storytellers in classical persian texts

Storytellers in Classical Persian TextsAuthor(s): Mahmoud OmidsalarSource: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 97, No. 384 (Apr. - Jun., 1984), pp. 204-212Published by: American Folklore SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/540185 .

Accessed: 21/09/2013 06:54

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Folklore Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journalof American Folklore.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 130.102.42.98 on Sat, 21 Sep 2013 06:54:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=folk

http://www.jstor.org/stable/540185?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


NOTES

Storytellers in Classical Persian Texts

A systematic study of Persian foklore must involve not only fieldwork, but also a review of the classical Persian and Arabic texts. Classical Persian and Arabic texts, even those that seem to be unlikely candidates for folklore research, such as treatises on Islamic law, historical

works, or works of theosophical significance, are a mine of relevant information for the folklorist.

If these texts contain so much of value, why then have they not been used in the study of folklore in Iran? Stith Thompson implicitly answers this question when he writes that Iran is

among "areas almost completely unexplored" (1961:6) in terms of folklore. Why, if there are both textual and folkloristic data available, is this the case? The answer rests with two factors. The first is the inaccessability of the Persian language to Western folklore scholars; the second is the fact that few native collectors of Persian folklore have ever published their work in a

European language. Most classical texts, as well as field studies, remain untranslated if published at all. Many others in private and public collections are known only to a handful of

specialists. Active collecting has been in progress for decades in Iran, a fact that has escaped the attention

of all but a few Western scholars. These scholars are primarily Persian specialists with an in- terest in folklore; they alone seem to be aware of the fact that "Individuals in Iran were busily, and almost unnoticed, collecting tales and proverbs wherever they could find them"' (Elwell- Sutton 1982:101). Thus, the collection of folklore data in Iran has been in progress for some

time; however, these data have been linguistically inaccessible to most Western folklorists. It is not the collection but the analysis, classification, and study of this material that is rare.2

Therefore, Thompson's statement is only partly accurate. While analytical works on Persian folklore are few and relatively inaccessible, scholarship on Persian storytellers is almost non- existent.3

In this paper I will provide a translation of some of the earliest references to Persian storytellers in the classical literature of Iran, references that are by no means exhaustive. I am con- vinced that close scrutiny of classical Persian and Arabic sources will yield important information on the subject.

Interestingly, one of the first prominent tellers of Persian tales encountered in the classical material is an Arab and maternal cousin of the Prophet Muhammad. This man, Nadr ibn

Harith (killed A.D. 624), learned a few stories about Rustam and Esfandiyar (two Iranian epic heroes). He used to claim, "I am more skillful than Muhammad in narrating tales of old." He

adopted the practice of trailing after the Prophet; whenever he saw the Prophet preaching to

the people he would start his own preaching session by saying, "Muhammad tells you stories

about the Jews," referring to the Prophet's narration of tales about Moses, Abraham, and

Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 97, No. 384, 1984

Copyright ? 1984 by the American Folklore Society 0021-8715/84/3840204-09$1.40/1



NOTES

other religious figures of the Old Testament. "Come to me and I shall tell you better stories about the Persians" (Guillaume 1970:136, 162-163; Dihkhuda 1959 under Nadr; Noldeke

1896-1904:II, 139, fn. 8). The Prophet was much annoyed by Nadr's competitive meddling. In fact, verse 13 in chapter 83 (When Our signs are rehearsed to him, he says, "Tales of the

Ancients!"), and verse 7 in chapter 45 of the Qur'an are said to criticize Nadr (Guillaume 1970:163). One may also compare verse 25 in chapter 6 of the Qur'an. The reference to Nadr is short and provides no real information about Persian storytellers, because Nadr was neither Persian nor a professional storyteller. It only demonstrates the extent of the diffusion and the

popularity of Persian heroic tales in the 7th century A.D.4 The earliest references to professional storytellers that I know of appear in the monumental

work of the historiographer Abu al-Fadl-i Bayhaqf (A.D. 995-1077). The ensuing passages are literal translations of the relevant material in Bayhaqi's work.5

. . . and I had also witnessed that King Mahlnimd6-may God's mercy be upon him-had done [good hunting] some time [ago] in this very place, that is Bust.7 [At that time the king's entourage] captured an onager on the way, and they held it with great difficulty. Then he commanded it to be branded in his name and released, because the storytellers had narrated to him that Bahram-i Gur8 used to do such." [1977:659-660]

