair elections there would be no way to keep them in power. There was no trust from the individual citizens and from the whole society toward them. Therefore, international organizations and donors, realising this situation and knowing the feeling of the Georgian people, were pushing/requesting government to conduct fair elections and to give the citizens right to express themselves. Officially, the government declared that it was committed to fair elections, but in reality it did everything to prevent this. The government hindered the enactment of a new election law and systematically neglected the recommendations made by different international political figures, elections experts and others. That was a clear message to the local civil society organizations and international organizations that elections would not be fair. Still Georgia did receive considerable assistance, both financial and technical, from her international partners such as (US Government, EU, Council of Europe, Soros Foundation, OSCE and others) in order to conduct the elections successfully. During the pre-election period all attention and efforts of the international community and the local NGOs was directed toward the preparations to conduct fair elections. One of the main issues was to improve the existing electoral registers and to prepare a realistic register/list of voters. The failure to do so was “traditionally” the cause of the previous elections’ being rigged by the government; in previous elections it was usual to include the names of deceased voters in the electoral registers to ensure the government the victory through votes that did not really exist. Also, a very important factor for carrying out elections successfully was persuading the citizens to actively take part in the elections to ensure a good turn-out. Many local and international organizations, including the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and many others, were actively involved in raising voters’ awareness. Thousands of local observers from among the members of local NGOs and representatives of interested citizens were trained and prepared in various types and series of trainings for voter education issues (including the role of new elections for the total transformation of the situation

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for better future), intensive media campaigns, television talk shows, etc. Coordination between Georgian and international NGOs and donors working on elections was facilitated mostly by the USA government. Four hundred and fifty representatives of the European Union and the OSCE were planning to arrive on the appointed day to monitor the elections.

Before the elections, the government realised that really active citizens would not vote for them but for the opposition leaders and thus started to manipulate the voter lists using such tactics as including names of deceased people. In addition, on the election day it applied not those electronic lists, which were cooperatively worked out by a number of organizations for many months, but some “new”, unknown election list, which did not include many real, alive electorate. Many people could not vote at all, because they could not find their names on the list but rather those of their deceased neighbours or relatives. Again, the number of counted votes in the election pools were changed mechanically by the local election officials so that they increased. All this was happening in spite of the fact that in most of the election stations there were both local and international observers who were officially declaring the fraud and false election processes - including voter counting; abolishing of the votes of opposition members; and putting hundreds of votes in the election boxes filled by one person for the government party, etc. In this way the Georgian government had rejected the primary right of the Georgian citizens – their right to take part in fair elections.

The people who took part in the elections, according to the exit polls and parallel counting, had voted for the opposition leaders. According to these data, the opposition National Movement should have taken first place in these elections. It was clear that people had expressed their will and supported the new opposition forces. However, according to the official data (data of the Central Election Commission), the Government announced itself the winner. The opposition parties – National Movement, United Democrats, and the Traditionalists – demanded to see the real results of the elections. The great majority of the Georgian population supported them. They had lost patience, which the people have maintained in the heaviest social and economic conditions, for many years. People suffered cold weather, lack of electricity, lack of wages and pensions. But depriving them their election rights was the culmination and the people went into the streets in response to the call of the leaders of the opposition parties and demanded annulment of the election results.

This demand gradually turned into a boycott of the election results, demands to conduct new elections, and demands for the President’s resignation. The population moved to the capital, to the Main Square of the republic, to peacefully express their protest. Together with three political leaders, the people demanded that the President resign. Tens of thousands of the people stood at the Parliament building for days and nights with a single demand – the resignation of the President. The situation grew more and more tense. But the government did not intend to change its position and insisted to celebrate its victory in spite of the clear position of the whole nation. Attempts of negotiations between the opposition leaders and the President bore no success. The President had made no concessions; he wanted neither change of the election results, nor postponing of commencement of the new Parliament and he decided to arrange the first session of the newly elected Parliament, though many thousands of people demanded invalidation of the election results and his resignation.

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Meanwhile, opposition leaders gave a deadline to the President to resign. This deadline was coming to an end, and, in response, the President started mobilizing special corps and armed forces. To avoid the danger – bloodshed – the opposition called for patience and calm, order and love among each other, to temper excess emotions. Hundreds of thousands acted as one whole; they listened to and followed their leaders. Thus, in a clear message, the opposition leaders and people had demonstrated to the government that they wished the President to resign peacefully, without bloodshed and violence, though everyone feared that the government could use the armed forces against the people at any moment. The tension grew stronger and bloodshed was expected. The tension reached its culmination when, disregarding the demands of the people, the “newly elected Parliament members” and representatives of some parties, who supported the President, came to the Parliament building, under the leadership of the President on 23rd November 2003.

At the very moment, when the President made his congratulations to the Parliament members and was opening the Parliament meeting, opposition leader, Michael Saakashvili, entered the Parliament hall with roses in his hand accompanied with the marchers and called the President to resign! The President continued his speech, though there was noise in the Parliament hall and there were loud demands for his resignation. Michael Saakashvili and other opposition leaders and marchers met significant resistance from the people in the Parliament hall though it was apparent that neither Saakashvili, nor any other one had any arms and no one was going to shoot; the opposition had only roses in their hands. The security personnel took the President away from the Parliament hall. In some five minutes the hall was filled with common people, the marchers. The people celebrated their victory at the Parliament building and in the whole of Georgia. The whole world watched the Roses Revolution that occurred in Georgia, without any bloodshed and physical damage to anyone. The Coup d’etat ended peacefully. Michael Saakashvili became a national hero!

