Gustav Stresemann Foundation

Kanzlei im Roten Turm | Löbdergraben 11a | 07743 Jena | Germany

Donation account: 44 36 53 08 | BLZ: 830 944 54 | Volksbank Saaletal

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

“If old truths are to retain their hold on men’s minds, they must be

restated in the language and concepts of successive generations. What

at one time are their most effective expressions gradually become so

worn with use that they cease to carry a definite meaning.”

(Friedrich August von Hayek)

Editorial ............................................................................................................... 2

A lobby for liberty .............................................................................................. 3

Starting point: Why a new foundation? .......................................................... 3

Organization & structure of the Stresemann Foundation .......................... 7

Activities .............................................................................................................. 7

Contact & how you can get involved .............................................................. 8

Recommended reading ...................................................................................... 8

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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E D I T O R I A L

Dear Current and Prospective Friends and Supporters of the Stresemann Foundation,

The quote on the title page is from Austrian economist and Nobel Prize recipient Friedrich

August von Hayek, from his 1960 book The Constitution of Liberty. And in fact we observe

that values such as liberty and words such as liberalism are not only subject to a pervasive

shift in meaning; they have also apparently lost some of their power in the past decade. In

response to this development, we established the Gustav Stresemann Foundation in 2010 to

promote civil liberal values and protect our free democratic order.

Totalitarian ideologies such as that of political Islam threaten our European societies. At the

same time, leading politicians have declared the European Union to be an end in itself, as a

result of which the national sovereignty of member countries is gradually being eroded.

The Stresemann Foundation is opposed to this multicultural zeitgeist and blind faith in the

state. It promotes a liberalism that is aware of the history that enabled liberty in the first

place while taking into account the reality of globalized politics.

The purpose of this first Stresemann Letter is to present to you the plans and initial

structures of the foundation as they have been developed by us in recent months. This work

has been made possible by a generous donation from the Middle East Forum (MEF) in the

US, specifically from its president Daniel Pipes. We are deeply indebted to this organization

for its support.

Warmest regards from Berlin,

Felix Strüning | Director

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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A L O B B Y F O R L I B E R T Y

Freedom is not for free, as the old saying

goes. Freedom, that legendary, mystical,

undefinable concept. It is a recurring

theme throughout human history, from

the great Greek philosophers to John

Stuart Mill and Immanuel Kant. People

have lived and died for it, yet no one can

really say what it is. Abused hundreds of

times, reinterpreted thousands of times,

freedom is always in danger of collapse.

Freedom means responsibility and

uncertainty. It is granted the highest status

in German Basic Law, next to human

dignity. And freedom never simply

happens by itself. On the contrary: in very

few countries do people actually enjoy

personal freedom, freedom of opinion,

freedom of assembly, freedom of the press,

and freedom of association. And even here

in the stronghold of Europe, freedom has

powerful enemies.

But there have always been equally

passionate defenders of liberty. One of

them was Gustav Stresemann, a liberal

politician in the Weimar Republic and a

relatively unknown figure today.

Stresemann was awarded the Nobel Peace

Prize in 1926 for his achievements in

European peace as Foreign Minister

following World War I.

We named the Foundation after Gustav

Stresemann because he was committed to

protecting the German Empire at the time

from left- and right-wing extremists. As a

liberal who never lost touch with the civil,

i.e. the history of freedom, he can continue

to serve as a role model in a figurative

sense today.

We are convinced that freedom has a

bright future. But we also know that the

precious gift that we have inherited from

previous generations of freedom-lovers

brings with it a great responsibility:

passing on our country, the West, and

maybe even the entire world to our

children at least as free as we received it in

the first place. And perhaps a tiny bit freer

if possible.

In this sense, the Stresemann Foundation

is designed as a lobby for freedom,

representing the interests of civil liberal

ideals in society and politics.

S T A R T I N G P O I N T : W H Y A N E W F O U N D A T I O N ?

