COBRA 2002

Proceedings of the RICS Foundation construction and building research conference

Nottingham Trent University

5-6 September 2002

ISBN 1-84233-074-8

THE SUSTAINABLE RE-USE OF HISTORIC URBAN INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS: INTERIM RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Karen Holyoake, David Watt Leicester School of Architecture, De Montfort University, The Gateway, Leicester, LE1 9BH, UK Abstract The re-use of historic industrial buildings has facilitated the revitalisation of various urban areas. There are many buildings, however, that remain redundant and in a poor state of repair. Often these buildings are located in areas of high unemployment, with social and environmental deprivation, yet hold the potential for major urban regeneration. The aim of a current doctoral research project is to explore – using surveys, interviews, and developed scales – the sustainable re-use of historic urban industrial buildings. In particular, this work seeks to understand the significance and relative importance of the social and cultural issues associated with re-use and urban regeneration. At a theoretical level, this research seeks to understand the cultural meaning given to re-use by exploring social constructs. Such an approach aims to provide an unusual perspective on re-use, conservation, and urban regeneration. The research explores the ‘taken-for-granted’ assumptions (social constructs) made about re-use and attempts to interpret (as well as identify) the myths associated with our built environment. ‘Use never does anything but shelter meaning’ (Barthes, 1979). Keywords Architectural conservation. Industrial buildings. Sustainable re-use. Urban regeneration. Introduction Urban areas are at the centre of many of the challenges and opportunities facing the construction industry and professions as we move into the new millennium. Our towns and cities are changing, and this is reflected in the investment that the construction industry (through new-build schemes and re-use projects) is making in our urban environment. For example, one can not walk through the streets of Birmingham without sensing that ‘something’ is happening to the fabric of the city. This current doctoral research project sets out to explore the issues that constitute the ‘meaning’ we give to re-use – in particular, the re-use of historical industrial buildings in an urban setting. But why are studio apartments in old warehouses the ‘new barn conversions’ of the late twentieth century? The imagery of these apartments (open plan with exposed brickwork and wooden floors) sells status and we, in the construction industry (including conservation), are tapping into the commodity that is re-use.

Sustainability is, according to English Heritage (1997), a process. For the purpose of this research project, the key principles of sustainability are taken to be those listed by English Heritage in Sustaining the Historic Environment: New Perspectives on the Future (1997). These include developing a stronger understanding of the historic environment, achieving greater public involvement, keeping our activities to levels that do not permanently damage the historic environment, and ensuring that decisions about the historic environment are made on the basis of the best possible information (English Heritage, 1997). The pioneering work of Cantacuzino (1989) led the way in adapting old buildings for new uses and was perhaps at the forefront of a new type of conservation. Following Cantacuzino’s work, there have been many studies on the re-use of buildings and most are categorised by reference to the building’s function. One of the aims of this research project is to explore the meanings attached to re-use and the cultural themes associated with re-using industrial buildings. To consider this, it is necessary to look first at the nature of conservation and urban regeneration; and then to consider what re-use and sustainability represent. That will enable a closer examination of government policies, including guidelines set by English Heritage, which relate to urban conservation and regeneration issues. This research is innovative, but it is hoped that it will encourage those involved in the construction industry to question everyday assumptions associated with the built environment and that it will challenge the myths that surround re-use and conservation. This paper presents interim results and discussion based upon current literature concerning re-use, conservation, and urban regeneration, and the results from a questionnaire tool, developed to provide information about re-used industrial buildings from external features. It is limited in scope in as much as the focal data collected using the questionnaire tool represents the first stage in this doctoral research project, but nevertheless the findings are as follows:

• Re-use provides mixed-use environments and promotes urban regeneration. • Re-use creates an identity for an area and boosts the image of a town or city. • There are ‘taken-for-granted’ assumptions about what constitutes re-use,

conservation, and urban regeneration. • Living in a re-used industrial building is about choosing a type of ‘lifestyle’.