This small passage, on the authority and dependability of its learned author (an eyewitness at the scene), establishes that not only did King Mal.mud have professional storytellers at his court, but also that he tried to emulate the deeds of the legendary kings as narrated by them. This may have been a way of legitimizing his rule, as he was descended from slave soldiers

employed by the princes of Khurasan. Indeed, the efforts of the king to emulate the deeds of the legendary monarchs may be indicative of the seriousness with which these tales were received by their audience. Not only were these legends considered by the Iranian audience to be the true history of Iran, but even non-Iranian listeners, such as Mahmud, a Turk, accepted their contents as true and found them worthy of emulation.

A second and more detailed account of storytellers in the work of BayhaqT is the following:

The accounts of the past are of only two kinds to which a third may not be added. One must either hear them from someone or read them in a book. The condition [for their dependability] is that the reporter must be truthful and trustworthy, and also common sense must testify to that account's correctness, and God's own words [as found in the Scripture] must substantiate it; as it has been said, "Do not believe those accounts that do not agree with the dictates of common sense." And it is the same with books. Whatever is read [in books] should be believed by the listeners and the wise should listen to it and learn it so long as common sense does not deny it.

But the majority of common people are such that they prefer impossible lies. Such things as stories about demons and fairies and ogres,9 and mountains and seas [which are narrated] when a fool begins an assembly and a bunch like himself gather around him and he says, "In such and such a sea I saw an island, and 500 men landed somewhere and baked bread and set up pots, and when the fire got going and its heat penetrated that earth, the earth began to move. When we looked carefully it was a fish. I further saw such and such on such and such a mountain. An old sorceress turned a man into a donkey and again another old sorceress anointed his ears with a kind of oil until he was turned into a man again. [They say to people] other such superstitious tales that lull people into sleep in the same way as the night. And the number of those who are considered wise and who seek true words to believe in is very small.10 [1977: 904-905]

This passage clearly shows that, in the time of Bayhaqi, professional storytellers, performing in public places, were very popular. These storytellers performed on the streets and sometimes personalized their narratives by casting themselves as eyewitnesses to the strange events of their

205



NOTES

tales. Statements in the text such as "I saw an island .. ." make this clear. Thus Bayhaqi mentions two kinds of storytellers, the narrators of legends and tales who were associated with the royal courts, and the wandering performers that could be heard by the common people on the streets.

A second important body of data is available in medieval theological works. Theologians were great enemies of folklore, considering much of it to be pagan superstition that had to be

stamped out. Ironically, a glance at the contents of the theological treatises of the medieval

period reveals the great debt that these theologians owed to the folklore they so vehemently opposed. Out of practical necessity they were forced to include much of the prevailing lore of their era in their learned polemics. Indeed, medieval Muslim theologians not only adopted much of the "pagan" folklore of their society but also perpetuated and transmitted this data both orally and in their writings." Thus in their efforts to eliminate certain folk customs, festivals, and rituals, or to deny the "truth" of certain items of folk belief, they inadvertently preserved valuable references to these items in their works. One such theologian is the great al- Ghazzali (1058-1111).12 In Kimiya--yi SaCa-dat (The Alchemy of Happiness), his own translation into Persian of his encyclopedic Arabic work Ihya' al-cUlum al-DTn (The Quickening of the Sciences of Religion), there is a chapter that deals with "The iniquitous deeds prevalent among the people." Here he writes:

Let it be known that in these days the world is filled with iniquitous [deeds] and the [learned] people have given up all hope of any improvement . . . and as for the aforementioned unlawful customs, some take place in mosques, some in bazaars, some in public baths, and some in houses.