The Post Revolution Elections On January 4th 2004, the Presidential elections were held, now under legal standards, and Georgia has proved to the international community that it is able to conduct fair and truly democratic elections and that it is really a democratic country, that its citizens are able to express their will and conduct the elections and elect their President in the shortest time! Michael Saakashvili was elected as the new president. We are presently in the stage of new prospects and commencing the formation of a new state. For the first time, after many decades, people started to believe in the happy future of their native country! People have trust and hopeful expectations for the future. There would have been no such success, if the prior preconditions were not there.

This is the joint success of the whole population and political leaders, NGOs, and donors, which did their best in the recent years to make the Georgian people more active and make them undertake the responsibility for their country and their people. The Rose Revolution is the beginning of a new history in Georgia. Strong civil society, government, common citizens, and the business sector will jointly build upon this history. The beginning of the year 2004 has brought light, hopes, and a belief in the future, and the beginning of a new Georgian state formation. Georgia will show to the world that though there were severe difficulties in the past, it has great internal power, potencies, and intelligence and it will be able to become a unique model

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for the world. We believe that in the future Georgia will become a model country for the whole world. The Rose Revolution gives us this belief.

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ARTICLE REVIEW Devan Pillay, ‘The Challenge of Partnerships between the State, Capital, and Civil Society: The Case of the Media Development and Diversity Agency in South Africa’, Voluntas, Vol 14, No 4, December 2003, pp 401-420 The author Devan Pillay was instrumental in the setting up in 2002 of the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA) South Africa. MDDA seeks to give voice to the marginalized and poor and is a partnership between the State, media industry, and the community media sector. In this article Pillay outlines the political context in which MDDA was formed, its relevance in contemporary South Africa, the constraints and challenges faced by MDDA, and the impact of these challenges on MDDA’s future. Pillay’s main concern is whether the existing constraints of partnership would stand in the way of MDDA fulfilling the objectives for which it was set up in the first place. As the author discusses this concern, he explores whether partnerships involving the corporate sector in developmental projects inevitably means compromising the social goals of the project. Pillay describes how the events of early 1990s, including the release of Nelson Mandela had conflicting implications for the media. On the one hand the changing political order offered greater opportunity for the media to voice the aspirations of the marginalized and the poor. However, on the other hand the existing funding for alternative anti-apartheid media became far less and the media was expected to be commercially self-sufficient. Attaining self-sufficiency was not found to be easy given the existing regulations and hostility from the market. Inspired by the North European principles of media support, MDDA was set up to help the alternative media in its journey towards self sufficiency. Consultations among major stakeholders during the designing of MDDA revealed the concerns of various stakeholders and differences in their perceptions regarding the role of MDDA. Compromises were made and yet stakeholders have been found to be unhappy with the final document posing question marks on the ability of MDDA to attain its objectives. This is an interesting case study for partnerships in development projects. Moreover, as the author puts it, MDDA is a ‘path-breaking initiative’ for a developing country with limited resources. The constraints of working in partnership particularly in the context of a developing country are understandable. The challenge is to take the partners along towards fulfillment of the initial objectives.

Pankaja Kulabkar Johns Hopkins Philanthropy Fellow, 2001-2002. Consultant, Sir Ratan Tata Trust, Mumbai and a visiting faculty at the Institute of Chartered Finance Analysis of India (ICFAI), Business School, Pune.

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NEW FELLOWS

An encounter with

The Outgoing Fellows

Wangui Kibe-Mumanyi from Kenya has a Bachelor of Commerce degree in Business Administration and Management from Daystar University. Wangui currently works with a London-based charity - The Resource Alliance, as a Programme Officer in Nairobi, responsible for the East & Southern Africa region. Her work involves developing a programme to support nonprofits in the region to mobilize local resources for their work through providing access to information and research on fundraising trends; conducting training workshops and courses; documenting success stories as case studies; and networking with sector leaders in the region. During her fellowship, Wangui looked at issues of relevance and sustainability for membership-based “infrastructure” or “support” organizations. Lalit Kumar from India is the Deputy Adviser (Voluntary Action) in the Planning Commission, New Delhi, India in which he has worked for the last 14 years. The Commission finalizes the Annual and Five Year Plans of all central ministries and state governments. The Commission has been declared by the Government of India as the nodal agency for Government-NGO interface to have a holistic look at the vibrant voluntary sector of India. At present, Kumar is actively involved in finalizing a Draft National Policy for Voluntary Sector and maintaining a comprehensive database on NGOs in India. During his fellowship at JHU he presented a research paper on the “Role of Contracting as a Tool of Public Action under the New Governance Paradigm” based on the theoretical framework provided in The Tools of Government: A Guide to the New Governance by Lester Salamon (2002) (Ed.), New York: Oxford University Press. Peace T. Kyamureku, from Uganda is the Deputy Secretary General of the National Association of Women Organisations in Uganda (NAWOU), an umbrella of women organizations with a mission to bring together women to network and advocate for rights and social economic development in Uganda. Her role is mainly administrative and involves mobilizing women groups and organizations for collective action and information sharing. During her Fellowship at Hopkins she did research on “The Legitimacy and Challenges of Umbrella Organisations.” She visited and reviewed literature on mainly four membership organizations in the US to study challenges of active membership as opposed to the free-rider problem, relevancy, legitimacy and trust failure. Some of the lessons arising from the research are the need for members to serve as a credible voice and working to improve on the public understanding of the sector. Philip Likwilo Ndeta from Kenya is currently the Director at Learning and Development Kenya (LDK), an NGO that works with a number of grassroots organizations in both poor urban and rural areas. At LDK he mainly focuses on fundraising and management issues. His research topic