The civil liberal political scene in Germany

is fragmented and divided. In terms of

party politics, existing organizations and

as reflected in the media, it is in fact in

ruins. This is accompanied by a more or

less apparent erosion of the values of

liberty and freedom in politics and public

opinion. Could one go as far as to speak of

illiberal times? Or has the time finally

come for a strong advocate for freedom

and liberty?

WHAT DOES FREEDOM MEAN TODAY?

Liberal values among the population seem

to be plagued by problematic processes. In

the years after the fall of the Berlin Wall

and the collapse of Communism, surveys

showed an astoundingly high regard for

freedom. Everyone enjoyed the

opportunity to travel freely throughout

Europe, while East Bloc citizens

discovered capitalism with its apparently

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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boundless freedom, or so it seemed at least

initially. But despite this era of flourishing

liberty in Europe, freedom’s reputation has

suffered in the past decade in favor of

equality, security and justice.i

At the same time, we observe that the FDP

is perceived by most Germans as the

undisputed liberal party in Germany, but

that roughly half of voters for the Green,

CDU and SPD parties also describe

themselves as liberal – along with 40% of

voters for the German Left Party. In other

words, there is only a partial association

between policies of freedom and political

parties. This can partially be explained by

the fact that the term liberalism is often

associated with economic liberalism,

largely due to the policies of the German

FDP party, while the genuine political

meaning (that of the personal

responsibility of citizens in particular) is

losing ground. In fact it can be observed

that social redistribution of wealth and

minimum wages are increasingly being

described as desirable goals for a liberal

party, when in fact these values have really

nothing to do with liberal philosophy.ii

This confirms that Germans tend to

conceive of freedom as freedom from

social hardships.iii This leftist ideological

understanding of freedom also ultimately

leads to the defamation of rightist liberals

who place more importance on the

personal responsibility of citizens. This

development goes hand in hand with the

opinion propagated by leftist intellectuals

for decades that freedom means being able

to assert oneself and holding power. But

those who follow this definition of freedom

open up the door wide for abuse of

political power under the guise of freedom.

The (former) socialist countries of the East

Bloc should be more than ample warning.iv

PARTIES: FRAGMENTED AND WITH BLIND

FAITH IN THE STATE

The political parties in Germany directly

reflect this situation while also acting as a

source for the poor image of freedom

among the general population. Under the

leadership of former General Secretary

Christian Lindner, Germany’s only

(formerly) liberal party the FDP has cozied

up to leftist liberalism and is losing more

and more support from the population

every day as a result. The party received

more than 14% of votes during the last

Bundestag election in 2009, but now has

dropped to 3-4%.

An internal survey of party members

conducted by Euro critic and Bundestag

member Frank Schäffler regarding the

“Euro safety net” in late 2011 indicated

support for the policies implemented by

FDP leadership as the junior partner in the

coalition government with the CDU, and

rejection of national self-determination.

The FDP’s doctrine of being a Europe-

friendly party has apparently blinded them

somewhat to a realistic view of quasi-

socialist EU politics.

Unfortunately, it must also be noted that

the only rightist liberal organization within

the FDP party, the Stresemann Club, is

barely known outside the party and exerts

hardly any political influence, despite a

number of prominent members including

former Chief Federal Prosecutor Alexander

von Stahl. The Friedrich Naumann

Foundation closely associated with the

FDP does excellent work with the issues it

tackles, but enjoys little recognition among

the population.v

At the same time, for decades now it has

been impossible to establish a

corresponding freedom-oriented party in

Germany in the long range. All attempts

have failed due to subversion, exceedingly

fast growth, the egotism of those involved,

but in particular due to differences in

content and themes of its leadership.