The Prohibitions Pertaining to Mosques:

It is not permitted to gather a crowd around oneself and narrate stories in mosques or sell charms or other objects. One must expel those who tell stories in mosques if the contents of the stories are not what is found in dependable books of religious tradition, or are not accurate. Expelling them was the custom of the ancients. As for those who adorn themselves and whose master is lust, and tell [their stories] in rhymed prose and sing them-when even young women are present in the assembly-such a deed is considered an unforgivable sin and should not be permitted even outside the mosques. [1974:404, 406]

This passage implies that there were two groups of storytellers. First were those who narrated tales to others in the usual manner; second was a group who apparently either dressed in

special costumes or "adorned themselves" in some manner. The latter narrated their tales either to the accompaniment of musical instruments or sang them. Their tales were embel- lished with rhyming speech and other devices. It is interesting that in spite of the prohibition against telling nonreligious (pagan) tales to crowds in mosques, al-GhazzalT does not frown on

holding other performances in these sanctuaries. He mentions the case of CAyishah, the young- est and favorite wife of the Prophet, who was attracted by a group of blacks singing, dancing, and demonstrating martial skills in the Mosque of Medina. The Prophet Muhammad asked her, "Would you like to watch their show?" She answered, "Yes." Then the Prophet stood there letting her lean her head on his arm while watching the performance (1974:249, 406).

In any event, for al-Ghazzili to mention both groups and to preface his discourse with the

statement, "In these days the world is filled with iniquitous [deeds]" (such forms of storytelling being considered among them), indicates that these storytellers were quite popular in his time. From these data it becomes clear that the public performance of tales was common

long before the time of the Safavid kings (1502-1779) under whose rule storytelling in teahouses became very prominent.13 The important fact is that professional storytellers performed in public places in al-Ghazzall's time and were popular enough to arouse a theologian's

206



NOTES

anger. That storytelling took place in mosques cannot be doubted; the question is whether

storytellers were inclined to use mosques as their place of performance or whether this was an unusual occurrence.

For example, the Sunni theologian al-Khatib states that the Caliph CUmar (d. A.D. 645) forbade the telling of tales in mosques (1967:422n.). If CUmar, who was the second caliph, found it necessary to prohibit this practice, it can be assumed that it was also prevalent during the time of the Prophet and the first caliph, Abi Bakr (d. A.D. 634). The ShiCT sources bear this out. The hadfth compendium al-Kafi (al-Kulayni 1978:78) tells the following story:

The Prophet, upon whom be peace and blessings, entered the mosque. There a crowd had assembled around a man. He said, "What is this?" He was told, "[The man is] a savant." Then he said, "And what is a savant?" They said to him, "One who is most learned in the matter of the lineage of the Arabs and pagan times and Arabic poetry." Then the Prophet said, "No harm results from not knowing this

knowledge and no benefit from knowing it."

Thus it is clear that mosques were popular places, even during the time of the Prophet, for

storytellers to narrate their tales. The most extensive discussion of storytellers as a class, along with their different groups and

various props, is found in a book called Futuwwat Namah-yi Sulta-nt (The Royal Book of Futuwwa) by Mulla Husayn-i Kashifi, surnamed WaCiz (d. 1504-05). He is best known for his Anwar-i SuhaylT (Lights of Canopus), a florid retelling of Kaltla wa Dimna (Rypka 1968:

313-314); its French translation is said to be one of the sources of La Fontaine's fables (En- cyclopaedia of Islam 1976:IV, 704). Futuwwat Namah-yi Sul.tfn, first edited by Professor Mahjib and published in Tehran in 1971, is a valuable work aboutfutuwwa.14 In this book, Kashifi has collected all of the oral information never before mentioned in books about the guilds and their social organization. One of the guilds he discusses is that of the entertainers, of which storytellers form a part. The following is the text of this chapter translated into English for the first time:

Regarding the Singers of Tales and the Narrators of Stories

Let it be known that narrating and hearing tales has many advantages. First is that one becomes aware of the condition of the ancients. Second is that when one hears of strange and wondrous [things] his eyes are opened unto the divine power. Third is that when one hears about the trials and tribulations of the ancients he finds comfort in understanding that no one has been free of the chains of sorrow. Fourth is that when he hears about the perishing of the realm and the riches of the ancient kings, he withdraws his heart from worldly goods and the world [itself], learning that [this world] has never been nor will it ever be faithful to anyone. Fifth, he will learn many lessons and gain great experiences. God Almighty says to the Holy Prophet, "All that We relate to thee of the stories of the apostles, with it we make firm thy heart"15 [Qur'an, XI, 120]. This means, "O Muhammad, We recite unto thee those [tales] from among the stories of the messengers and the accounts of the apostles, by means of which we steady hearts."