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at Hopkins was “Community Participation – A requirement for Creating Sustainable Change.” The research explores how an effective ‘community participation model’ works in the US. The study concentrated on the process of engaging communities in the design, planning and implementation of poverty alleviation projects that aim to create sustainable change in their own local communities. The main focus was the challenge of sustaining the communities after phasing out the implementing agency. Bonfas Kennedy Oduor-Owinga from Kenya is a Program Officer (Research, Training and Advocacy) at Social Development Network (SODNET). SODNET is a nonprofit social agency registered in Kenya under the NGO Co-ordination Act of 1990. SODNET works with NGOs and community based organizations (CBOs) in Kenya and the East African region on social development-related issues. SODNET’s overall mandate has been to stimulate, facilitate and sustain public discourses and policy debates on the various aspects of social development agenda using social policy process not only as an entry-point but more importantly as a platform on which to subject the popular public voice to a democratic process of social development demands. During his Fellowship Bonfas researched on “Urban Social Reform and the Capacity of Community-Based Organizations to bring about and sustain change in their neighborhoods: The Case of Baltimore Empowerment Zone.’ The study looked at the Baltimore Empowerment Zone’s approach to urban social reform and whether it promoted and sustained local community interest and engagement to foster new levels of participation, networking, and coalition building for common purpose in local communities. It also looked at the critical capacities that CBOs need to bring about and sustain change in their neighborhoods. Ada Okoye from Nigeria is a lecturer at the Enugu Campus of the Nigerian Law School, a professional institution that prepares law graduates for admission to the Nigerian Bar. She has worked in private legal practice and in several institutions in the nonprofit sector. As programme officer at the African Centre for Democratic Governance, a civic-advocacy nonprofit from 1998 to 2000, she was responsible for co-ordinating election monitoring activities in Plateau State, north-central Nigeria, during the transition from military to civilian rule, under the Transition Monitoring Group. Her doctoral research at the University of Cape Town is on the role of law in the development of the nonprofit sector in Nigeria and South Africa. As a JHU Fellow, her research was on human resource policies in family-focused civic-advocacy and direct service delivery agencies in Baltimore.

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FELLOWS HIGHLIGHTS Pankaja Kulabkar (Junior Fellow, 2001-2002) of India has joined Sir Ratan Tata Trust, Mumbai as a consultant. Tatas are important industrialists in India and this Trust is the nonprofit wing of the Tatas. It gives grants to organizations working largely on social and educational issues. She is currently evaluating projects funded by the Trust in their “Civil Society and Governance” portfolio. Additionally, Kulabkar has joined the Institute of Chartered Finance Analysis of India (ICFAI), Business School, Pune as a visiting faculty. In 2004 she was invited by the Association of British Scholars (ABS), India, to organize the seminar “Partnership in Civil Society: The Way Forward” March 6, Pride Hotel, Pune. ABS is an alumni network of British Scholars in India and is supported by the British High Commission and the British Council. A pilot seminar, this event is likely to be followed by similar seminars on this theme in other parts of India. Alain Anciaux (Senior Fellow, 1991) of Belgium created the “International Committee of the Society for Applied Anthropology” in 1997 to be a link between practitioners, academics, and friends from different countries, cultures, and languages (http://www.ulb.ac.be/project/feerie/AAl1.html). The tasks are to be seen as defending an idea: the will to place other anthropologists in the framework of the Society for Applied Anthropology (SFAA) (established in 1941 in the US), to sustain or to give them back their role as international actors within a friendly context and, especially, to enable everyone to exert one’s skills within a more inter-dependent professional community. Luz Paula Parra-Rosales (Junior Fellow, 1995) of Mexico started her PhD studies in Peace and Conflict Resolution at the University of Bradford in the U.K. in September, 2003. Her research will focus on the role of civil society organizations in participatory peace building processes. Elena De Palma (Junior Fellow, 1995-1996) of Italy enrolled in a One Year II level Master Program: “Fonti, Strumenti e Tecniche della Ricerca Sociale” (Data Sources, Tools and Techniques for Social Research), Statistical Science Department – University of Rome “La Sapienza”. Her latest work includes Crialesi, R. and De Palma, E. (2004): “Monitoring People with Disabilities in Italy: Social Policy and Statistical Information System”; Research in Social Science and Disability Journal (forthcoming). Maria Tysiachniouk (Senior Fellow, 2000-2001) of Russia has published the following: (1) Tysiachniouk, Maria, Reisman, Johnathan (2004): “C-managing the Taiga – Russian Forests and the Challenge of International Environmentalism”, in Lehtinen, A., Saether, A. and Donner-Amnell, J. (Eds.), Politics of Forests: Nothern Forest Industry Regimes in the Age of Globalization; Ashgate (forthcoming). (2) Tysiachniouk, Maria, Mironova, Natalia, Reisman, Johnathan (2004): “A Historical Perspective on the Movement for Nuclear Safety in Chelyabinsk, Russia”; Journal of International Contemporary Sociology (forthcoming, April). Richard Wamai (Junior Fellow, 2001-2002) of Kenya completed his PhD in spring, 2004, at the University of Helsinki Department of Social Policy Studies. His dissertation entitled Recent

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International Trends in NGO Health System Development, Organization and Collaborations with Government in Transforming Health Care Systems: The Case of Finland and Kenya has looked at the changing model of service delivery and governance within the transforming global health and social policy, focusing on NGO participation in delivering, promoting, and health policy-making.