That was Then – This is Now Industrial buildings were ‘built to last’ (Binney, Machin and Powell, 1990). Generally occupying large areas of land (in rural and urban settings), the buildings demonstrate a sense of importance and smugly represent a bygone time when the city was thriving. The demise of the great industries during the early part of the twentieth century brought large urban areas to their knees. In most cases the buildings have stood empty for long periods of time and existed as the ‘uninvited guest’ of many towns and cities. There has

been little interest or appeal in doing anything with these imposing structures. It has only been in recent decades that new uses for these buildings have been explored. However, there are buildings that remain redundant and in a poor state of repair. Often these buildings are located in areas of high unemployment, with social and environmental deprivation, yet hold the potential for major urban regeneration. Many towns and cities are now embracing such areas and the importance of these buildings in creating jobs, boosting the economy, promoting cultural values, and encouraging regeneration in towns and cities is highly recognised (MORI, 2000). This would suggest that urban regeneration is perhaps more widely considered, not only by those involved in our built environment, but also by those who occupy it. From this position, the research has sought to understand the systems associated with harnessing the re-use potential and to explore the expectations placed on these buildings to bring run-down urban areas back to life. Perhaps fundamental to understanding such systems is asking the question: why now? It would appear that, when browsing through either journals specific to the built environment or magazines to do with our homes and lifestyle, there is a desire to entice people back into our urban areas to live and work. And if a town or city cannot provide this new type of studio apartment or office accommodation, the urban area is thought to be slow on the uptake of modern trends. This opens up a multitude of possibilities for exploring the curious nature of this type of ‘returning to the cities’ phenomena. What is it about studio apartments, canal-side cafés, and consumer imagery that has impacted upon our sense of re-use and conservation? The attraction of an urban lifestyle is created by the way the new use or concept is sold. The label given to the ‘type of re-use’ will create an identity. For example, accommodation advertised as luxury studio apartments will attract a certain type of person, which will in turn draw specific types of commercial uses. The meanings attached to such a scheme exist without an artist’s impression of the development or visiting the building. It seems that literature on the topic of re-using industrial buildings is mostly concerned with the issue of fitting a new use into an old building. As the research project becomes more concerned with the nature of re-use, it would appear that there are many related and seemingly more complex concepts. This has proved useful in qualifying the direction of the research project and identifying new questions. For example, how can the meanings attached to re-use be explored? In what way can the representation of historic industrial buildings be examined? How do the social and cultural concepts of locality affect the potential for urban regeneration? The Challenges of Re-Use, Conservation, and Urban Regeneration Buildings have been used for different functions other than their intended built use for centuries. In recent decades the concept of re-use has certainly changed. Re-use can mean something special, unique, and often expensive.

According to English Heritage’s recent publication Power of Place: The Future of the Historic Environment (2000), it would appear that the whole notion of what constitutes re-use and the importance we, as a nation, attach to our built heritage is now more definitive than ever. So much so, that this review of policies (relating to the historic environment of England) reads almost like a charter from which all considered professional opinion should take stock. Conservation per se has received increased media coverage during recent years and it would seem that saving old buildings has become a national pastime. According to English Heritage (2000), this passion for our built environment is based on the high value most people place on the historic environment and the care that is lavished on their immediate surroundings. It is evident from recent publications on re-using historic buildings (e.g. Latham, 2000; Stratton, 2000) that urban issues are important when re-using buildings in our towns and cities. Urban regeneration is a highly specialised area of study. As long ago as 1974, Hall (1974) examined the problems of communities scarred by industrial or urban dereliction, the growth and spread of urban populations, the need to provide new jobs, and the conservation of a threatened heritage. In the previous decade, Jacobs (1964) was making some rather interesting observations that we reflect on even today. Her work involved looking closely at the ‘mysterious’ and ‘perverse’ behaviour of cities in an attempt to see what the most ordinary scenes and events mean. When considering old buildings, Jacobs made the following observation almost 40 years ago:

Among the most admirable and enjoyable sights to be found along the sidewalks of big cities are the ingenious adaptations of old quarters to new uses.