It thus is evident that there are benefits in the tales of the ancients. If they are true, and are narrated with fidelity, then the singer or the narrator and the listener will benefit from them. And if they are not true then [their narration] is a sin for the narrator but the listener can still derive his benefit from hearing them, as it is said:

No words are uttered in sheer playfulness In which an intelligent man cannot find a lesson. But if you read a hundred books of wisdom for a fool He hears them as though they were playful nonsense.16

If you are asked, "What is special to storytellers?" say, "The chair." This was originally special only

207



NOTES

to panegyrists17 and now it belongs to storytellers. And they also hold a battle axe. If you are asked, "From where have they adopted the use of the chair?" say, "When God Almighty created Adam, He ordered him to state the names of the creatures. And the angels gathered under the throne. Adam, upon whom be peace, rose and began to recite the names of all objects one by one.18 [Thereupon] by the order of the Glorious Lord, Gabriel, upon whom be peace, brought a chair from Paradise and placed it and seated Adam upon it."

If they ask, "What is the sense of using the chair?" answer, "The reason is that whoever is possessed of a skill must sit higher than everyone else so that all may be able to see him."

If they ask, "For whom are chairs brought?" answer, "For men of skill. It is because of that that the

kings make whomever has excelled in skillfulness and heroism sit upon a chair. Therefore he who is a hero in the field of narration may also sit upon a chair."

Should they ask, "How many supports does a chair have?" answer, "Four: two lower ones and two

higher ones."19 If they ask, "What do the two higher legs symbolize?" say, "One knowledge and the other insight." That means, whoever sits upon [such] chairs must say whatever he says from knowledge and he should view everything with the eye of insight, and furthermore he should know what kind of discourse is fitting for each assembly.

If they ask, "What do the two lower legs symbolize?" answer, "One symbolizes patience, and the other steadfastness." That means whoever sits upon such chairs must be patient in the face of whatever befalls him and he must be steadfast in his work and should not lose his temper at every event. As it has been said, verse: "Sit fast like a mountain so that you may not be moved by every wind/As man is a fistful of dust and life a violent wind."

If they ask, "How many kinds of tale-telling are there?" say, "Two kinds. First, storytelling, and the other, singing poetry."20

If they ask, "How many are the rules of storytellers?" answer, "Eight. First, [the storyteller] must have studied the tale that he wants to tell with a master, if he is a beginner. And if he is an accomplished [storyteller] he must have repeated it enough times to himself so that he may not get stuck. Second, he must start to speak eloquently and excitingly and he must not be plain and boring. Third, he must know what kind of narration is fitting for every assembly, when to stop and the like. He must mostly narrate such things that people like. Fourth, he should occasionally embellish his narration with verses, but not in a manner that may cause boredom; as the great ones have said, "Verse in storytelling is like salt in the

pot; if it is too little the food will be tasteless and if it is too much the food will be salty."21 Therefore one must take the side of moderation. Fifth, he should not make impossible or hyperbolical statements lest he lose face among the people. Sixth, he may not make sarcastic or critical remarks lest he become an object of dislike. Seventh, he should not forcefully demand payment and should not pester the people. Eighth, he must not stop too soon or go on too late but always must keep to the path of moderation."

Should they ask, "How many are the rules of singing poetry?" answer, "(They are) six. First, one should sing melodically. Second, one should make the words touch the people's hearts. Third, if a dif- ficult verse is encountered one should explain it to those present. Fourth, one must not perform in a man-

ner that may bore the audience. Fifth, he should not be insistent in asking for payment, nor should he im-

plore the audience with many oaths for money. Sixth, he should mention the composer of that poetry at the beginning or the end of his performance and he should send blessings to his soul."

As for singers of tales, they too, like the storytellers, must observe the same rules. [1971: 302-305]

We should remember that Kashifi distinguishes three groups of performers: (1) storytellers

(ltilekyat guyan); (2) narrative verse singers (afsanah/qissah khwanan); and (3) lyric verse reciters

(nazmkhu,wnan). In other words, he is talking about three kinds of performance, not two. Fur-

thermore, in his system of classification and as far as aesthetics of performance are concerned,

story singers are classified with story tellers rather with other kinds of singers.22

Kashif? employs two words for "story" in his discourse. One, afsanah, is Persian; the other,

qissah, is Arabic. These words are used interchangeably in Classical Persian. Thus K?shifi uses

both qissah khwana-n (1971:302) and afsanah khwa-nan (1971:305) for "singers of tales." The

distinction, if any, between qissah and afsjanah is not clear either in this text or in Persian

208



NOTES

literature in general. Even in folk usage, the two forms exist side by side as qissah and osinah (in the dialects of Khurasan and Fars, for example) meaning both Marchen and fable.