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IN MEMORIAM Julee Kryder-Coe, the first co-ordinator of the Philanthropy fellows programme died December 31st 2003 from cancer. In honor of Julee we chose to present here some excerpts from Lester Salamon’s letter to Julee’s husband and family: “Julee was an extraordinary person and I have always considered it a matter of both personal and professional good fortune that she decided to end her commute to Washington and look for a position in Baltimore just at the moment I was taking on the directorship of the new Institute for Policy Studies at Hopkins and looking for a person to help me launch our new International Fellows in Philanthropy Program there. I had no doubt when I hired her that Julee was the ideal candidate for this position, but even so I had no idea how truly remarkable she would be.

Julee was, very simply, a force of nature - a person of enormous energy, determination, passion, and commitment, and all of it directed to humane ends. To say that she got this program off to a solid start is an understatement. She breathed not only life but spirit into it. And in the process she also gave it structure and form. She took my vague idea for an international network of third-sector activists and scholars and transformed it into a functioning program with dozens of applicants and a remarkable early crop of participants. And she did all this with her characteristic mixture of firmness and sensitivity, of effective organization and deeply felt passion so that we created not just a collection of individuals with a common interest, but a family of colleagues engaged in a noble enterprise. Perhaps the true measure of Julee’s contribution is the fact that this family has continued to grow, with over 120 members around the world, each of them with a deep debt to Julee Kryder-Coe.

Not content doing just one thing, Julee took on additional responsibilities, organizing a series of policy colloquia and then a memorable conference and book that helped focus national policy attention on the problem of homelessness among children and youth. In each of these endeavors, Julee displayed the same qualities of remarkable professionalism and deeply felt passion.

My most poignant memories of Julee are of how she always moved. Julee did not just walk. She strode. She exuded a kind of life force and this carried over to the convictions she held and the ability she displayed in everything she did. But this makes it all the more difficult to imagine her gone from us.

There is something strangely telling about the fact that Julee left us when she did - on December 31st, at the very end of the year. It is as if she brought her well-known penchant for schedules and deadlines to this aspect of her life as well and wanted the anguish of the past year to be over by year’s end so that we could all get on with our lives without her in the new year. But there will be many who will resist this particular schedule, and in whose hearts and minds Julee will live on through this year and many years to come. And I am pleased to number myself among these.”

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Zvia Tchorz passed away on December 10, 2003. Zvia was a member of our first international philanthropy fellows group in 1988. She was born in Poland in 1937 and, after surviving the War, immigrated with her family to Israel. Zvia was active in various voluntary initiatives and organizations and was a well known figure in the Israeli voluntary community. She served as chair and member of various organizations and was awarded the Israeli president’s prize for excellency in volunteering in 1997. One of Zvia’s latest positions was the chairperson of the Committee of Voluntary Organizations for the Absorption of Immigrants in Jerusalem. She served in this position for four years during the big wave of immigration that flew into Israel from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia. In honor of Zvia, we present this unique umbrella organization and Zvia’s activities within it. The information is based on an interview with Dr. Pnina Zabari, the present chairperson, and Zvia’s colleague: The Committee of Voluntary Organizations for the Absorption of Immigrants in Jerusalem is a unique umbrella organization dedicated to the collaboration and coordination between all the 23 (at times more) organizations acting in the field of immigrant absorption in Jerusalem. In addition to that conduit mission it also initiates its own projects and takes the lead in identifying the burning problems and offering creative solutions. This change of concept occurred under Zvia’s leadership. When Zvia accepted the chairperson position she initiated a meeting between representatives from all organizations and from the local and national established services (the municipal departments of education and welfare, school principals, officials from the governmental ministry for new immigrants absorption, etc.). The meeting shed light on the immigrant’s necessities as reflected from the field and fostered interaction and collaboration between sectors that did not exist previously. The committee is still active nowadays and is involved in various projects such as: learning centers for immigrant children; friendly visiting of elderly immigrants; scholarships for talented immigrant students; providing food for Shabbat; financing extra curriculum educational activities; teaching computer skills to young immigrant women from Ethiopia; and donating money for special educational projects in immigrant neighborhoods, etc. During Zvia’s office there was a very big wave of immigration into Israel and lots of efforts were taken to encourage more volunteerism – a central part of her activity was thus dedicated to this end and hence, her contribution to the voluntary sector in Israel goes much beyond her formal positions. In addition to her involvement in the Committee, Zvia served as the Chairperson of Hadassah Medical Organization Society for Moshe Sharet Institute of Oncology; a board member and international representative of Israel in the Rotary International Inner Wheel Woman Organization; representative to the United Nations assembly on woman and children, and many more. But for us she is first and foremost, one of the “pioneering” team of the Johns Hopkins International Philanthropy Fellows. The first to start our unique fellows family. We will always cherish her in our hearts.

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2003 Fellows Conference Statement

BRIDGING SOCIAL DIVIDES:

THE ROLE OF THE THIRD SECTOR

Statement of the Fifteenth Annual Johns Hopkins International Fellows in Philanthropy Conference, Sao Paulo, Brazil, July 5-9, 2003

Preamble

Enormous differences exist among peoples throughout the world. These differences

reflect to an important degree the underlying pluralism and diversity of peoples and societies. As such, they enrich human existence and add variety to human life.

But differences can also harden into divides. This happens when people are excluded

from the exercise of rights or from opportunities available to others. When this occurs, healthy pluralism gives way to painful exclusion, and enormous emotional, psychological, social, and economic harm can result.