These kinds of party projects take place

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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again and again when a critical mass of

political activists coalesces around a

common issue (for example Islam, the

Euro, political paternalism).vi But during

the course of the collaboration, it typically

turns out that fundamental values have

not been clarified and as a result the form

of collaboration cannot be satisfactorily

defined for all participants. One of the

main problems is fixation on the

personality of a leader instead of on

his/her leadership function. If the leader

fails, the leadership in general also fails,

because properly defined mechanisms for

making decisions have not been

implemented.vii

Uwe Jun, one of the most well-known

political party researchers in Germany,

provides a particularly accurate analysis of

the civil liberal and conservative freedom

camps. In 2010, he observed that the

integrative societal function of the parties

as mediators between civil society and the

state has drastically decreased in recent

decades. According to Jun, parties today

can be understood primarily as

fragmented organizations, formed from a

variety of groups and subunits which are

only loosely connected to one another.

Diverse, heterogeneous, and even

diametrically opposed interests, contrary

and independent rationalities and actions

make parties seem like a conglomerate of

different organizational units, a colorful

kaleidoscope of organizational realities.viii

ASSOCIATIONS AND INITIATIVES ARE DIVIDED

This fragmentation applies in particular to

associations, initiatives and NGOs. In

recent years, protagonists have established

themselves here with varying degrees of

success to pursue certain individual

interests but with very little in common

with one another. There are also

increasingly virtual types of organizations

that develop as communities related to

websites or online forums.ix

This fragmentation manifests itself

especially in differences in content.

Because the entire field of criticism of

Islam has been denounced as rightist (see

below), many critics of EU paternalism or

the Euro single currency are not willing to

work with such representatives, although

both groups in fact carry out ideological

criticism. And there are also great

differences in the scene defined by

criticism of Islamic ideology: participants

here include devout Christians and

Evangelicals, atheists and socialists, along

with numerous organizations that can

accurately be described as nationalist to

right-wing extremist in nature and which

only exploit the criticism of Islam to

articulate their misgivings about

foreigners. Liberal participants are not

easy to recognize, partly because of all the

different terms used to describe them

including bourgeois liberals, national

liberals, conservative liberals, liberal

conservatives, etc. What values other

participants represent and what

motivations they have can hardly be

ascertained from how they label

themselves.

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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COUNTEREXAMPLES: STRUCTURES THAT

WORK

At the same time, two successful

phenomena independent of one another

can be observed in Germany’s political

landscape. The Freie Wähler (Free Voters)

is a group of voters with different

organizations and minimal internal

consensusx that has nonetheless proven

highly successful in municipal elections

compared to other freedom-oriented

parties. Whether they can prevail at the

national level will not be clear until federal

parliamentary elections in 2013. But the

most important characteristic here is that

various personalities join forces to achieve

something none of them can attain on

their own: candidacy for election.xi There is

certainly something to be learned from

this model.

The Pirate Party has also enjoyed great

popularity throughout Germany, especially

after winning seats in the Berlin Chamber

of Deputies in autumn 2011. According to

current surveys, they enjoy between four

and eight percent of the vote,

approximately the same as the Left Party

and several percentage points ahead of the

FDP.

But the success of the Pirates cannot be

explained by their platform, which is too

similar to other leftist parties in many

points and is characterized by a certain

blind faith in the state (minimum wage,

etc.). The enthusiasm generated by the

Pirate Party must then be related to its

form or structure. Its (at least publicly

proclaimed) internal grassroots democracy

and high degree of transparency seem to

appeal to a population extremely

disillusioned with political parties. Despite

significant differences between the Pirate

Party and liberalism, of particular interest

here are the mechanisms which can be

useful tools for liberal political activists as

well.

SUMMARY

To reiterate, Germany’s political landscape

can be summarized as follows:

Values of freedom are not

particularly important in the public

discussion; terms such as liberalism are

associated exclusively with economic

liberalism and are increasingly losing their

real political meaning.

The liberal camp in its broadest

sense (parties, NGOs) is highly fragmented

and divided on core issues.

The example of the Free Voters

however shows that cooperations between

various individuals with very little

consensus can function at critical times or

in critical activities without forcing

everyone into an ideological and

organizational straitjacket.

The Pirate Party proves that

transparency and participation in politics

can actually mobilize voters.

