studying national character through comparative content analysis

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Studying National Character Through Comparative Content Analysis Author(s): Hans Sebald Source: Social Forces, Vol. 40, No. 4 (May, 1962), pp. 318-322 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2573887 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 20:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 185.2.32.46 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 20:27:04 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Page 1: Studying National Character Through Comparative Content Analysis

Studying National Character Through Comparative Content AnalysisAuthor(s): Hans SebaldSource: Social Forces, Vol. 40, No. 4 (May, 1962), pp. 318-322Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2573887 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 20:27

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces.

http://www.jstor.org

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Page 2: Studying National Character Through Comparative Content Analysis

318 SOCIAL FORCES

STUDYING NATIONAL CHARACTER THROUGH COMPARATIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS*

HANS SEBALD Ohio State University

ABSTRACT

The study of modal personalities on the national level has been abandoning its belletristic and specula- tive ways. It has turned more and more to the use of empirical techniques of research. In this paper, a comparative content analysis is used to recognize cultural values in a systematic way-which, in turn, may give us valid clues about national character.

INTRODUCTION

O NE OF the major problems in the study of national character is the lack of a standardized analytical scheme, that

is, a universally applicable paradigm which in- cludes concepts and descriptive variables in terms of which modal personality structures can be described and compared.

A number of suggested analytical approaches refer to sets of important issues which could provide the frame for the study of modal per- sonalities. Examples of such analytical issues are: (a) relation to authority; (b) conception of self; (c) primary conflicts.' The issue "relation to authority" represents a universal dimension. It seems that all children depend upon older figures who provide gratifications conditionally, who exert impulse-controlling and value-inducing pres- sures, and who have a major influence upon the type of image of self and of world which the young human being acquires. Also, the adult social world inevitably contains differentiation of status and authority and has impact upon the authority image. Thus, a paradigm which focuses upon the modal perception of authority may be of sufficiently general applicability for cross-cultural analysis.

A considerable body of knowledge has been derived from studies which based their analysis upon "relation to authority." One theory has grown out of the "relation-to-authority" frame- work centering around the authoritarian per-

sonality.2 However, no consistent analytical scheme has been employed to inquire systematically into the ramifications of the authoritarian personality and accumulate reliable empirical data.

This paper adopts several postulates of the theory of the authoritarian personality as hypotheses and suggests the use of content analysis for (1) testing the postulates of the theory; (2) adding reliable data to the theory; and (3) provid- ing a paradigm for cross-cultural applicability.

POSTULATES OF THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY

THEORY

A number of social scientists who are studying the authoritarian personality take as their key concept the authoritarian family. With it they try to explain the emergence of authoritarian personality types. The concept of the authoritarian family has been utilized in the study of the German authoritarian personality.3 The main hypothesis assumes that the German child is exposed to an extreme polarity in "relations to authority" during the socialization process. The authority dimension consists of dichotomously opposed extremes: dominant and submissive, commanding and obeying, superior and inferior, etc. Human

* The author is indebted to Dr. Enrico Quarantelli, Sociology Department, Ohio State University, for en- couragement and advice on the preparation of this paper.

1 Alex Inkeles and Daniel J. Levinson, "National Character: The Study of Modal Personality and Socio- Cultural Systems," in Gardner Lindzey, ed., Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. II (London: Addison-Wesley Co., 1954), p. 989f.

2 Examples of such work are: E. H. Erikson, Child- hood and Society (New York: Norton & Co., Inc., 1950); Erick Fromm, "A Social Psychological Approach to Authority and Family," in M. Horkheimer, ed., Studien ilber Autoritdt und Familie (Paris: Librairie Alcan, 1936); H. V. Dicks, "Personality Traits and National Socialist Ideology," Human Relations, 1950, 3:111-54; D. M. Levy, "Anti-Nazis: Criteria of Differ- entiation," Psychiatry, 11(1948), pp. 125-67; T. W. Adorno, et al., The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960).

3 Bertram Schaffner, Fatherland: A Study of Atizthori- tarianism in the German Family (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949).

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Page 3: Studying National Character Through Comparative Content Analysis

CHARACTER AND COMPARATIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS 319

relationships are rarely viewed on a horizontal level (in the sense of the evaluative term "demo- cratic"), but rather in terms of vertical rank order. in terms of basic and "natural" nonequality. The authoritarian personality internalizes the concept of dominant-submissive relationship and rein- forces it with a corollary of symbols. His self- image is significantly influenced by the particular position which he holds in the authority structure. Social structure takes on meaning principally in terms of authority structure. As an occupant of a certain position he finds himself in different authority relations to certain other positions. The superior aspects of his position justify for him the command over others; the inferior aspects of his position demand obedience and submission to other positions. There exists a latent coexistence of a dual self-image, a superior and an inferior image. Which one of the self-images is to be asserted at a given time depends on the particular position.