The present statement examines the role that third sector organizations can play in overcoming such exclusion. The statement emerged from the work of the participants in the Fifteenth Annual Johns Hopkins International Fellows in Philanthropy Conference held in Sao Paulo, Brazil, in July 2003. Over 200 third sector activists and experts from Brazil gathered by SENAC, a major Brazilian training organization and ABDL, a capacity building and networking organization in the field of sustainable development, joined with Fellows and associates of the Johns Hopkins International Fellows in Philanthropy Program from 30 other countries to consider the role of third sector institutions in “Bridging Social Divides” in Brazil and throughout the world. Of particular concern in this conference were four types of exclusion: (1) economic exclusion, (2) ethnic exclusion, (3) generational exclusion, and (4) exclusion of disabled persons. The present Statement grew out of the conference deliberations but considers the issue of exclusion and the role of the third sector in overcoming it more generally.

I. THE NATURE OF EXCLUSION

Exclusion is a complex phenomenon with numerous dimensions—emotional,

psychological, physical, and economic—to name just a few. Exclusion is not just about poverty, though poverty is often one of its most dramatic manifestations. Exclusion is also about rights, about access, and about opportunity. When the poor lack access to job opportunities, education, health care, or credit, they are excluded. When indigenous peoples or racial and ethnic groups are treated with disrespect or subjected to discrimination in hiring or public services, they are excluded. When children and youth are deprived of intellectual stimulation or proper nutrition,

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they are excluded. When the elderly are left out of social interactions and cut off from their economic role, they are excluded.

Exclusion is a dynamic process. It changes over time as economic and social conditions

change. Attention to overcoming exclusion and promoting inclusion must therefore be a constant preoccupation.

Exclusion is a matter of concern not only for what it does to the excluded. Rather, it

affects us all. It robs society of the full human potential of those who are excluded, and it weakens the moral fabric of society. “Everything that exists co-exists,” Brazilian philosopher Frei Betto has observed. Our own well-being is therefore tied up with the well-being of others, and social divides diminish us all.

II. THE ROLE OF THE THIRD SECTOR IN COMBATING EXCLUSION

Third sector organizations can play an enormous role in overcoming exclusion and

promoting inclusion. Indeed, few social institutions are better positioned to perform this role. This is so because third sector organizations are often in close touch with excluded communities and can thus ensure that missing voices are heard and excluded groups mobilized to claim rights that are theirs as citizens.

More specifically, third sector organizations can promote inclusion in at least ten

different ways:

1. Consciousness-raising

In the first place, third sector organizations can play a crucial role in changing the attitudes and perceptions that often lie at the base of exclusion. This includes the attitudes of those doing the excluding as well as those experiencing it. The former need to be instructed in tolerance and appreciation of diversity, and the latter in building self-confidence and overcoming attitudes of inferiority and superiority. Third sector organizations can also conduct and disseminate research that documents the nature and extent of exclusion and shows the consequences it has. Bridging divides begins with self-awareness, and third sector organizations are well-positioned to encourage it.

2. Empowerment

Consciousness-raising is itself but a first step toward creating a sense of community among those who are excluded, and toward building the concrete connections that can give this sense of community tangible expression. Third sector organizations provide vehicles of participation and association among similarly situated people, making it possible for them to act in concert on matters of common concern. In the process, they help foster leadership, which itself is crucial to promoting inclusion.

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3. Opening public space

Where inclusion requires political, and not just economic or social action, as it often does, third sector organizations can also be important in opening a space for such action. This can take many different forms: creating an enabling legal environment for community-based groups, opening channels of communication with government officials, guaranteeing the right of expression and assembly, and promoting effective political participation by excluded groups.

4. Advocacy

Once the space for political involvement is open, third sector organizations can also help those excluded defend their rights and push for supportive public policies. This can include anti-discrimination laws as well as changes in tax and other policies that foster inclusion and open access and opportunities.

5. Monitoring

Third sector organizations can be important not only in changing laws, but also in ensuring their enforcement. This can take the form of monitoring implementation, publicizing enforcement lapses, and initiating legal action where necessary to ensure that laws are effectively applied. Third sector organizations can also monitor the performance of private sector organizations and publicize instances of discrimination or exploitation.

6. Promoting innovation

Thanks to their generally small scale and flexibility and their engagement of grass-roots voices, third sector organizations are often in a position to identify and experiment with novel approaches. They can also serve as clearinghouses for promising ideas and vehicles for diffusing the resulting innovations.

7. Resource mobilization

Third sector organizations can mobilize a broad range of special resources in the battle for inclusion. They can energize volunteers, foster contributions of time and money, gain access to facilities and equipment, and influence the policies of private and public donors. All of this can add significantly to the pool of resources available for community problem-solving.

8. Tailoring services to community needs

Rooted as they often are in the communities affected by exclusion, third sector organizations are in a position to know community needs. They can therefore tailor responses to the needs of excluded groups and ensure more sensitive responses to their needs.

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9. Mediation and conflict resolution

Third sector organizations can also help promote inclusion by serving as a bridge among sectors and communities, avoiding or resolving conflicts, and offering channels of communication that may not be available otherwise. They can reach across social and economic divides and bring together people of good will interested in resolving apparent conflicts and forging new alliances.

10. Economic influence

Third sector organizations and their allies in the business community are also economic actors with considerable economic clout. They can thus promote inclusion by practicing non-discrimination in their own employment policies. They can also work to improve the flow of credit to disadvantaged groups and bring pressure to bear through their investment and other policies to encourage societal practices that reduce exclusion.

