Symbolic Discourse and Exterminatory Movements:The 1680 and 1696 Pueblo Revolts of New Mexico and the 1780-1782 Great

Rebellion of Peru and Upper Peru

Nicholas A. Robins

Introduction

The twentieth century has not only witnessed numerous genocides, but it has also witnessed the development of the study of genocide and ethnic conflict, the emergence of early warning systems, the development of forensics, mass media, and international tribunals to hold perpetrators accountable. These forces have allowed the international community to detect, monitor, stop and punish genocides, albeit with uneven success. The study of historical genocides pose special problems, however. Sources, and their content, are more limited, and many of the investigative tools available today are not applicable. Nevertheless, primary sources may contain information which indicates that perpetrators of genocide spoke not only directly through their actions, but also on a symbolic level. This to some degree reflects the fact that symbolic expression preceded verbal expression, and that symbolic actions were important to those who were often illiterate. While such expression may not “prove” genocide took place, it is often valuable on a corroborative level. This essay examines two retributive, anti-colonial exterminatory movements that sought the elimination of Hispanics from the areas of present day New Mexico in 1680, and Peru and Bolivia in 1780-1782.

This essay approaches genocide as one form of an exterminatory movement, or an undertaking that had or has as its object, or results in, the total or practical elimination of a people, racially or ethnically defined, or class, group, culture, belief system or language. Such an approach is largely consistent with most prevailing definitions of genocide although it emphasizes that genocide specifically deals with the elimination of human beings based on certain characteristics.1 It is not, however, predicated on state involvement, time period, or the idea that genocide is an inherent condition for ethnocide, or cultural elimination.2

The rebellions under study here are complicated by the extensive presence and participation of individuals of mixed parentage on both sides of the conflict. These include Mestizos,3 and especially in New Mexico, Lobos4 and Coyotes.5 Ethnicity reflects self-identification and expression, as well as attribution, or the imputation of characteristics, by others. Apart from the color of one’s skin, occupation, social status, place of residence, religious orientation, primary language and style of dress often determined if a person was considered an Indian or Hispanic by the rebels in both conflicts. As a result, ethnicity resolved some of the ambiguity of mixed parentage. Among the leaders of the Pueblo

Revolt, were the Coyotes Francisco El Olllita and Nicolás Jonva of San Ildefonso, Alonso Catiti from Santo Domingo, and the Mulatto Domingo Naranjo from the pueblo of Santa Clara.6 In the Great Rebellion, the Peruvian leader Túpac Amaru was a Mestizo, and in Upper Peru Túpac Katari was light skinned by Indian standards.7 Nevertheless, ethnically all of these individuals, and great numbers of those whom they led, were Indians, and they fought for the rebirth of native ways. Reflecting the prevalence of individuals of mixed race, and the relatively few peninsular Spaniards in both regions, this essay refers to Hispanics as an ethnic category of those who maintained an Iberian cultural orientation, which included Spaniards, Creoles and often Mestizos and others of diverse descent.

While primary sources may contain evidence of symbolic expression, they also pose challenges as, like many sources, they can be biased. Some may argue that victim-group contemporaries of such movements emphasized the racial and ethnic elements of these conflicts in order to promote cohesion among not just Spaniards and Creoles,8 but also Mestizos; an important “swing vote” whose actions could have an decisive influence on the outcome of a conflict. But it is also possible that these contemporaries were simply reporting what they saw, and had no need to exaggerate. Indian actions spoke for themselves, often shockingly so, and writers of the time often understated, not exaggerated, “unspeakable deeds that cause horror even in the imagination,” “outrages which 6 Charles W. Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” in Texas State Historical Association Quarterly XV (Oct. 1911), 142-43; Andrew Knault, The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico (Norman: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 117,168-69; Hubert H. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, in vol. XVII, The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco: The History Company, 1889), 175-76.7 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18. In “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” La Paz, May 30, 1781. Archivo Nacional de Bolivia (hereafter ANB) SGI.1781.s.n., 23; Lillian E. Fisher, The Last Inca Revolt: 1780-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966), 25; Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions and Revolts Revolts in Eighteenth Century Peru and Upper Peru (Colonge: Bohlau Verlag, 1985), 253; John Rowe, “El movimiento nacional Inca del siglo XVIII,” in Revista Universitaria XLIII, no. 107 (1954), 32, 38.1 Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, “The Conceptual Framework,” in The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies, eds. Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 9-10; Pieter Drost, The Crime of State (Leyden, Holland: A.W. Sythoff, 1959), 2:125; Peter Du Preez, Genocide: The Psychology of Mass Murder (London: Boyars/Bowerdean, 1994), 4, 48; Vahakn Dadrian, “A Typology of Genocide,” in International Review of Modern Sociology 5 (Fall, 1975), 201, 204; Barbara Harff and Ted Gurr, “Toward Empirical Theory of Genocides and Politicides: Identification and Measurement of Cases Since 1945,” in International Studies Quarterly 32 (1988), 363; Leo Kuper, “Theoretical Issues Relating to Genocide,” in Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions, ed. George Andreopoulos (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 65-66.2 Harff and Gurr, 360; Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide, State Power and Mass Murder (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1980), 17; Chalk and Jonassohn, “The Conceptual Framework,” 9; Yehuda Bauer, “The Place of the Holocaust in Contemporary History,” in Studies in Contemporary Jewry, ed. Jonathan Frankel (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1984), 1:213; Kuper, 85.3 A person of Indian and Iberian descent.4 A person of Indian and Negro descent.5 A person of Indian and Mestizo descent.