Various values are connected with the basic authoritarian orientation. One of them is the highly manipulative leadership principle (Fiih- rerprinzip). For the authoritarian personality, it is usually a major item of creed and ritual. It evokes blind obedience to one's leader and entire responsibility for one's followers.4 The leader is not a democratically elected representative of the group, but, on the contrary, a man who feels himself "called." He proclaims himself leader. Once accepted by a following, all final decisions are rendered by him and not by the group. Leader- ship is an "inborn" quality, is "natural" authority, which cannot be learned. Obedience to the leader is only "natural."' A sort of mystical naturalism- conceptualized as charisma-adds an insuperable sanction system to the leader-follower relationship. The socially expected feeling to be felt in relation to the leader is "Ehrfurcht."6

As obedience to the leader, so was loyalty to the Fatherland another expression of the authoritarian attitude. In comparison with the Fatherland, the authoritarian individual's perception of his "self" is one of greatest inferiority. Skillful manipulation of the leadership principle in connection with the appeal to loyalty to the Fatherland is likely to create an attitude which makes war and death for the nation a glorious and heroic duty.

Other expressions of authoritarianism show themselves in form of admiration of power, strength, and work. Power and strength are attributable to both abstract and concrete phe- nomena. The valuation of power and strength receives its most concrete expression in "man- liness." Qualities of this concept are physical strength, endurance, courage, and various martial "virtues." On the more abstract level, power is an admired attribute of a nation as a whole. As among individuals, authority relationships among nations are viewed in terms of vertical power dimensions. The "superior" nation or race is justified to rule over others.

A fringe of values is attached to the concept of work. Since work is largely an activity taking place within a definite authority structure, it is also associated with extreme respect for obedience and duty. This may be expressed in carrying out responsibilities to their utmost details and to their greatest degree of completeness.

METHOD OF TESTING THE POSTULATES: A

COMPARATIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS

Two collective documents were compared: A German school song book and an American school song book. The main purpose of the comparative content analysis was to test the postulates which have been put forth in the authoritarian personality theory. Special attention was given to value reflections of the German ethos which were ex- pected to support the hypothesis that the modal character of the Germans is basically authori- tarian.

The song book for German school youth was issued in 1940 by the National Socialist Teachers' Union.7 The arrangement of content follows the conventional outline found in most general school

4 "The general acceptance of this principle among Germans has often been pointed to as the real strength of the Nazis," Howard Becker, German Youth: Bond or Free (London: Kegan Paul & Co., 1954), p. ix.

5 This is the meaning of statements by Von Schirach, who was the highest ranking Hitler Youth leader in National Socialist Germany; as quoted in ibid., p. 166.

6 "Ehrfurcht" is a term which has no exact equivalent in the English language; concomitantly in the English- speaking culture this behavior does not exist. "Ehr- furcht" might be translated by a combination of such terms as awe, fear, respect, humbleness toward a su- preme being. The object toward which "Ehrfurcht"

is rendered must be endowed with sacredness, superi- ority, authority, and power.

7 Nationalsozialistischer Lehrerbund, Singkamerad, Schulliederbuch der Deutschen Jugend (Muenchen: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Franz Eher, 1940).

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320 SOCIAL FORCES

song books in the western societies. It is divided into sections which presumedly capture the main aspects of life in a modern mass society: national identity, nature and wanderlust, work, romantic and love songs, family and childhood, festive occasions. The American school song book was edited and issued by a private publisher, also in 1940.8 The layout of the American book was similar to the German one: home and community, the Americas, democracy, nature, songs of the seasons, occupations, special days, travel and adventure, devotion, etc. The two song books were com- parable in several main aspects: They called on a major cross-section of life in society; they aimed at the same segment of the population, namely, the school youth; they were published in the same year.

The German medium included a total of 390 songs; the American medium a total of 182 songs. The unit of analysis was the individual song (including the various stanzas, if there were any). Classification of the unit, was, first, ac- cording to the dimension to which the unit addressed itself and, second, according to the type of prevailing value reflected toward the dimension. In this way, each dimension had one or more subdivisions specifying the various at- titudes toward the dimension. Twenty-eight Ger- man songs were eliminated from the analysis, because of vagueness or irrelevance in regard to major universal dimensions or attitude categories. For the same reason, 29 songs were eliminated from the American song book.