Using the historic environment to encourage urban regeneration goes some way to unlocking the potential desirability of an area and the meaning of re-use. The historic environment represents the investment of centuries and gives places a unique competitive advantage (English Heritage, 2000). ‘Conservation-led regeneration’, according to English Heritage (2000), generates jobs, attracts people to live in an area, businesses to invest, and tourists to visit. Exploring the relationship between re-use and conservation, and the impact of such a relationship on urban regeneration, remains an important consideration of this research project. Social and Cultural Perspectives The focus of this research project is on the social and cultural perspectives or the meaning that re-use inspires from our industrial buildings. The work is not primarily concerned with ‘sustainable practice’, but is interested in the opinions of people involved in the re-use of historic buildings on broader environmental issues. According to Fairclough (1999), sustaining the historic environment is concerned with the contribution – which will continually change, expand, or alter – that the past can make to present and future environments. He continues: ‘This way of looking at sustainability – of sustaining character and use rather than intrinsic, physical remains – brings to the fore the concepts of perception and valuation, and therefore people’.

What are social concepts? To be more precise, what are the social concepts that can be said to have significance in regard to re-use, conservation, and urban regeneration? The answer to these questions can be as broad and varied as the concepts and theories that sociologists have developed over the past 100 years. However, it is possible to try and be more precise when considering that most sociological concepts concern people in the same way that the built environment concerns people. This tenuous link points up concepts such as economics, politics, law, liberty, status, and social order; all of which provided foundations for dominant strains of sociological concern throughout the twentieth century. It can be seen how these concepts overlap, weaving in and out of the built environment to provide a fabric that cannot be ignored when considering the function, symbolism, and impact of our heritage on the everyday lives of people. It is with these concepts that the prestigious first generation sociologists such as Marx (including post-Marx sociology: Althusser, 1971; Gramsci, 1971), Durkheim (1967) and Parsons (1951) concerned themselves (Edgar and Sedgwick, 1999). Having highlighted the nature of sociological concepts, it is now feasible to begin defining in more detail what is meant by the term ‘culture’, for the concept of culture is important in the development of this research project. Edgar and Sedgwick (1999) note that culture is ‘polyvocal’. By this, they mean it is contextual and difficult to define. Yet, for the purpose of this project, the term culture will refer to Hall et al (1997), who argue that culture can be understood as a ‘circuit’ of ‘shared meanings’. This implies that, via language, everything that is human is cultural. The way in which meaning is attached to activities, objects, and buildings provides a representation of a culture at any given time. Within this notion, and remembering the issues relating to sociological theory, there are many concepts that can be applied to exploring re-use from an unusual perspective. For example, Woodward et al (1997) identifies a sense of ‘belonging’ as being an important cultural issue for future research. Likewise, others identify tradition (Benjamin, 1991), identity (Du Gay, 1997), media (Thompson, 1997) and consumption (Mackay, 1997). It is important to make clear that this research project does not focus on the multicultural and multi-ethnic dimension of urban regeneration. It is concerned with the exploration of the representations and lived experiences of everyday life (cultural knowledge) and identifying the patterns of culture within the re-use of industrial buildings. Culture expresses the structure (relationships) of a social group and should be analysed, clarified, and valued in terms of the meanings and values of ordinary behaviour and social institutions. Therefore, it can be seen that there are numerous possibilities for synthesising cultural focus into that which is re-use. According to Watt (1999), buildings do not exist in isolation, but represent the action and interaction between people and their surroundings. In the same way that re-use and conservation are innately human activities, it comes as no surprise that there have been many papers written by eminent post-structural philosophers regarding the built environment and culture. These include the construction of space (Kracauer, 1990), the art of thinking about buildings (Heidegger, 1971), the production of