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the pen is horrified to repeat” and “shocking desecrations and insolences that [are]…indecent to mention.”9 The fact that an atrocity which ”horrifies the tongue” or “scandalizes the ears” to describe or hear is often only alluded to suggests that things were in fact worse than reported, not less so.10 In addition, many such documents were not written for the general public, and consisted of official correspondence between royal officials as they sought to suppress the insurgencies. This is not to say that such forms of correspondence were without their faults, which often included self-glorification or attempts to mitigate failures, but only that they were not for public consumption.

It is also important to recognize even a biased source may have considerable utility. If this were not the case, historians would encounter very few useful sources. What is most important is that scholars approach sources critically and that, to the greatest extent, biases are recognized and accounted for. For example, although gaining the upper hand over the rebels in Upper Peru, present day Bolivia, one loyalist Hispanic contemporary gave an insight into just how tenuous things were when he wrote that if the reel leader “Túpac Amaro flees from Cuzco…he could in our viceroyalty accomplish…what he appears to not have accomplished in that of Lima.”11 Such a statement is especially revealing from one who was no friend of the rebels. In the end, it is not so much as issue of biases but the use of a critical approach to determine and maximize their value. The accuracy of documents may also be attenuated by the fact that Spaniards and Creoles mediated the expression of natives as a result of the questions they posed, in addition to the use of translators and scribes. Despite this, natives did communicate through them, especially in confessions and documents associated with negotiations. Most importantly, however, they spoke through their actions, of which there is considerable record.12 While confessions were often extracted through force or threats of it, they undoubtedly had value for the interrogators, and still do for historians who explore them critically. Although some prisoners may have told their captors what they thought they wanted to hear, others felt that they had nothing more to lose by telling the truth than they were going to lose anyway.13 Although Alonso Guigui, the Indian governor of Jemez in New Mexico, consistently asserted his innocence concerning the 1696 rebellion in New Mexico, in answer to a question he indicated that “he would say so if he knew, since he knew he was going to die, and he denied everything he was asked.”14 Other prisoners provided information that highlighted the millennial inspiration and exterminatory objectives either of themselves or their brethren. If the Hispanic interrogators did not believe that interrogations and confessions were useful they would have been less inclined to invest the time and effort to conduct them. The value of such measures was clearly demonstrated in 1680 in New Mexico when Governor Otermín learned for the first time that some of the Hispanics in the area to the south had survived, and later, where other survivors had gathered.15

11"Carta de Jorge Escobedo a Juan José Vertíz." Potosi, February 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 2.

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Peace negotiations also pose their own special problems. Often, the insurgents did not engage in them in good faith, seeking rather to reunite their forces or to finish a harvest. Even when conducted in good faith, they often shed more light on leadership objectives that those of the masses. Many leaders, such as Túpac Amaru in Peru and Tómas Catari in Upper Peru, were considerably more conservative than those in whose name they operated. Their leadership became even more nominal as the distance between them and their adepts increased.Consequently, leadership statements, in peace negotiations or otherwise, are not necessarily indicative of the objectives of most insurgents. The best indication of rebel objectives lies their actions, symbolic and otherwise.

The 1680 and 1696 Revolts of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico

The 1680 and 1696 Pueblo Revolts were only the most prominent expressions of native resistance that had been occurring for decades against Hispanic rule in the area of present day New Mexico. Small uprisings in which clerics and Hispanics died had erupted in Jemez in 1623, among the Zuni in 1632, and in Taos in 1639. Even more prevalent were Indian conspiracies, such as those by the Jemez in 1644, by the Tewas in league with the Apaches in 1650, and in the late 1660s based in Las Salinas.16 The last was not unlike many, in which the leader, Esteban Clemente, sought to “destroy the whole body of Christians […] sparing not a single friar or Spaniard.”17

The 1680 rebellion differed from the others mostly due to its success, which reflected extensive planning and coordinated and concerted action by the rebels. It was led by an enigmatic medicine man of San Juan named Popé. Perhaps a mulatto, he had been planning a regional rebellion at least since 1674, and perhaps began even six years earlier. In 1675 he had been rounded up and flogged along with numerous other curanderos18 for practicing witchcraft. After his release, he fled to Taos, long a center of resistance to Hispanic rule, where he continued to plan a massive regional uprising.19 Dispatching runners to the pueblos of the region, he commanded that other leaders support his plan or become victims of it.20 Despite efforts to the contrary, the Hispanics uncovered the plot on August 9 after the loyalist Indian governors of San Cristóbal, San Marcos and La Ciénega captured and interrogated two of Popé’s messengers.21 As a result of this, the Spanish Governor, Antonio Otermín, learned of the rebel’s “desire to kill the ecclesiastical ministers and all the Spaniards, women and children, destroying the whole population of the kingdom.”22 While Otermín was now aware of a conspiracy, he was mistaken concerning its date because when Popé’s messengers realized that the three loyalist governors were not supportive, they told them that it was planned for August 13th, not the original date of the 12th.23

Learning that the conspiracy had been uncovered, knowing that the Hispanic response would be quick, and not wanting it to go the way of so many previous

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conspiracies which had failed, Popé ordered that the rebellion begin immediately, on the night of August 9-10. Throughout that night and the following morning, in a well-coordinated assault, the natives of Taos, Picurís, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan, Tesuque, Pojoaque and Nambé attacked the Hispanic missions, homes and ranches in the region, killing the non-Indians, looting and burning many missions. In the Taos valley alone, sixty-eight of the seventy Hispanic settlers were killed.24 The rebellion continued through the 10th, as the inhabitants of many other towns and surrounding regions joined the uprising, such as those of Santo Domingo, Jemez, and San Lorenzo and Santa Clara.25