The universal dimensions included patterns, structures, and conditions presumedly found in all societies. This study included the following: own society, other societies, authority, death, manhood, work, family, nature, mating and courting, childhood, day time and night time, folk festivities, religion. Such universal dimensions have the advantage that they can be used in any variety of cross-cultural investigations and com- parisons. The attitudes toward the dimensions can, then, be categorized and the frequency distributions compared between different cultures.

Reliability of the content analysis was ap- proached by a consistent application of criteria for classification throughout both documents. Not specific words, nor implicit or latent content, were used as criteria, but rather the over-all

explicit meaning expressed in the unit. It was felt that a sufficient degree of objectivity and re- producibility was thereby achieved.

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

(Detailed in Table I)

The findings suggested the existence of two different cultural themes.9 The German medium emphasized norms and values closely tied up with the National Socialist world-view. The needs and goals of the society were placed highly above the individual. Thirty-six percent of the German songs, which included the attitudes toward the universal dimensions of society, authority, and death, quite clearly subordinated the individual to the authority of the larger social system; while not even one percent of the American songs expressed such values. On the contrary, 2.6 percent viewed authority in an aura of benevolence and cooperation. It is interesting to note that 30 of the German songs (8.3 percent) lauded heroic death, while in the American medium there is no mention of death of any sort. The nature of such German "heroic" songs is exemplified by the following:

No more beautiful death is there in the world than to die on the battlefield, to die on the green meadow, on the wide field. He doesn't have to listen to mourning and lamentations. In the narrow bed he would have to face death all by himself, but on the battlefield he finds fine company-they fall like grass under the scythe.10

A large number of the German songs empha- sized authoritarian principles like absolute alle- giance of the individual to the will of the na- tion; dutiful work as a road to success, freedom,

8Theresa Armitage, et al., A Singing School: We Sing (Boston: Birchard and Co., 1940).

I The author realizes that, in a strict sense, a content analysis merely describes content. Social scientists are reluctant to use findings of content analyses for specula- tive interpretations or to "prove" causal relationships. However, it is definitely more justifiable procedure to make inferences based upon findings from content analyses than to make them from mere thought play. The research-based inferences may be proposed in form of new hypotheses. See discussion in Milton C. Albrecht, "Does Literature Reflect Common Values?", American Sociological Review, 21(1956), pp. 722-6.

10 "Kein schonrer Tod ist in der Welt, als wer vom Feind erschlagen auf grtiner Heid, im breiten Feld, darf nicht horn gross Wehklagen. Im engen Bett nur einr allein muss an den Todesreihen. Hier findet er Gesell- schaft fein, falln wie die Krautr im Maien," National- sozialistischer Lehrerbund, op. cit., p. 44.

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Page 5: Studying National Character Through Comparative Content Analysis

CHARACTER AND COMPARATIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS 321

TABLE I. FREQUENCY AND PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF ATTITUDES TOWARD UNIVERSAL DIMENSIONS

AS REFLECTED IN A GERMAN AND IN AN AMERICAN SONG BOOK

German American Test of Universal Dimension A Dimensionsiversal Signifi

No. % No. %

1. Nation/Society Loyalty to Fatherland 30 8.3 1 .6 S National Power 28 7.7 0 0 S

2. Authority Obedience & Duty Fulfillment 43 12.0 0 0 S Benevolence 0 0 1 - . 6 NS Cooperation 0 0 3 2.0 NS

3. Death Heroic Death (Soldier's Death) 30 8.3 0 0 S

4. Manhood Physical Strength 12 3.3 2 1.3 NS Courage 4 1.1 2 1.3 NS Wisdom & Honesty 0 0 3 2.0 NS

5. Work Glorification of Work 20 5.5 10 6.5 NS 6. Family Affection and Home Cen-

teredness 27 7.5 6 3.9 NS 7. Nature Beauty of Nature 20 5.5 19 12.5 S

Wanderlust 51 14.0 9 5.8 S Conquest of Nature 0 0 8 5.2 NS Adversity of Nature 0 0 4 2.6 NS

8. Mating and Courting Affection 21 5.8 11 7.2 NS Unhappy Ending 5 1.4 1 .6 NS

9. Childhood Play and Gaiety 18 4.9 26 17.0 S Protection and Tenderness 10 2.8 5 3.5 NS

10. Evening Time Peacefulness 8 2.2 2 1.3 NS 11. Night Time Peacefulness 0 0 6 3.9 NS

Melancholy & Nostalgia 5 1.4 1 .6 NS 12. Folk Festivities Active Gaiety and Dance 16 4.4 7 4.6 NS

Passive Spectatorship 0 0 4 2.6 NS 13. Religion Christianity 14 3.9 15 9.8 S 14. Other Nations Friendship & Peace 0 0 7 4.6 NS