space (Lefebvre, 1991), and an understanding of semiology and the city. Even more specific (in relation to the development of this research project), much post-structural work has focused on how culture is inseparable from the function of the sign and the semiotics of architecture (Eco, 1986), modern and post-modern architecture (Habermas, 1982), and the overexposed city (Virilio, 1991). Cultural analysis of these types of concept focuses not only on the people involved in urban issues, but the ideas that are relative to a specific time and place. For example, the cultural issues of the 1960s are likely to be quite different from those that exist today. Smith (2000) states that ‘cultural analysis...attempts to identify the extraordinary in the ordinary experiences of a social group or community’ (remembering the work of Jacobs, 1964). These sources show many great thinkers to acknowledge that it is impossible to take the built environment out of the cultural and vice versa. Their attempt to identify the everyday assumptions associated with re-use and conservation provides an established theoretical perspective from which this research project can continue to extend and explore. How do you Explore Meaning? During the early stages of the research project, various theoretical frameworks were explored to examine the social and cultural concepts of re-use. The following are the dominant methodologies considered: positivism, anthropology, phenomenology, functionalism and ethnography.

• Positivism is a philosophical system that bases knowledge on perceptions and seeks to identify cause and effect relationships.

• Anthropology is the study of man, his origins, institutions, religious beliefs, and social relationships.

• Phenomenology is concerned with the movement that concentrates on the detailed description of conscious experience.

• Functionalism is based on the theory of design where the form of a thing should be determined by its use.

• Ethnography is the study of contextual issues that deals with the scientific description of individual human societies.

At an epistemological level, post-structuralism lends itself to ethnographic methodology. Post-structuralism refers to an inter-disciplinary movement from the late 1970s, which could be seen as an attempt to challenge many of the assumptions made by structuralism. Structuralism increased in legitimacy in the 1960s and ‘70s and was inspired by the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913). Saussure was concerned with words as ‘signs’ and it was his concern to understand the underlying systems that have cultural meaning. Post-structuralism progressed the structuralist views and, in relation to the built environment, there was a call for an increase, not in studies of how the city functioned, but ‘readings’ of the city. Leach (1997) notes that structuralism and post-structuralism have obvious links to the world of architecture through the discipline of semiology.

Semiology is the theory of signs and offers a mechanism by which the built environment can be ‘read’ and ‘decoded’. Post-structuralism involves a critique of the principles and assumptions underlying an enquiry, the concepts of causality (the relationship of cause and effect), of identity of the subject, and of truth (Sarup, 1993). The strength of an ethnographic methodology based upon post-structuralist epistemology is that the research is informant-led (sequential) and relates to contextual issues through the exploration of cultural meaning. It is the question of meaning that leads the research programme in exploring re-use and urban regeneration through ‘meaning’, ‘relationships’, and what they ‘represent’.

Case Study Method Yin (1994) states that case studies are increasingly used as a research tool. He goes on to say that the distinctive need for case studies arises out of the desire to understand complex social phenomena and to investigate real-life events. Considering re-use as a real-life event (with complex social and cultural issues), a data-collecting tool was developed to provide information about a re-used industrial building from its external features. The reason for this was to explore whether re-used buildings share a commonality that relates to their new uses; also to standardise results as the researcher was unable to access and assess the internal environment of all properties. The ‘External Assessment Tool’ (EAT) grouped questions of similar subject, which required a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ response. Rating scales were also used, which provided a simple, co-ordinated, and standardised tool for data collection. EAT was not designed to focus, in detail, on the history and adaptability of each building. This was because, firstly, such an in-depth study would produce more information than necessary at this stage in the research and, secondly, it was not feasible to examine 20 buildings in this way. In addition to the developed tool, data collection also involved comparing the context within which an industrial building has been re-use; for example, in Manchester with that of a similar property in Birmingham. The notion of using a postal classification system based on location appears to have some strategic benefits. First, the United Kingdom postcode system is fully established, widely known, and accepted in most of the national economic domains (e.g. insurance, business, marketing). Second, such a system is already in operation. Third, the system goes some way to offering a means by which social and cultural issues can be categorised and understood. ACORN (A Classification of Residential Neighbourhoods) produces a profile of 54 types of neighbourhoods. The likely characteristics of the neighbourhood are given, including a demographic and socio-economic profile. Further data is provided on attitudes, housing, income and spending, and leisure activities of residents within a given ACORN type. Such information provides a profile of the adjacent residential areas to each case study and a comparison of the ACORN type is thus possible. The data has been analysed using simple descriptive statistics and sequential developmental analysis. Key questions asked by the ‘External Assessment Tool’ are as follows: Does the new use include a public café/bar/restaurant? Is there somewhere to sit outside the building? Are there empty buildings in the area? Is there soft landscaping? Is information on the building/previous use available?