III. OBSTACLES TO CIVIL SOCIETY’S SUCCESS IN BRIDGING DIVIDES

While third sector organizations possess important advantages in bridging societal divides, they also face a number of obstacles. For one thing, the third sector’s own reputation as an agent of inclusion is far from perfect. Functioning as vehicles through which people can band together to secure benefits they cannot secure from the market or the state, third sector organizations have sometimes served as agents of privilege rather than inclusion. Elite schools, expensive health care institutions, and sophisticated cultural institutions are examples of third sector institutions that have sometimes functioned in this way. Even those third sector institutions firmly committed to promoting inclusion face considerable difficulties, however. Foremost among these are the following:

1. Lack of knowledge and visibility

A perennial problem facing third sector organizations is lack of knowledge and visibility. This takes a variety of different forms:

• Lack of knowledge on the part of the general public and key policymakers about the third

sector, the role it plays in promoting inclusion, and the results it achieves. This can limit the influence the sector can bring to bear;

• Lack of knowledge on the part of third sector organizations about the communities they wish to serve. Third sector organizations face a perennial challenge in trying to “hear” communities and be responsive to their wishes;

• Lack of knowledge on the part of third sector organizations about government decision-making processes and how to influence them;

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• Lack of managerial training and capacity on the part of third sector organizations, which can limit the effectiveness with which they go about their work;

• Lack of a sufficient culture of participation within third sector organizations, which can make it difficult for them to mobilize excluded communities to fight for their rights.

2. Lack of resources

Third sector organizations often lack both the financial and human resources they need to carry out their work most effectively. What is more, competition for funding creates suspicions and rivalries among third sector organizations, complicating the task of forging alliances. Where government funding is available, other problems can arise because of political sensitivities to third-sector criticisms of government policies.

3. Limited power and influence

Third sector organizations can often find themselves marginalized by more powerful social actors in business and government. Quite often the political space for third sector involvement is limited and public recognition of the role these organizations play quite constrained. Complicating things further, the media are often ill-informed about the third sector and the problems it seeks to address. These problems are naturally magnified in situations where lack of law and order and domestic conflict make third sector activities even more difficult to sustain.

4. Difficulties of collaboration

While these limitations can be overcome in important part through collaborations and partnerships, such cooperation is itself difficult to organize and sustain. Partnerships require continuous negotiation and considerable skill, and third sector organizations often lack the skills and the managerial resources needed to make complex partnerships work. What is more, the incentives for forging partnerships are more than offset by the competitive pressures against them, leading to territorialism and limited exchange of information.

5. Indifference or prejudice

The tasks facing third sector organizations are further complicated by the indifference and lack of sensitivity that often exists toward excluded people, and hence toward the organizations seeking to help them. Prejudices confront third sector organizations at every turn as they seek to undo the causes and consequences of exclusion.

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IV. Steps Needed to Equip Third Sector Organizations to Bridge Divides

To overcome these obstacles to more effective third sector engagement in promoting

inclusion, five crucial steps seem most urgently needed. These include the following:

1. Increasing public awareness

Significant effort is needed to raise awareness about the third sector, the problems it is addressing, and the success it is having. This can take a variety of forms:

• Media campaigns to increase public awareness of the nature and extent of exclusion and

of the role of third sector organizations in combating it;

• Dissemination of best practices developed by third sector organizations to promote inclusion;

• Education of the media itself so that it understands this sector and the role it plays;

• Increased research to improve the knowledge base regarding the third sector and its role

in promoting inclusion in order to root these public awareness campaigns in more solid and reliable information;

• Broader inculcation of a culture of participation and tolerance through programs in

schools and elsewhere.

2. Increasing third sector organizational capacity

For third sector organizations to gain traction on important issues of exclusion, they must themselves be effective organizations equipped to operate in the multiple environments that affect the persistence of exclusion. Third sector organizations must therefore be able to listen to their communities, engage these communities actively in their operations, operate effective programs, demonstrate this effectiveness, interact with potential partners in government and the business community, and maintain their fiscal health. All of this requires trained personnel who understand how to operate effectively without sacrificing the core of their mission. Expanding the opportunities for management training targeted on the special needs and characteristics of third sector organizations is thus a high priority. What is more, such training needs to be continuous in view of the dynamic character of modern technology and the changing nature of third sector operations.

3. Networking and partnerships

In a time of limited resources, third sector organizations must improve their ability and enhance their willingness to forge partnerships, both within the third sector and with other sectors. Existing networks must be strengthened and new ones formed. Third sector organizations need to forge links with business and government to overcome problems of exclusion. This will

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require training and research on the nature of networks and partnerships and instruction about how to make partnerships work. Opportunities also exist to make use of new technologies to share information more widely and foster exchange of information. A new “network” paradigm is opening for third sector operations, as it is for the operation of business and government, and third sector organizations must learn to adapt to this paradigm and make it work for them.

4. Improved legal environment Despite significant improvements around the world, important challenges remain in the legal environment facing third sector organizations in many parts of the world. Changes are therefore needed to (1) remove unwarranted barriers to the formation of third sector organizations; (2) provide incentives for charitable donations by individuals and corporations; and (3) ensure meaningful access by third sector organizations to the policy process either through formal consultative relationships or more informal solicitations of third sector views buttressed by access to a supportive media.

5. Transparency and monitoring

If third sector organizations wish to promote openness on the part of government and the business sector, they must take care to ensure that their own house is in order. This will require greater transparency for third sector organizations, a greater commitment to performance measurement, and more thorough monitoring of third sector operations.