Totals ... 362 100.0 153 100.0

* Chi-square Computations: NS = Not Significant; S = Significant at least on the .01 level.

and power; courage to fight to the end for the freedom of the nation. This latter value is re- flected in the following song: "Many of us will have to fall and die before the banner can fly in glory at the final goal. We want to remind you- who are following us-that success (or happiness) must be won by blood.'1

On the other side, the American songs suggested goals and ideas derived from a much more diffuse national concept, from a philosophy that places individual achievement, self-development and per- sonal happiness in the foreground. Representation

of ideologically required norms and goals were less definite and less frequent. In the German medium, the leader or the nation demanded absolute obedience. The following song is typical and representative of a whole host of similar ones, reflecting and emphasizing the value of submission to authority symbols: "Our stand is the stand of loyalty; we are stepping in accord with the command of loyalty; we march after the flag; and so we will not fail."'2 In the American medium, this attitude was altogether absent. Instead, there was a sympathetic and cooperative view of na- tional leaders and of the national society. Great

11 "Fallen mussen viele und in der Nacht vergehn, eh am letzten Ziele gross die Banner wehn . . . Euch, die nach uns kommen, hammern wir es ein: was zum Gluick soll frommen, muss erblutet sein!" ibid., p. 90.

12 CCWo wir stehen, steht die Treue, unser Schritt ist ihr Befehl. Wir marschieren nach der Fahne, so mar- schieren wir nicht fehl," ibid., p. 91.

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322 SOCIAL FORCES

national personalities did not carry the stigma of "charisma" and did not demand submission; rather they were pictured as images of the "com- mon man." The song "Honest Abe" (referring to Abraham Lincoln) is typical of this value re- flection: "They called him 'Honest Abe', for he was always fair, and people liked and trusted him, because they found him square; and well they knew he carried through each bargain he began, because Lincoln was an honest man."'3

These findings were quantitatively as well as qualitatively corroborated by Lewinl4 who found that 18 percent of the Hitler Youth literature in 1939 consisted of themes on national loyalty; while at the same time, only 6 percent of American Boy Scout literature focused upon this theme. Conversely, he found that hardly 1 percent of the German medium referred to religious values, while 3 percent of the American medium enter- tained religious themes. In our study, while only 3.9 percent of the German songs reflected religious values (traditional Christian ideas), 9.8 percent of the American medium fit that category. This difference was statistically significant on the .01 level.

The assessment of manhood in the German literature indicated a strong emphasis upon physical strength, while in the American literature manhood was associated with wisdom and honesty.

In general, it may be said that the hypotheses referring to principles of German authoritarian personality were supported by the findings.

There were other noteworthy differences al- though they might not be as closely related to "relations to authority" as the ones discovered above. VVhile attitudes toward nature were all pleasant and congenial in the German medium, the American medium displayed some negative reactions. In several songs adversities of nature

were depicted. Such songs responded negatively to rain, snow, etc.-phenomena which in the German literature are not perceived as adver- sities at all, but rather as lovely and pleasant events. Some other American songs referred to the conquest of nature. Again, this is an attitude completely absent from the German literature. While more American songs referred to Nature's beauty, a remarkably higher percentage of the German songs expressed wanderlust. Attitudes toward folk festivities, especially dancing, showed a more actively participating mood in the German songs, while several American songs reflected a passive attitude of spectatorship toward circuses, dances, fairs, plays, etc. Attitudes toward child- hood showed statistically significant differences: only 4.9 percent of the German songs emphasized play and gaiety, while 17 percent of the American songs reflected such attitudes. The greater Ameri- can preoccupation with children can be seen from a total of 7.7 percent of the German and a total of 20.5 percent of the American songs concerning childhood.

Finally, it should be understood that, although the study was presented in static terms-in terms of a "frozen" instance of the culture-the dynamism of value patterns and reflections in mass communications is always operative. The time dimension exposes this dynamism and be- comes explicit when we engage in historical considerations. What were definite value expres- sions 15 to 20 years ago may have undergone drastic changes by today. It should also be under- stood that we simplified the relation between cultural values reflected in the literature and the model personality structure. It would be mis- leading to suggest a simple and direct relation- ship between the two variables. The question as to which is the antecedent and which the con- sequent would certainly be a naive inquiry. It will remain the task for future research to in- vestigate the complex interplay between the two variables.

13 Theresa Armitage, et al., op. cit., p. 128. 14 Herbert S. Lewin, "Hilter Youth and the Boy

Scouts of America," Human Relations, 1(1947), pp. 206-27.

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