Drawn from preliminary analysis of the data, Figures 1, 2 and 3 present focal data with an emphasis on three of the key questions posed by EAT. Such simple representation can allow for and demonstrate why more in-depth analysis is worthwhile. The use of semiotics and other models, such as discourse analysis (which shows how institutions, practices, and even the individual can be understood through the workings of a set of discourses), lend themselves to qualitative data analysis and are appropriate to a post-structuralist (ethnographic) methodology. Figure 1 shows that 50% of re-used buildings visited so far have outside seating.

Figure 1 Number of buildings with seating. The results would suggest that the provision of seating is a consideration in re-use, although it is likely that the level of significance attached to the allocation of seating varies for each scheme. To take this a stage further, it is perhaps worth considering the wider cultural implications of seating. For example, the use of benches in urban landscaping accompanies many regeneration initiatives. Improving the physical surroundings by using planters and street furniture (including seating) is about asking people to spend time in a place that has previously been neglected. Seating, certainly within an urban setting, is perceived to promote lunchtime socialising and also provides the individual with a purpose-built focal point to leave the office behind, if only for 10 minutes. This is in stark contrast to the lifestyle of Victorian society where the idea of personal time for a worker was rarely, if ever, entertained. The number of empty buildings in an area for case studies 1–10 and case studies 11–20 are shown in Figure 2.

Is there somewhere to sit outside the building?

0

5

10

15

Yes No

Figure 2 Number of empty buildings in an area. In total, 85% of the re-use schemes visited are surrounded by a number of empty buildings. Case studies 1–10 illuminated this pattern, which was supported by case studies 11–20. The results from the second data set go some way to suggest that long-term urban regeneration is perhaps a slow process. The number of empty buildings influences the public/private interest in the area. If a re-use scheme attracts people to spend time and money in a particular place, it is likely that other uses will seek to locate to that area in order to tap into the urban wealth. It is the intention of local authority strategies and funding initiatives to encourage the re-use of empty properties. A growing popular urban quarter with empty buildings is perhaps as important as the original re-use scheme in facilitating sustainable long-term urban regeneration.

Figure 3 ACORN profiles of neighbourhood types. Figure 3 presents the postcode data based on the ACORN profiles of neighbourhood types. These results would suggest that 60% of the re-used schemes visited are within a ‘striving’ community (category F of the ACORN profiles). ACORN has identified that the local populations of such communities are mostly council estate residents and in some areas unemployment is high. Demographically, the age profile has high levels of 0–4, 15–24 and 65+ year olds. In these areas, the household profile shows high concentrations of single-person households,

Are there any empty buildings in the area?