Conclusion

Overcoming exclusion is not the task of any single sector or set of people. Exclusion is a social phenomenon and as such can only be overcome through collective action. Everyone therefore has a role to play.

The third sector is unusually well-positioned to perform a leadership role in this process. To do so, however, it must continue to muster the leadership, the energy, the resources, the partners, and the skills that are required. This will not be an easy task, but we are convinced it is one that can and will be addressed. Exclusion robs us all of talents and energies we can ill afford to waste. The third sector can lead the way to helping us create the inclusive society we need.

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Agreed to this 10th day of July 2003, Sao Paulo, Brazil

SIGNATORIES

The following individuals took part in the deliberations that led to the development of this Statement and generally concur with its observations and conclusions. They do so in their individual capacities and not as the representatives of any organizations with which they may be associated or that may have supported their work:

Australia James Dyer, Latrobe University Melbourne Genevieve Timmons, Genevieve Timmons & Associates Brazil Claudio Alarcon, Servico Social do Comercio Lourdes Alves de Souza, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Juliana Amaral Toledo, Tozzini Freire Teixeira e Silva Advogados Daniella Ambrogi, SENAC, Sao Paulo Celina Andrade Pereira Vera Lucia Anselmi Melis Paulillo, Fundacao Orsa Claudio Antonio Barreiros, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Irati Antonio, Instituto Ayrton Senna Vilma Aparecida de Marchi Miguel Arantes Normanha Filho Mia Athayde, Concebe Cons. Responsabilidade Social e Comunicacao Mariana Barboza Albano, Cia. Suzano de Papel e Celulose Marly Batista Reis, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Maria Helena Berlinck Martins, Assoc. de Apoio ao Programa Capacitacao Solidaria Alfredo Birman Virginia Lucia Bittancout Moura, Humanizarte Leticia Cristina Bizarro Barbosa Lenir Borges Camimura Ana Mirla Braun Guerra Sonia Bruck Carneiro Pereira Ruth Buarque de Freitas Guimaraes, Cumunitas: Parcerias para o Desenvolvimento Solidario Andrea Bueno Buoro, ILANUD—SP Maria Lucia Bueno de Oliveira Roberta Capazzuto Ferreira da Silva, Instituto Alana Sueli Carneiro Maria Adir Chadalakian, Organizacao Salva Vidas Mirim S/C Virginia da Costa Liebort Moura Jorge Luis da Silva Hais, CDHU—Cia. de Desenv. Hab. e Urbano do Est. de Sao Paulo Ivo Dall’Acqua Junior, Sindicato do Comercio Varejista de Araraquara Angela Cristina Dannemann, Instituto Multiplicar Helena Maria de Jesus Cravo Roxo

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Clodoaldo de Lima Leite Elizabeth de Melo Rico Sergio de Oliveira e Silva, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Marcos Clayton de Oliveira, SEAPE—Soc. Ester Assumpcao de Pesq. e Assist. Sandra Maria de Sa Brito Maciel, Companhia de Transmissao de Energia Eletrica Pauli Jair de Souza Moreira Junior, Servico Social do Comercio Audrey Debei, Transglobal Servicos Comercio Exterior S/C Ltda. Maria Claudia do Nascimento Flavio Henrique dos Santos Foguel Marilda dos Santos Lima da Silva, Centro Social Nossa Senhora do Bom Parto Patricia Maria Elena Trincanata Benedetto Jorge Elsholtz Andrea Regina Ferreira da Silva, Elisabeth Silva Advogadas Associadas Daniel Ferreira Julio, Fundacao de Rotarianos de Sao Paulo Leona S. Forman, Brazil Foundation Henrique Formigoni, Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie Maria Gabriela Franceschini Vaz de Almeida, Fund. Nossa Senhora Auxiliadora do Ipiranga Nidia Maria Furiati Teresa Furtado, SEBRAE—SP Serv. Bras. De Apoio as Micros e Pequenas Empresas Jose Luiz Gaeta Paixao Alan Guedes, Comunitas: Parcerias para o Desenv. Solidario Claudia Guimaraes Rodrigues, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Lusimar Guimaraes, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Carla Hagemann, Instituto de Cidadania Empresarial Katia Hale dos Santos Rebeca Isabel Aragones Durand, ADEVA—Associacao de Deficientes Visuais e Amigos Alice Ishikawa Lariu, Consulado Geral dos Estados unidos da America Ana Lucia Jansen de Mello de Santana, Universidade Federal do Parana Evelyn Katz Maria Cristina Kiszka Beatriz Labella Anne Louette, Federacao das Industrias do Estado de Sao Paulo Howard M. da Silva Luciana Maia de Souza Simone Malina Neusa Maria Goys, Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie Maria Jose Marini Delfim Maria de Lourdes Mckenzie, Associacao Saude Crianca Renascer Regina Maria Meireles da Fonseca Alejandra Meraz Velasco, Fundacao Abrinq pelos Direitos da Crianca Renata Monteiro Pereira Diva Moreira, Researcher and Anti-Racism Activist Isabel Morsoletto Ferreira, Natura Cosmeticos S.A. Jose Carlos Moura Claudio Cesar Noranha, Centro Educacional Olimpus Hiloko Ogihara Marins