Since the author refers to nazm khwanan, "singers of poetry," as distinct from those who

sing stories, we may be sure that afsanah/qis.ah khwanani actually sang tales and not lyrical poetry. Furthermore, we may be sure that these singers of tales did not compose their own verses on the spot because Kishifi states that they should observe "the same rules" as the storytellers (hikayat guydn). The first rule which the storyteller must observe is that he "must have studied the tale that he wants to tell with a master, if he is a beginner; and if he is ac-

complished, he must have repeated it enough times to himself so that he may not get stuck (in his narration)." Cleary if a singer of tales must have studied the tale with a master or repeated it to himself before his performance he is not composing fully extemporaneously. He may be

embellishing, or using his personal touches here and there, but he is not composing entirely spontaneously. A second and perhaps more important argument against the possibility of ex-

temporaneous composition in Persian is that the rigid and sophisticated nature of Persian prosody makes it impossible for even the most accomplished poets to versify any long story extemporaneously. It is within the realm of possibility for a poet to create a few verses on the

spot, but no more than that. Furthermore, I am not aware of any studies of Persian "singers of tales" as Lord describes them (1981) who are at the same time the composers of the poems they perform. The existence of such a group of performers in some countries does not prove their existence in Iran. The classical texts are also devoid of any references to "folk poets." Therefore, so far as the rules of Persian prosody and the existing data on Persian narrators are concerned, we may put to rest the notion of extemporaneous versification.

A final point is that khwa-ndan, "to read, to narrate, to sing, to call" in afsanah/qissah khwan, may introduce the problem of whether or not afsanah/qissah khwan used a written text. I find any use of texts in this context highly unlikely for two reasons. First, as mentioned before, a "singer of tales" is required to observe the same rules as a "storyteller" and nothing in these rules points to the existence or utilization of a text. Second, as Mary Ellen Page has already shown, even those storytellers who do have a text (tiimir) rarely if ever consult it (1979:200). Furthermore, the evidence from al-Ghazzali's work affirms that in the Iran of the classical period singers of tales existed, although no Persian singers remain today.

In sum, according to Kashifi, three groups of narrators, who were members of a performer's guild, existed in Iran in the 16th century. One group, called afsanah/qissah khuwanan, were singers of traditional tales; another, called hikiayat gu-yan, were "storytellers"; and a third, called nazm khwdndn, engaged only in the recitation of lyric poetry. The poems recited by this last group were of known authorship since, unlike the "singers of tales," they were required to mention the composers of the poems that they performed and to ask blessing for their souls.

I am aware of many other references to storytellers in the verses of poets that predate Bayha- qi by many years; however, these references are extremely brief and allusive. I have therefore not considered them because they provide no descriptions of storytellers or their art beyond the simple mention. Mary Boyce has already discussed a group of minstrels who were prevalent in pre-Islamic Iran and who probably also sang stories (1957:10-45).

Notes

I am indebted to my wife Judith Anderson for much editorial help in the writing of this paper. Professor Elwell-Sutton's article gives an excellent and concise account of the major Iranian collectors.

209



NOTES

For an informative summary of Western scholarly efforts in this respect see the introduction to Arthur Christensen's Miirchen Aus Iran (1939).

2 The appearance of such works as Boulvin's Contes Popnlaires Persans ide Khorassan (1975), and U. Mar- zolph's Typoloi ic 'es persischen Volksmarchens (1980), will no doubt improve the present situation. I aml indebted to Professor Alan Dundes for the latter reference.