We relied on these insights to derive the

essential purpose of the Stresemann

Foundation: first and foremost, it should

be a lobby for liberty. It aims to promote

the values of freedom in society and serve

to network and support the members of

the liberal political camp. The foundation

will use its expertise to advise and mediate

between associations, initiatives and

parties and bring them together on key

issues. It will also carry out documentation

projects and issue publications analyzing

and clarifying societal debates.

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O R G A N I Z A T I O N & S T R U C T U R E O F T H E S T R E S E M A N N F O U N D A T I O N

The Stresemann Foundation is patterned

after other large political foundations. Its

legal form is the “eingetragener Verein”

(e.V. or registered association), similar to

the CDU-affiliated Konrad Adenauer

Foundation (KAS). The general assembly

is the foundation’s highest body; it elects

the Board of Management and votes on

admitting new members. Similar to the

Board of Trustees of a civil law foundation,

the number of members is to be limited to

minimize bureaucracy and ensure a strong

thematic orientation.

To bring together people who want to

support the foundation, the Friends of

Stresemann has been formed. Members of

this group assist the work of the

Stresemann Foundation by providing

financial support in particular and receive

in turn for example the foundation’s

political analyses free of charge. A

membership application is included at the

end of this Stresemann Letter.

STATUS AS OF EARLY 2012: WHAT HAS BEEN

ACHIEVED ALREADY

At the founders’ meeting in July 2011,

lawyer Philipp Wolfgang Beyer was chosen

as Chairman of the Board of Management,

lawyer Sascha Giller as Vice-Chair. The

ordinary Board appointed Berlin-based

political advisor and journalist Felix

Strüning as Director of the foundation in

November 2011.

Registration in the Register of Associations

at the district court in Jena has been

applied for; as soon as that is completed,

the foundation will also register as a not-

for-profit.

Because the Stresemann Foundation does

not yet have any structures whatsoever

and only a limited staff, the year 2012 will

be dedicated primarily to self-

development. One of the main goals is to

establish contact with researchers to be

able to develop the foundation’s planned

projects. The already existing political

magazine Citizen Times will serve as the

main vehicle of the foundation during this

time of development.

A C T I V I T I E S

The future activities of the Stresemann

Foundation will focus primarily on three

areas.

The Stresemann Academy will

carry out documentation projects

communicating liberal values and

expressing ideological criticism

(especially of left-wing extremism

and Islam).

Stresemann Publikum will issue

print and online publications in the

future.

And finally, the Stresemann Forum

series of events is scheduled to

start this autumn including

lectures, meetings and symposia.

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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Additionally, the Stresemann Foundation

will expand its expertise in the various

participants of the liberal camp and

provide consulting services in Germany

and abroad. To be able to advise at

relevant conferences, the Stresemann

Foundation has been registered as a

human rights organization with the

Organization for Security and Co-

operation in Europe (OSCE).

We maintain contacts with numerous

initiatives in Germany, Austria,

Switzerland and Denmark and are

conducting networking activities. The

liberal political scene is currently at a

critical crossroads, but will hopefully

undergo a renaissance in the near future.

C O N T A C T & H O W Y O U C A N G E T I N V O L V E D

For questions about the political orientation or the development of the foundation, please

contact Director Felix Strüning. He can be reached personally at fs@stresemann-stiftung.de.

We also look forward to hearing from those who want to actively contribute to developing the

foundation. We are currently looking in particular for volunteers in the following areas:

Research tasks

Editorial assistance for the magazine Citizen Times

Translators into English and/or other languages

Researchers who would like to promote the values of freedom

R E C O M M E N D E D R E A D I N G ( I N G E R M A N )

Today we would like to recommend the

somewhat older essay Eros der Freiheit

(The eros of freedom) by Ulrike

Ackermann. The author chairs the only

German Department for Freedom

Research at the University of Heidelberg

and publishes an annual freedom index for

Germany. Her book Eros der Freiheit

provides not only a survey of the history of

the idea of freedom in Europe and the US;

it is also a powerful defense of freedom

against any kind of ideology. Ackermann is

one of the few liberals to understand that

liberalism and a free society must protect

themselves against totalitarian influences

and therefore serve as a kind of guiding

culture. Freedom after all can only be

granted to those who want it and are

willing to exemplify it in their lives.