Having dominated most of the area around Santa Fe, the rebels then advanced on the Spanish capital. In Santa Fe, the Hispanics retreated to the governor’s compound, feverishly boosted its defenses and ordered those whom had taken refuge in La Cañada and Los Cerillos to come immediately to Santa Fe.26 By August 14, about 500 rebels from Pecos, San Cristóbal, San Lázaro, San Marcos, Galisteo and La Ciénega were just outside of town, “armed and giving war whoops” as they waited for reinforcements from Taos, Picurís and other towns, in addition to Apaches.27 Many of the rebels were ”on horseback, armed with arquebuses, lances, swords and shields, which they had accumulated in the despoiling of the people whom they had killed.”28 Despite sallies and skirmishes, the Hispanics were besieged, and by August 17 the rebels, now numbering about 2,500, moved into the center of town and diverted the Hispanic’s water supply.29

From their new positions, they began to burn and loot numerous buildings and also attempted to set fire to the doors of a tower which was part of the casas reales. Governor Otermín led several fruitless efforts to restore the defender’s access to water, although he was successful in preventing the rebels from setting fire to the casas reales. Despite this, the insurgents “began a chant of victory, and raised war-whoops, burning all the houses of the villa…[such that at night the] whole villa was a torch and everywhere were war chants and shouts.”30 The insurgents had reason to be optimistic. Of the approximately 1,000 people in the governor’s compound there were only about 100 people who could bear arms, “surrounded by …a wailing of women and children, with confusion everywhere.”31

Seeing the increasingly dire thirst and suffering of those around him, the increasing boldness of the rebels, and realizing that no succor was coming, Governor Otermín decided that the Hispanic’s best chance was to try to fight their way out and head south. On the morning of August 20 th they charged the rebels, surprising many, killing over 300, and capturing and later executing forty-seven.32 On August 21, having lost five of their own in this latest encounter, the “routed, robbed and starving” Hispanics began to make their way south toward Isleta before the rebels could regroup with the aid of the Apaches.33 On August 23rd they arrived in San Marcos, and, following the Rio Grande, they arrived in Isleta on August 27th.34

The Hispanics in the region to the south of Santa Fe, known as Rio Abajo, had received word of the plot from Governor Otermín and as a result many were able

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to flee in advance of the uprising to Isleta, the only Tiwa pueblo that remained loyal.35 The natives of Puaray, Sandía and Alameda, however, joined the rebellion, and killed many Hispanics in their respective pueblos and surrounding areas. In all, about 120 people were killed in Rio Abajo, with the 1,500 survivors “on foot, without clothing or shoes,” left to ponder the intentions of the the natives in Isleta, who were becoming increasingly hostile.36 Perhaps those of Isleta feared Indian reprisals for failing to join the insurrection, or perhaps many secretly supported it, or both. The Lieutenant Governor of the region, Alonso García, decided to lead the refugees south on August 14th in the hope of meeting the triennial wagon train that was approaching the Rio Grande, having left from Mexico City some months before.37 By August 24th, the refugees under Lieutenant Governor García were in Socorro, and suspicious of the intent of the Indians there, they soon resumed their march. On September 4 they arrived at a place called Fray Cristóbal, 180 miles north of El Paso, where they would be joined nine days later by Governor Otermín’s group.38 By September 29th, both groups had arrived in La Salineta, twelve miles north of El Paso. While this area already had two missions and a few Hispanic colonists, the arrival of the refugees and their ensuing move just to the south marked the beginning of El Paso as a large scale settlement.39

The governor ordered a muster of all of the refugees on September 29th. Of the 1,946 people counted, only 155 could bear arms and only thirty-six had them, the “remainder being totally disabled, naked, afoot, unarmed.40 Of the total number, 954 were Hispanic women and children, and 837 were loyal natives, of which 337 were loyalist Piro Indians from Senecú, Socorro, Alamillo and Sevilleta whom had never been invited to join the uprising.41 Despite the Governor’s orders to the contrary, up to 1,000 people had already fled south to the province of Nueva Vizcaya.42 Otermín calculated that nineteen Franciscan friars, two lay brothers and 380 other Hispanics had been killed during the rebellion, and thirty-four towns had been burned in addition to numerous rural estates. All but 95 of the dead were women and children.43 Given that prior to 1680, the Hispanic population there never exceeded 2,500, the rebellion resulted in the death of about sixteen per cent of that group.44

Popé and his followers had achieved what many others had tried: the elimination of the Hispanic presence in the Pueblo region. Although the conspiracy was uncovered, the organization, communication and commitment of the rebels prevented them from being preempted and they embarked on twelve years of independent rule. Despite the utopian promises of Popé, it turned out to be a time of immense hardship marked by continuing Apache and Yuta attacks, Hispanic incursions as well as drought, famine and internecine division. Despite the occasional entrada,45 the Hispanics did not begin to effectively reinsert themselves in the region until 1692, under the leadership of Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon.46 Unlike his predecessors, Governor Vargas relied heavily on political skill, the establishment of god-parental links, symbolic Indian submission and the threat of force to achieve his ends.47 In 1693 he led an

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expedition of settlers back to the region, although numerous and continuing conspiracies soon demonstrated that the Indian submission to the Spanish crown and cross was more of convenience than conviction.48 In 1695 there were near constant rumors of another regional rebellion, along with a poor harvest and an epidemic in which many died, Indian and Hispanic alike.49 The Franciscan friars in the pueblos consistently warned that “a rebellion and general uprising of the Indians of this kingdom is certain,” all the more so as the natives were aware that the Hispanics “lack provisions, many weapons, and military supplies.”50 The fears continued unabated, and by March, 1696, numerous Indians were increasingly disrespectful of the friars, and, in anticipation to hostilities, many had gone to the mesas.51 Rumors of rebellion were “rampant,” and many friars retreated to the the relative security of Santa Fe or other Spanish towns.52 Aware that conspiracies were often planned for a full moon, Friar Miguel Trizio wrote that there would be “many more full moons, and we do not know which one will become waning for us and the crescent for them.”53