02468

10

Yes No

Case studies 1 - 10

Case studies 11 - 20

ACORN profiles of neighbourhood types

Category - Rising

Category - Settling

Category - Aspiring

Category - Striving

both pensioner and non-pensioner, and single parent households. The socio-economic profile produced by ACORN states that 61% of households have no working residents. Of those in employment, there are 2.2 times more unskilled workers than nationally. These statistics provide quite detailed information about communities in large cities. Described as ‘striving’, there is perhaps a sense of hope that in consultation with local communities, public and private investment can result in the transformation of a neighbourhood, which according to English Heritage (2000) provides both a model and a firm base for regeneration. Understanding the nature of such social networks is perhaps the concern of larger re-use schemes. However, people generally value the places in which they live and work, and investment in their environment impacts on what matters for them and why. Exploring such social issues relates to the focal data, which has identified further lines of investigation. Conclusions The focal data collected to date has provided evidence for the possibility of a ‘type of re-use’ movement. It became apparent that the External Assessment Tool was asking the most usual questions of this topic area. Thus, the focal data is comparable to that presented in contemporary literature. Why should this be the case? The applied analysis is just as interested in exploring ‘why such questions are most frequently asked?’ Exploring such issues provides the rational for applying a semiotic type analysis to the focal data. For example, how issues to do with re-use and conservation hold a particular value and use in society. Semiotic analysis therefore poses many new and different types of questions relating to the broader considerations of re-use. For example: Why is it necessary to understand the ‘taken-for-granted’ assumptions that relate to conservation, re-use, and urban regeneration? What is it about studio apartments, canal-side cafés, and consumer imagery that has impacted upon our sense of re-use and conservation? How can social research help to improve our understanding of historic urban environment? This type of theoretically-grounded analysis goes some way to show that an exploration of focal data and background literature holds potential for further analysis. A characteristic of ethnographic (case study) methodology is that the research is sequential and, in this instance, the questions generated by the focal data were informed by the background data and have directed the nature of the research process and analysis. Current literature would suggest that re-use is the way forward for urban regeneration. Most literature offers the position that, in our towns and cities, re-using old industrial buildings not only improves the physical environment, but also creates an identity for these areas. Many high-status examples, such as the Albert Dock in Liverpool (now synonymous with the television programme Good Morning presented by Richard and

Judy), are held up as evidence for re-use and the benefits of re-thinking our ideas about urban conservation. Building use is central to many re-use studies. This research project is not concerned with individual re-use schemes and the new use(s). The project is interested in the cultural meaning within which these buildings are being re-used and the presence of any themes. An attempt to tackle less certain issues to do with the representation of re-use is limited, and expands the need to explore the impact of re-use on people and places. It is not surprising therefore that, from a limited sample of 20 buildings, the results reflect information in current literature such as Power of Place (English Heritage, 2000). The initial patterns and themes identified using these methods have been used to develop theoretical ideas about the social processes and cultural identity to do with re-use. Such ideas suggest relevance beyond these data and have led to a more detailed line of enquiry. For example: In what way does re-use regenerate an area? Should the new use boost the local economy? What does re-use represent to professionals and those who live in an urban area? How should re-use be presented (packaged) to encourage people to choose the urban lifestyle? The more the issues relating to the re-use of industrial buildings are explored, the more new and exciting observations and questions to do with re-use and conservation are uncovered. It is the examination of such observations and questions that is fascinating. The External Assessment Tool has provided a general understanding of re-used industrial buildings. The use of semiology as a type of analysis offers a way by which re-use and conservation can be interpreted. The study of signs (semiotics) is just one type of analytical method. Other models, such as discourse analysis (understanding social and cultural concepts through the workings of a set of discourses (Potter and Wetherall, 2000), will be used to analyse future data, thus maximising research reliability and validity. The application of post-structuralist epistemology within the field of conservation, and in particular re-use, has not been previously explored. At a more practical level, exploration of the social and cultural perspectives from a post-structuralist view base could impact upon and promote a broader knowledge base for decision making, perhaps at local, regional, and national levels. Further Work The results so far suggest that the assumed nature of re-used buildings identified in current literature is perhaps the ‘perceived’ opinion of what re-use represents. Focal data has shown that even though a certain percent of the buildings visited met expectations placed by professionals and users on the built environment, not all of them did.

Although current literature would suggest that there is an increasing trend towards re-use, there are gaps that can account for the need to pursue a post-structuralist approach to exploring the ‘hidden assumptions’ of re-use. The direction of further work is based on the evaluation of the broader issues that relate to the more general and fundamental frameworks of re-use and urban regeneration. At a very broad level, the signs and symbols of re-use will be explored and the impact upon the social and cultural concepts examined. The research will develop ideas related to identity, consumption, and tradition in reference to re-use. It will provide the platform from which these concepts can be explored beyond those writers and theorists already noted. The results from the External Assessment Tool already go some way to suggest that there are patterns and assumptions made about what re-use should and ought to be.

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