3 Among the few exceptions in Western languages are Elwell-Sutton's paper on his informant Mashdi Galln Khanom, which was read to the Seventh Congress of the International Society for Folk Narrative

Research, Edinburgh, August 12-18, 1979, cited in Elwell-Sutton (1982), and Page (1979). 4 These stories may have spread to the Arabian Peninsula via Yemen, which was long under Iranian

rule. See Christensen (1944:373). 5 In all of my translations I have striven to be as literal as possible, sacrificing style to accuracy. 6 King Malmnud of Ghazna (998-1030) was the greatest monarch of the Ghaznavid dynasty and the

central character of many later legends. 7 Bust is a city in old Khurasan, the northeastern province of classical Iran. 8 Bahram-i Gur (Bahram the Hunter of Wild Asses) is the same as the Sassanid monarch Varahran the

Fifth (421-439), about whom many legends exist in both literary and oral sources. See Frye (1962:225). 9 Literally, "desert ogres" (f,ltil-i tiyJltJi). This is a sort of demonic being that roams the deserts and

misleads and captures travelers. For a discussion of ghul see Masse (1954:344-345), Bricteux (1908: 128-129); also Malcom (1828:ch. 16); for additional references, see also Encyclopaedia of Islam (1965) under ghiul.

10 Motifs J1761.1 Whale thought to be island; D132.1 Transformation man to ass; D771.2 Disenchant-

ment by rubbing with magic grease. 11 For references to folkloristic data in early theological treatises see al-Khatib (1967:422). I am indebted

to Professor Ali Akbar Shehabi for this reference. 12 For details of his life and his influence on Islamic philosophy and mysticism see Encyclopaedia o/Islam

(1965) under al-Ghazzali, and Fakhry (1970:244-261). 13 By the time of the Safavid dynasty (1502-1779), storytelling was such a popular form that a special

Sufi order called Silsilah-yi CAjam (the Persian Order) was formed. It had an extensive bureaucratic ap-

paratus whose official head was a government-appointed guild-master. This organization's function was

to oversee and administer the activities of public entertainers such as magicians, storytellers, and the like.

See Ma.hjub (1962:82). 14 The word fittltut was coined in the 8th century A.D. as an abstract nounl . It signifies the charac-

teristics of the f/ata (pl. yfityin) "young men." Thus one of its meanings may be "'manliness" or

"chivalry." This word later became associated with the "guilds" and the Sufi brotherhoods. See En-

cyclopaedia of Islam (1965) under futuwwa for more details and extensive bibliographical references.

15 This verse is quoted in the text in Arabic. The text only has the first part of verse 120, the rest of

which reads, "And in them there cometh to thee the truth, as well as an exhortation and a message of

remembrance to those who believe." It should be noted that the didactic or moral use of tales is already

implicit in this verse; thus, the author's second and fifth uses of hearing tales have scriptural justification.

It was a common practice of medieval Moslem writers to back their statements with scriptural quotations. 16 These verses belong to the great poet Sacdi of Shiraz (1184-1292). See SaCd? (1959:118). SaCdi is best

known in the West by the translation of his GulistiTn under the title Rose Garden. See Eastwick (1852). 17 The word translated as "panegyrist" is ,gharra-khu,'an in the text. The author defines gharrja-kIhtvan as

one who panegyrizes the descendants of the Prophet using only prose in his panegyrics. A gharr--khu,an is

distinct from a maddil who panegyrizes only with poetry and a murassa c-khu,a-n who mixes poetry and

prose (KSshiff 1971:286). 18 It is stated in the commentaries on the Qur'an that after God created Adam from mud and informed

the angels that he intended to establish him as His deputy on earth, the angels reproached Him. In order

to show them Adam's superiority, God asked the angels to recite the names of the creatures. But not

knowing the names of the creatures they were incapable of doing so. Then God, having already taught

Adam the names of all things, asked him to inform the angels of these names. Thereupon Adam began

the recitation, the angels were subdued, and said, "Of knowledge we have none save what thou has

210



NOTES

taught us" (Qur'an, II, 31-33). Also see Genesis, II, 18-21, and The Midrash (Freedman and Simon 1961:1, 135) for Jewish parallels.

19 The Arabic word rukn, which I have translated as "leg," means "pillar, support, corner, main part of anything." Here it clearly refers to the legs of a chair. The two "lower" ones are the front legs and the two "higher" ones are the back legs, which extend upward to form the back of the chair.

20 It is significant that at such an early period an effort was made to systematically divide "narrators" into different groups according to the narrative genres they dealt with and the manner of their performance. Thus, singers of ballads or heroic poetry were differentiated from storytellers who did not have a poem to sing.

21 This Persian statement is based on an Arabic saying about rhymed prose (s,cf): "As-safiu fil-kialmi kal- mil-hi jit-taCm" (Rhyming in speech is like salt in food).