On June 4th, 1696, the long-awaited rebellion did erupt, led by the Tiwas of Taos and Picurís, the Tewas of San Ildefonso and Nambé, the Tanos of Jemez and San Cristóbal, and the Keres of Santo Domingo and Cochiti. Though it had similar goals, it was on a smaller scale than that of 1680, although five friars died in addition to twenty one Hispanics.54 Almost all of the pueblos had some level of involvement in the uprising, including the Moquinos, Zunis, Acomas and Apaches, although most of the Indians of Santa Ana, San Felipe, Zia, Pecos and Tesuque stayed loyal to the Hispanics and helped in ending the rebellion.55 Among the insurgent leaders were the governor of Santo Domingo, who was executed in Santa Fe on June 14th, along with the Indian chiefs of Jemez and Nambé. According to the Hispanics, the latter had worked “tirelessly since the month of last December going through all of the nations and towns of the kingdom, persuading their inhabitants to unite...to finish off the Spanish or chase them from this land.”56 Governor Vargas wasted no time in catching and killing the leaders, such as Lucas Naranjo, El Zepe, Juan Griego and Juan Chillo from Santa Clara, and Dieguillo from Nambé.57 By late November of 1696, most of the Tewas of San Juan, San Ildefonso, Jacona and Nambé, and the Keres of Cochiti had been defeated and returned to their towns, although others had fled to live with the Hopi and Apache.58

The 1780-1782 Great Rebellion of Peru and Upper Peru

The Great Rebellion of 1780-1782 erupted almost 100 years to the day after the Pueblo Revolt. Though many more people died, upwards of 100,000, it did not succeed in bringing the natives of the region independence from Spanish rule. The rebellion first erupted in the town of Macha, Upper Peru, on August 6, 1780 with the execution by the villagers of the local curaca,59 Blas Bernal. For over two years, Tomás Catari, an illiterate Aymara Indian, had unsuccessfully tried to to reduce the tribute burdens on his brethren and assert his hereditary claim to be curaca of Macha. His efforts had involved

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his repeated imprisonment, numerous escapes, and even a foot journey to Buenos Aires where he arrived “without poncho, hat, shirt or shoes” before making an appeal for redress before the viceroy.60 Upon his return to Macha, he claimed to have been confirmed as curaca, and unilaterally decreased tribute collections by about a third. This led again to his imprisonment, and in their efforts to secure his release his supporters captured and, on August 6, 1780, killed, the curaca Blas Bernal, igniting the Great Rebellion. Subsequently, they kidnapped Joaquín Alós, the corregidor,61 and freed him in exchange for Catari’s release from jail and confirmation as curaca of Macha on August 30, 1780.62

Rather than mollifying the Indians of the region, it stimulated their expectations. Rumors ran throughout Chayanta, Paria and Yamparáez provinces that Catari, supposedly with royal approval, not only had decreased tribute demands but also had abolished the repartimiento de mercancías,63 the mita64 and numerous religious fees and civil taxes. Communities began to replace and often kill their curacas, many of whom were Mestizos appointed on an open-ended, “interim,” basis and represented Hispanic, as opposed to Indian, interests.65 Throughout September, 1780, rebels were active in these provinces "killing the Spaniards, Mestizos and the very Indians" who did not support them.66

As the rebellion spread in Upper Peru, another insurgency erupted in the region of Cuzco, Peru. Like Tomás Catari, the curaca of the village of Tungasuca, José Gabriel Condorcanqui y Thupa Amaro, had in 1777 journeyed to Lima in an unsuccessful effort to reduce the demands upon his people. Unlike Tomás Catari, however, he was a Mestizo and a matrilineal descendent of the last Inca, Túpac Amaru I, who was executed in Cuzco in 1572.67 After returning to Tungasuca, Túpac Amaru II plotted his rebellion in earnest, and may have advanced its date somewhat for fear of the plot being discovered as a result of the unrelated outbreak in Upper Peru. On November 4, 1780, he kidnapped the corregidor of the district, Antonio Arriaga, and, claiming to be acting under Spanish royal orders, had him executed six days later.68 After distributing Arriaga’s property to the Indians, Túpac Amaru spent the following weeks leading his ever-increasing hoardes of followers through the provinces of Tinta, Quispicanchis, Cotabambas, Calca and Chumbivilcas, looting and burning Hispanic interests, killing Hispanics, and declaring an end to corregidors, the mita and taxes.69 As his forces increased, and he realized that Creole support for the rebellion was not forthcoming, he stopped claiming to act in the name of Charles III, and began to issue orders in his own name as Inca king.70

Having also dominated the provinces of Azángaro and Carabaya, he set his sights on Cuzco, the former capital of the Inca empire, which he besieged on December 28, 1780.71 Opting for a siege as opposed to an attack proved to be a mistake, as it allowed the Spanish to send reinforcements to the city,

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many of whom were Indians from Lima.72 After an indecisive skirmish on January 3, 1781, the Hispanics led a more concerted attack five days later which broke the siege.73