Ulrike Ackermann (2008): Eros der

Freiheit. Plädoyer für eine radikale

Aufklärung. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 167

pages, EUR 19.95.

STRESEMANN LETTER – 1ST QUARTER 2012

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i Felix Strüning (November 24, 2011): 2011 Freedom Index Germany. In: Citizen Times, available online: http://www.citizentimes.eu/2011/11/24/freiheitsindex-deutschland-2011/ (Feb. 05, 2012).

ii Thomas Peterson (Jan. 25, 2012): Allensbach Umfrage: Der geteilte Liberalismus. (Allensbach

survey: liberalism divided.) In: FAZ, available online: http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/inland/allensbach-umfrage-der-geteilte-liberalismus-11622356.html (Feb. 05, 2012). For a discussion of the results of this survey, please refer to: Felix Strüning (Jan. 26, 2012): Freiheit, Liberalismus, FDP? (Freedom, Liberalism, FDP?) In: Citizen Times, available online: http://www.citizentimes.eu/2012/01/26/freiheit-liberalismus-fdp/ (Feb. 05, 2012).

iii Ulrike Ackermann (2008): Eros der Freiheit. Plädoyer für eine radikale Aufklärung. (The eros of

freedom: a plea for radical enlightenment.) Stuttgart.

iv Friedrich August von Hayek (1983): The Constitution of Liberty. Tübingen.

v The Friedrich Naumann Foundation did not even make the top ten list of recognized names of

German foundations in 2009, unlike the CDU-affiliated Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS) in second place and the SPD-linked Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) in fourth place. See also: KAS belegt 2. Platz beim Bekanntheitsranking für Stiftungen (KAS places second in name recognition for German foundations) available online: http://www.kas.de/wf/de/71.7170 (Feb. 05, 2012).

vi André Freudenberg (2009): Freiheitlich-konservative Kleinparteien im wiedervereinigten

Deutschland. (Small conservative liberal parties in reunited Germany.) Leipzig.

vii Felix Strüning (Dec. 15, 2011): Der (An)Führer als Person oder Funktion. (The leader as a person or

function.) In Citizen Times, available online: http://www.citizentimes.eu/2011/12/15/der-anfuhrer-als-person-oder-funktion/ (Feb. 05, 2012).

viii Uwe Jun, Benjamin Höhne (Hg.) (2010): Parteien als fragmentierte Organisationen.

Erfolgsbedingungen und Veränderungsprozesse (Parteien in Theorie und Empirie, Band 1). Opladen.

ix For the Islam-critical scene in the broadest sense, this is detailed in: Felix Strüning (Nov. 22, 2010):

Bürgerliche Islamkritik in Deutschland. Grundlegung eines Forschungsprogramms. (Civil criticism of Islam in Germany. The foundation of a research program.) In: Citizen Times, available online: http://www.citizentimes.eu/2010/11/22/burgerliche-islamkritik-in-deutschland-grundlegung-eines-forschungsprgramms/ (Feb. 05, 2012).

x Their platform is nothing more than a two-page list of keywords. See also: Politische Ziele der

Bundesvereinigung (Political goals of the federal association), available online: http://www.freie-waehler-deutschland.de/uploads/media/Politische_Ziele_der_FW-Bundesvereinigung_01.pdf (Feb 05, 2012).

xi See also: Felix Strüning (Dec. 23, 2011): Freie Wähler als Vorbild? (Free Voters as role models?) In:

Citizen Times, available online: http://www.citizentimes.eu/2011/12/23/freie-wahler-als-vorbild/ (Feb. 05, 2012).