22 I am indebted to professor Margaret Mills of the University of Pennsylvania for this clarifying statement and many other helpful suggestions to improve this paper.

References Cited

al-Ghazzial, Imam Mulhammad 1974 KiYmya-yi SaCadat (The Alchemy of Happiness). Edited by Ahmad Aram. Tehran:

MarkazL. al-Khatib, Muh.ammad CAjja

1967 'Usul al-HIadith (The Principles of the Science of Tradition). Lebanon: Dar al-Fikr al-Hadith.

al-Kulayni 1978 Kitab al-Kaf? (The Book of Excellence of Knowledge, Part One). Tehran: World

Organization for Islamic Services.

Bayhaql, Abui al-Fadl-i Muhammad ibn Husayn 1977 Tarikh-i Bayhaqi (Bayhaqi's History). Edited by CAIl 'Akbar Fayyaz. Mashhad:

Ferdowsi University Press. Boulvin, A.

1975 Contes Populaires Persans de Khorassan. In Travaux de L'Institute d'Etudes Iran- iennes de l'Universite de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, no. 6 Vol. 1. Paris: C. C. Klincksieck.

Boyce, Mary 1957 The Parthian G-osan and the Iranian Minstrel Tradition. Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society: 10-45. Bricteux, A.

1908 Au Pays du Lion et du Soleil (1903-1904). Brussels. Christensen, A.

1939 Marchen Aus Iran. Jena. 1944 L'Iran sous les Sassanides. Copenhagen: Enjar. Munksgaard.

Dihkhuda, CAli 'Akbar 1959 Lughat Namah-yi Dihkhuda (Dihkhuda's Encyclopaedic Dictionary). Edited by

Mu'in. Tehran: Tehran University Press. Eastwick, Edward B.

1852 Anvar-i Suhaili (The Lights of Canopus). Hertford: Stephen Austin. Elwell-Sutton

1982 Collecting Folktales in Iran. Folklore 93(1):98-104. Encyclopaedia of Islam, II

1965 New Edition. Leiden: Brill.

Encyclopaedia of Islam, IV 1976 Leiden: Brill.

Fakhry, Majid 1970 A History of Islamic Philosophy. New York: Columbia University Press.

211



NOTES

Freedman, H., and Maurice Simon, eds. 1961 The Midrash. London: Soncino Press.

Frye, R. 1962 The Heritage of Persia. London: Weinefeld and Nicholson.

Guillaume, A. 1970 The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah. Lahore:

Pakistan Branch, Oxford University Press. Kashifi, Mulla jlusayn

1971 Futuwwat Namah-yi Sultani (The Royal Book of Futuwwa). Edited by M. J. Mahjub. Tehran: Bunyad-i Farhang.

Lord, Albert B. 1981 The Singer of Tales. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Malbjub, Muhammad Jacfar 1962 MutaliCah dar barah-yi Dastan-ha-yi CAmiyanah-yi Iran (Studies about the Popular

Stories of Iran). Majallah-yi Danishkadah-yi Adabiyyat va cUlum-i Insanl-yi Danishgah-i Tehran (Review of the Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences of the University of

Tehran) 10(1):68-112. Malcolm, Sir John

1828 Sketches of Persia. London: J. Murray. Marzolph, U.

1980 Typologie des persischen Volksmarchens. Ph.D. dissertation, Koln. Masse, Henry

1954 Persian Beliefs and Customs. Translated by Charles A. Messner. New Haven: Human Relations and Area Files.

Noldeke, Th. 1896-1904 Das iranische Nationalepos. Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Vol. 11. Strass-

burg: Verlag von Karl J. Triibner. Pp. 130-211.

Page, Mary Ellen 1979 Professional Storytelling in Iran: Transmission and Practice. Iranian Studies 12(3-4):

195-217.

Rypka, Jan 1968 History of Iranian Literature. Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel Publishing.

Sacdi, Muslih al-Din 1959 Kulliyyat-i Shaikh SacdT (The Collected Works of SaCdi). Edited by Furughi.

Tehran: CIlmi.

Thompson, Stith 1961 The Types of the Folktale. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia Academia Scien-

tiarum Fennica.

University of Calijornia MAHMOUD OMIDSALAR

Berkeley

212



storytellers in classical persian texts

Documents