The Inca’s cousin, Diego Túpac Amaru, had meanwhile conquered the provinces of Calca, Paucartambo and Urubamba before being defeated in Huaran, Yucay and Paucartambo by Hispanic-led forces. He subsequently retreated to Tungasuca on January 18 where he rejoined Túpac Amaru.74 Despite Túpac Amaru’s efforts to consolidate his grip on the region under his sway, by April 4 the Hispanics had him surrounded.75 Seeing the tide going against the rebels, the insurgent Colonel Ventura Landaeta decided to seek pardon and captured Túpac Amaru. On April 14, 1781 Túpac Amaru arrived manacled and in Spanish custody in Cuzco, where he was subsequently executed.76 Although the Inca and much of his family and inner cirlce had been killed, his relatives continued the insurgency. Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru continued to operate in the region of Cuzco and Puno, and Andrés Mendagure Túpac Amaru, the nineteen-year old nephew of José Gabriel, captured Sorata in August, 1781 and would later join the siege of La Paz.77

In Upper Peru, soonafter the siege of Cuzco had been broken, Tomás Catari had been captured near Aullagas. On January 15, his followers attempted to free him as he was being escorted to La Plata. Instead of relinquishing the captive, however, the Hispanic commander ordered him shot.78 As in Peru, the death of the original leader did not slow the rebellion, but rather radicalized it and led to the rise of kin to the leadership. Tomás’ cousins, the half-brothers Dámaso and Nicolás, continued to operate in the region. Dámaso led a brief siege on La Plata before he and Nicolás were captured and killed in April and May 1781. In the town of Oruro in February, 1781, a Creole-Indian rebellion led to the death of many Spaniards before the Indians began to target Creoles, the alliance broke down, the Indians besieged the town. The flame of rebellion swept as far south as Tupiza, where a Mestizo-led uprising was quickly quashed by royalists headed north to aid in suppressing the rebellion.79

La Paz would suffer more in terms of human life than other towns as a result of a siged against it led by Túpac Catari . Catari was born Julián Apasa in the province of Sicasica around 1750. Apparently an orphan, he was reared by the sacristan of his hometown of Ayoayo. Prior to raising the standard of rebellion, he worked in a sugar mill, in the mines, as a baker and later as a seller of coca leaves and textiles.80 Around the time he became a rebel, he intercepted a letter from Túpac Amaru to Tomás Catari and adopted the nom de guerre of Túpac Catari in an effort to draw support from adherents of both leaders.81

Having built his forces in the provinces of Sicasica and Pacajes during January and February of 1781, on March 14 he led them to besiege La Paz. In the months ahead his forces would swell to about forty thousand as rebels from the

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areas of La Paz and Lake Titicaca joined the siege in the company of others whom had earlier rebelled in the provinces of Paucarcolla, Cochabamba, Chayanta, Oruro, Paria, Carangas, Pacajes and Porco. Despite a protracted siege and considerable combat, the rebels were unable to take the city before it was succored by troops under Commandant Ignacio Flores on June 30, 1781.82 The help was welcomed by the Hispanics, but too late for many. About a third of the town’s population, or about 10,000 people, had already died.83 One contemporary wrote that “there was not one” who was uninjured, and the inhabitants ate "not only the horses, mules, and donkeys but also (after having run out of dogs and cats) leather and trunks served as the best subsistence.”84 A cleric wrote that they ate the “meat, perhaps or perhaps not of people, of which there is no shortage of people who assure me of this.”85

While Flores broke the siege and brought desperately needed provisions to the town, he was so plagued by desertion by his own troops that in late July he withdrew to Oruro. By August 5th, Túpac Catari and his forces had again besieged the city, and a few weeks later they were joined by forces led by Andrés Túpac Amaru. In mid-September, another cousin of the Inca rebel, Miguel Bastidas Túpac Amaru, arrived to help prosecute the siege before it was finally broken by loyalists led by Josef Reseguín on October 17, 1781.86 As the royalist noose tightened, Túpac Catari was captured after a feast and was executed on November 13, and Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru was captured at Marcapata, in Quispicanchis, on March 15, 1782.87 Seeing few alternatives, Miguel Bastidas Túpac Amaru obtained a pardon by assisting the Spanish in suppressing what was left of the rebellion.88

By January, 1782, the remaining major rebels signed the Peace of Sicuani, bringing the rebellion largely to a close.89 Estimates put the number of dead at about 40,000 Indians and 60,000 Hispanics, or about eight percent of the population in the affected area.90 Seeking to reassert royal authority while preserving their labor source, the crown implemented an ethnocidal campaign to extirpate reminders of the pre-Hispanic culture.91 Not only was the position of curaca abolished, but all Incaic icons were prohibited, such as Incaic clothing, paintings, flags and dramas. In addition, an effort to ban the use of indigenous languages, which had begun in 1774, was reinforced with the prohibition of the use of Quechua.92

The Exterminatory Dimension of the Pueblo Revolts and the Great Rebellion

Both the Pueblo revolts and the Great Rebellion were exterminatory efforts to escape Hispanic oppression and reclaim native culture, traditions, religion, and lands. Although the Spaniards endeavored to dominate and exploit the natives while eliminating much of their culure, they did not intend to exterminate them. Nevertheless, in New Mexico and throughout the continent, the conquest and ensuing Spanish rule resulted in a demographic collapse. The Pueblo population

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had plummeted from about 130,000 in 1581 to approximately 60,000 in 1600. The implosion continued, and by 1638 the Pueblo population stood at about 40,000; by 1678 it had continued to decline to about 15,000.93 Most Indians there and elsewhere perished from diseases brought by the Spanish to which they had no immunity, and also from overwork and suicide. The consequence was genocide, irrespective of intention, and the revolts studied here erupted in such a context. The native-led genocide was, however, planned and was the means to achieving a nativistic, millennial utopia.94 Indeed, the promised land could only be reached through the elimination or removal of the Hispanic population; the two were antithetical.