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Maria Jose Oliveira e Silva Jackson Costa, Fundacao de Amparo e Desenv. da Pesquisa Stella Maria Oliveira Tetreault Andres Pablo Falconer, Associacao Brasileira para o Desenvolvimento de Liderancas (ABDL) Eduardo Sergio Pace, Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie Solange Parada Ana Beatriz Patricio Liliane Pelegrine, Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie Ana Mari Peres Silva, Centro Social Nossa Senhora do Bom Parto Sandra Pinheiro Mendonca, CDHU—Cia. de Desenv. Hab. E Urbano do Est. De Sao Paulo Melissa Porto Pimentel Marcia Quintino Escobar, Fundacao Abrinq pelos Direitos da Crianca Marilda Rahal, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Marcia Raymundo Renato Ribeiro dos Santos, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Ilda Ribeiro Peliz, ABRANCE—Assoc. Bras. de Ass. as Familias P. Câncer Maria Aparecida Ribeiro, Associacao Saude da Familia Eduardo Rodrigues da Costa Luciane Sakata Romualdo Salcines Bear, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Ada Sarti Sanches Miryan Schuckar, Universidade do Sagrado Coracao Juliano Seabra Santiago de Oliveira Silva Maria Claudia Setti de Gouvea Franco, Gouvea Franco Advogados Guacy Sibille Leite Andreia Silva Galo Santos, Vadam Internacional Brasil Ltda. Jorge Carlos Silveira Duarte, Senac Sao Paulo Jose Marcos Silveira Goncalves Helena Stilene de Biase Alcely Strutz Barroso Emi Tanaka Sandra Regina Teixeira Fiordoliva, Empresa Brasileira de Correios e Telegrafos Erico Teixeira Vital Brasil, Associacao Thalamus Leticia Maria Telo de Faria Ana Cristina Valente Borges, Instituto Telemig Celular Marcia Vasconcellos Saab Joana D’Arc Vieira Botini, SENAC—Serv. Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial Mauro Vieira da Silva Rose Marie Vieira Motta Linck, Fundacao Projeto Pescar Ana Lucia Villela, Instituto Alana Raquel Wolfenberg Sacom Martins, Associacao Brasileira de Esclerose Multipla Maria Yamasaki

Burkina Faso Youssoufou Congo, University of Liege

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Chile Debbie Falk Brad Henderson, Habitat for Humanity International Marcela Jimenez De La Jara, Ministry of Planning

Georgia Nikolos Oakley, The Horizonti Foundation Nino Saakashvili, The Horizonti Foundation

Ghana Nana Okyere Bekoe II, Akuapem South District Concil Emmanuel Laryea, MayDay Rural Project

India Lalit Kumar, Planning Commission

Israel Ali Alasad, Lagea Community Paula Kabalo, The Ben-Gurion Research Center, Ben-Gurion University

Italy Elena De Palma, ISTAT: Italian National Institute of Statistics

Japan Takafumi Tanaka, Tokyo Gakugei University

Kenya Wangui Kibe, Resource Alliance East and Southern Africa Faith Kisinga, Ufadhili—Centre for Philanthropy and Social Responsibility Philip Ndeta, Learning and Development Kenya (LDK) Bonfas Oduor-Owinga, Social Development Network Richard Wamai, University of Helsinki

Lithuania Jolanta Taruskiene, Lithuanian and US Initiatives

Philippines Oliva Domingo, University of the Philippines

Poland Leslaw Werpachowski, Marshal Office of the Province of Silesia

Netherlands Tymen van der Ploeg, Vrije Universiteit

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Nigeria Ada Okoye, University of Cape Town Romania Mihai Lisetchi, Agency for Information and Development of Non-governmental Organizations (AID-ONG) Dana Nicolescu, Opportunity Associates Romania

Russia Elena Abrosimova, International Research and Exchange Board (IREX) Alexei Bodungen, Golubka Training Center Oleg Kazakov, Nonprofit Sector Research Laboratory Marina Nikitina, International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX) Maria Tysiachniouk, Center for Independent Social Research

Turkey Ayla Goksel, Mother Child Education Foundation

Uganda Peace T. Kyamureku, The National Association of Women Organisations in Uganda (NAWOU) United Kingdom Samuel Obeng-Dokyi, Fullemploy

United States Barbara Finberg, MEM Associates Betsy Goldberg Jessica Goldberg Peter Goldberg, Families International, Inc., Alliance for Children and Families Family Foundation of North America, and Ways to Work Joyce Moody, Johns Hopkins University Lester Salamon, Johns Hopkins University Howard Schoenfeld, PriceWaterhouseCoopers Sandra Schoenfeld Carol Wessner, Johns Hopkins University

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INTERNATIONAL FELLOWS IN PHILANTHROPY PROGRAM OTHER CONFERENCE ACTION STATEMENTS

BUILDING THE ORGANIZATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE OF CIVIL SOCIETY Istanbul, Turkey, 2002

THE NONPROFIT SECTOR AND THE REDUCTION OF POVERTY

Santiago, Chile, 2001

STRENGTHENING COMMUNITIES: THE ROLE OF THE THIRD SECTOR Melbourne, Australia, 2000

BUILDING CIVIL SOCIETY: A GUIDE TO ACTION

Bangalore, India, 1999

THE NONPROFIT SECTOR AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE WELFARE STATE Rome, Italy, 1997

NONPROFITS AND DEVELOPMENT: THE CHALLENGE AND THE OPPORTUNITY

Mexico City, 1996

TOWARD A VITAL VOLUNTARY SECTOR II: THE CHALLENGE OF PERMANENCE – AN ACTION STATEMENT

Tallin, Estonia, 1995

TOWARD A VITAL VOLUNTARY SECTOR I: AN INTERNATIONAL STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLE Lille, France, 1993; Jerusalem, Israel, 1992; Accra, Ghana, 1993