While perpetrators and victims of genocide will often offer divergent views concerning the objectives of a conflict, this was not the case in the Pueblo Revolt or the Great Rebellion. A few days before the Pueblo uprising, the Pecos chief Juan Ye reported to the Hispanics that there was a conspiracy well underway to “to kill all the Spaniards and religious.”95 When it erupted, a native messenger from the town of Tesuque arrived on August 10 in San Diego de Jemez convoking the inhabitants to “kill the Spaniards and friars who are here,” and insisting that as a result of the rebellion “none of the Spaniards will remain alive” there or elsewhere in the area.96

Just before the rebels arrived at the outskirts of Santa Fe, two loyal Indians whom the governor had sent to reconnoiter the Keres and Tano regions hastened back to report that scores of Indians were “on the way to attack it and destroy the governor and all the Spaniards,” adding that they planned to “sack the said villa all together and kill within it the señor governor and captain-general, the religious, and all the citizens.”97 The cabildo98 of Santa Fe would later write that during the siege, “many times…the revolting Indians …declared that not one [Hispanic] in the entire kingdom should escape with his life.”99 While interrogating the Indian prisoners just before they abandoned the Santa Fe, many captives told the Hispanics that Popé had commanded that the rebels kill “the priests and the Spaniards, so that only the women and children would be left. They said that all the remaining men must be killed, even to the male child at the breast, as they have done in other parts where they have been.”100

On their way south, the Hispanics captured a Tiwa named Jerónimo, who also stated that Popé had ordered the Indians to kill all priests and Hispanics.101 As they continued southward, an Indian whom they captured testified that rebels from Tesuque had told those in San Cristóbal that the ”Indians want to kill the Custodian, the Fathers and the Spaniards, and have said that whoever kills a Spaniard shall have an Indian woman as wife, and whoever kills four shall have as many wives, and those killing ten or more shall have as many wives. They have said that they will kill all the servants of the Spaniards and those who talk Castilian, and have ordered everyone to burn their rosaries.”102 Another Indian captured around this time was a Tewa Indian named Antonio whom had been a servant of the Hispanics, endured the siege of Santa Fe with them, and fled as

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they abandoned the town. Asked why he had fled, he said it was “because he thought that the Spaniards would all be killed,” and that the insurgents had decided that “the Spaniards must perish”103 He also reported that the insurgents were planning to trap them “at the junction of the hills and the Rio del Norte near the house of Cristóbal Anaya, and [would] there attack the Spaniards when they attempted to cross over, and annihilate them.”104 In Jemez, in Rio Abajo, a rebel called upon the residents to kill all the Hispanics they found, assuring them that among those who had already fled south “not one of them will escape.”105 During the trip south led by Lieutenant Governor García , they found the pueblo of Santa Ana inhabited only by women, who boldly told him that the men “had left to kill the Spaniards.”106

During an entrada back to the region in 1681 the Hispanics interrogated several Indians concerning the revolt and its consequences. One, a Tano, stated that Popé had “given them to understand that the father of all the Indians, their great captain, who had been such since the world had been inundated, had ordered the said Popé to tell all the pueblos to rebel and to swear that they would do so; that no religious or no Spanish person must remain.”107 Similarly, the rebel Pedro Naranjo stated that the insurgent leader Alonso Catiti ordered the inhabitants of San Felipe “to assemble in order to go to the Villa to kill the governor and all who were with him.”108 Another testified that those of San Felipe had journeyed to Santo Domingo “to kill the friars, the alcalde mayor109 and the other persons who were there.”110 The elderly Indian Pedro Ganboa stated that he “has heard…that the Indians do not want religious or Spaniards” and in attacking Santa Fe they sought to “destroy the governor…and all the people who were with him.”111

Twelve years later, in September, 1692, when Governor Vargas arrived in Santa Fe, the Indians from Galisteo who had taken over the town assured him that “they were ready to fight for five days, [and that] they had to kill us all, we must not flee as we had the first time, and they had to take everybody’s life.”112 As he continued in his efforts to pacify the area in 1693, the natives at Ciéneguilla defiantly told Vargas that they “would fight…until they left us all dead, once and for all.”113 When Vargas finally reoccupied Santa Fe in December, 1693, it was only after the natives promised that they would “fight until all of the Spaniards die.”114

As fears increased prior to the outbreak of the 1696 rebellion, the friar Francisco de Vargas informed the governor that “the missionaries are afraid” because they know that the natives were plotting to “take the lives of both the religious and the Spaniards.”115 Similarly, a loyal Tano told the friar José Diaz that “at the next full moon they planned to kill the Spaniards,” while in Cochiti, a native woman warned friar Alfonso Jiménez de Cisneros to “’Take notice, Spaniards, the Indian has not said once that there will be a revolt and that they plan to kill all of the Spaniards. Do not tire, because what the Indian says once, he always carries out, so do not trust them; when the least you expect it they will strike you over the head.’ These are the exact words said by the Indian woman.”116

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Just after the 1696 uprising, the rebel Diego Umviro of Pecos said he wanted to kill “because the Spaniards were of a different blood.”117 The native Francisco Témprano from Tajique later stated that the residents of San Cristóbal announced that that “the day had come when the fathers and Spaniards had to die” and that they must be prepared to “kill all the religious and whichever Spaniards might be in those pueblos at that time.”118 Similarly, a Keres Indian prisoner who refused to give his name stated that the Tanos had convoked Indians to rebel, stating that “the Spaniards had to die now.”119 In San Juan de los Caballeros, the rebel Juan Griego announced that “Everyone in all the pueblos was going to rise up that night and kill all the religious and Spaniards, and they had to do the same thing.”120 Such testimony concerning the genocidal objectives of the rebellions was not fiction, but rather expressed in actions by the rebels as they killed almost all of the Hispanics they could in the region, except for some women and girls whom they kept as slaves.

The Exterminatory Dimension of the Great Rebellion

Much like the Pueblo Revolt, the objectives of the Great Rebellion, Indian independence and freedom from Hispanic oppression, were in the eyes of many rebels incompatible with the continued presence of most Hispanics in the region.At the time of the outbreak of the rebellion in Chayanta and the surrounding provinces in August, 1780, much of the violence was initially directed at curacas. Quite often these individuals were Mestizos whom had been appointed by the Spanish authorities on the basis of pliability. Often they had no organic connection to the communities they held sway over, and, in concert with the corregidor, they systematically exploited their subjects.121 Why some curacas were killed and others were not appears to be related to the degree to which they were assimilated into the Hispanic system of exploitation and society. Generally, many Mestizos supported the rebellion, and even Túpac Amaru was a Mestizo.

Ethnicity and its attributes were often as important as race in determining who became a target of the rebels. Occupations and social status were often associated with being Hispanic, and people were targeted if they dressed in the Hispanic style or could not speak Aymara or Quechua. This was evident as the Creole-Indian alliance collapsed in Oruro, and the surviving Hispanics donned Indian dress and began to chew coca. In Chocaya, Arque, Colcha and Sacaca the victorious rebels demanded that all people dress in the traditional native garb.122 In the village of Sicasica the rebels killed “those of their nation who used shirts and were not immediately moving to their dress.”123 Likewise, Túpac Catari in La Paz and Tomás Callasaya in Tiquina, decreed death to anyone who ate bread, used fountains for water, did not speak Aymara or wear native clothes.124 During the rebel siege of Oruro, largely led by Santos Mamani, the insurgents expressed their intention to kill all non-Indians there, including women, the young and priests.125 Throughout Peru and Upper Peru, thousands of Hispanic non-combatants were killed in towns such as Sorata, Juli, Tiquina, Colcha, Palca,

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San Pedro de Buenavista, Carangas, Ayopaia, Arque, Tarata and Tapacari and Tupiza.126 When Nicolás Catari attacked the town of Aullagas he counted many Mestizos in his forces, and those in Oruro increasingly supported the Indians as the rebellion there radicalized.127 Rampant conscription led to many Mestizos, and Indians, involuntarily becoming involved in the rebellion, and in the case of the former, many probably joined out of fear of being labeled “Hispanic” by other rebels.128

In Upper Peru, by September and October, 1781, rebel aggression increasingly targeted Spaniards, Creoles and others of light skin color, in addition to Mestizos. In early September, followers of Tomás Catari began to kill "the Spaniards [and] Mestizos.”129 Another contemporary was of the belief that Túpac Amaru had ordered the rebels in Upper Peru and elsewhere to kill "as many Spaniards and Mestizos as they could get their hands on."130 In September and October, 1780, when insurgents under the leadership of Simón Castillo briefly occupied and looted the town of San Pedro de Buenavista, they demanded that the village priest hand over all of the curacas and Mestizos. A few months later they would return and slaughter almost all of the non-Indians there.131 In October, 1780, in the town of Paria, the corregidor Manuel de Bodega, who would a couple of months later become a victim of rebel wrath, wrote that the insurgents were killing "any Spaniard and cholo132 that they find in the towns...so that there will be no person to subject them.”133 Following the death of Tomás Catari and the ensuing radicalization of the rebellion, some insurgents stated that Dámaso and Nicolás Catari ordered the rebels to “finish off with all those who were not Indians and with those who opposed” them.134 In Arque, unaware of the breakdown of Creole-Indian relations in Oruro, a Creole desperately wrote the Creole rebel Jacinto Rodríguez inquiring if “it was true that he had given orders that the Indians kill all whites without distinction” between Creoles and Spaniards.135 In the village of Tolapampa, in the province of Porco, an order attributed to Nicolás Catari ordered rebels to “kill all the corregidors, priests, miners, Spaniards and Mestizos.”136

One Hispanic official believed, wrongly, that Túpac Amaru had commanded that all non-Indians be killed, though he was correct in his belief that many of his adepts sought the “extermination” of non-Indians.137 In a letter to king Charles III, the Cabildo of Cochabamba stated that they believed that the insurgents wnated that “there not remain in this vast kingdom any other kind of people than that of their own caste.”138 One contemporary claimed that the rebels “killed with more cruelty all those that had white faces,” while another in Chayanta asserted that the rebels wanted to kill “as many Spaniards as they could find.”139 In the village of Chocaya, the Spaniard Florentín Alfaro managed to save his life by fleeing as a result of his belief that the insurgents were attempting to “finish off all of the Spaniards and Mestizos.”140

The views of Sebastían de Segurola, who headed the defense of besieged La Paz , evolved over time. He stated his belief that Túpac Catari wanted “not just to

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kill the corregidors and Europeans, as I thought at the beginning, but rather all those who were not legitimately Indians.”141 The cleric Matías de la Borda, who was held prisoner by Túpac Catari, believed that the Aymara rebel sought the “total extermination of the Spanish people, both patrician and European, and of the[ir] life, customs and Religion.”142 Similarly, Father Josef de Uriate, who was held prisoner by the insurgents in the region of Sicasica, wrote that they intended to “pass under the knife the Spaniards and Mestizos without sparing the priests, women nor children, and [to] extinguish the cattle and seeds of Spain.” Such was their hatred for the Hispanics that he noted that they had created their own currency in order to “not to see the royal face.”143

Apart from their actions, the confessions and statements of captive rebels indicate that the preceeding was not Hispanic hyperbole. During the siege of La Paz, Túpac Catari called upon the defenders to destroy their defenses and surrender “all of the corregidors...Europeans ...priests and their assistants, the royal officials, the customs tax collectors, hacendados and firearms.”144 In another letter he commanded “that all the Creoles die,” and stated that he intended to “finish off everyone with the objective that there will not be Mestizos.”145 His sister Gregoria Apasa, who was also a rebel, stated in her confession that the insurgents would “take the lives of the whites whenever they had the opportunity.”146 The rebel Augustina Zerna, testified that the rebels were trying to “finish with all the Spaniards or white faces.”147 The rebel Josefa Anaya also confessed that the insurgents initially planned to “kill the corregidores, the Europeans and bad Creoles, although in reality they always killed everyone they found” that was Hispanic.148 Similarly, the insurgent Diego Quispe stated that rebels sought to “kill absolutely all the whites without distinction” between Spaniard and Creole.149 Also in the region of La Paz, Diego Estaca confessed that “the principal objective of the uprising was to get rid of all of the white people,” while not far away in Tiquina, Tomás Callisaya ordered “that all corregidores, their ministers, caciques, collectors, and other dependents be passed by the knife, as well as all the chapetones,150 Creoles, women and children, without exception of sex or age, and all persons who is or looks Spanish, or at the least is dressed in the imitation of such Spanish.”151 Like Túpac Catari, in whose name he acted, he also ordered that the natives not “eat bread nor drink water from fountains but rather totally separate themselves from all of the customs of the Spanish.”152 Many of the insurgents who prosecuted the siege of La Paz had earlier rebelled in the southern provinces, and consequently the events there are indicative of the goals of rebels from diverse regions.153

One rebel who was involved in the massacre in the village of San Pedro de Buenavista testified that among the things that motivated him was “the express desire of taking the lives of the Spaniards,” while another in Cochabamba stated that many rebels in ther area wanted to kill “white people” and take their property.154 In the village of Carasi, the insurgent Andrés Gonzales stated in his confession that he wanted to kill all of the Hispanics “from the priest on.”155 In the village of Poroma, the insurgent Sebastían Morochi testified that the rebels

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wanted to kill “everyone [there] including the priest,” and Sencio Chamsi similarly confessed that the rebels wanted to “destroy” all of the Hispanics there.156 In Tapacari, the rebels sought to kill the curaca and his relatives “up to the fifth generation.”157 In the vicinity of Sillota and Oruro, other insurgents such as Diego Calsina, Juan Solis, Cruz Tomás and Manuel Mamani also stated in their confessions that they sought to kill all Hispanics.158 Also in Sillota, the rebel Casimiro Ramos stated in his confession that the rebels wanted to “exterminate” the Hispanics in the town, while Eusebio Padilla acknowledged that he wanted to kill “Spaniards, Mestizos, blacks and all except the tributary Indians” there.159 Likewise, the rebel Ascensio Taquichiro, testified that in Challacollo he hoped to to “burn the town and kill the inhabitants without leaving one alive who was not an Indian.”160

Symbolism and the Exterminatory Impulse

Apart from confessions and occasionally some correspondence, most insurgents in these conflicts left no written record concerning their inspiration and objectives. Although many were illiterate, many were also quite articulate and expressed themselves cogently through the symbolic content of their actions which corroborate the exterminatory nature of their endeavor. Claude Levi-Strauss argued that that people "communicate by means of symbols and signs. For anthropology...all things are symbol and sign which act as intermediaries between two subjects" and symbols are chosen from many alternatives of expression.161 The deliberate choosing of one form of expression over another is key to understanding the relationship between rebel action and symbolic expression. The symbolic content of rebel actions was often pronounced in the manner in which they selected, treated and killed their victims, and in what they did with their property. In both rebellions, we find a tendency among the rebels to seek to invert the previous order, often humiliating their victims in the process, and to superimpose symbols, especially in actions relating to the church. In the Great Rebellion there was also a tendency of the rebels to seek to preside over the implosion of the Hispanic system.

In the case of the Pueblos, there is an interesting example which suggests that the natives were accustomed to symbolic communication. Near Pecos in July, 1696, a Hispanic found that Indians, perhaps Navajo or Yuta, had left a “cross they had… drawn on the ground by hand. There was also a club and a long line drawn across the trail. The Pecos Indians interpreted the cross to mean that they should understand that those who had made the tracks were not Christians, as they were, and not Apaches, which they were not. They said the club and the line meant that they had to kill however many of them who, because they were Christians, might follow the Spaniards, and that the Pecos were too cowardly to go beyond the line.”162 The illustration, and most importantly its complex interpretation by Indians, suggests that symbolic communication was part of the native lexicon.

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The insurgents in Peru and Upper Peru also utilized symbolic discourse to express their objectives. On occasion it had a simple eloquence, such as when Andrés Túpac Amaru mandated in the region of La Paz and Sicasica that when rebels found medallions adorned with an image of Charles III, which were given to loyalist curacas, that they be hanged from a gallows.163 The message was clear: the time of Spanish rule had ended, and so would be the lives of those who defended it. Symbolic expression could be even more direct. For example, when the rebels attacked Corregidor Alós and his escort in August, 1780, they cut off the hand of his scribe, Mateo Tellez, and chopped out the tongue of Alós’ advisor, Josef Benavides, before killing both men. Both had been physically and symbolically stripped of their ability to perform their colonial roles, to write and speak.164

Such actions were deliberate, the rebels had to identify and capture these individuals, not all victims were mutilated in this way, and their mutilation was clearly associated with their respective roles in oppressing the Indians. A priest suffered a similar fate in Colcha. After capturing but before executing him, the rebels cut out his tongue, physically and symbolically preventing him from preaching.165 In Palca, Upper Peru, that the insurgents executed over four hundred men, women and children, leaving "some on top of the others…[and] many in a shameless position” suggests that there was some symbolic content to the manner of execution or its aftermath.166 Mutilation appears to have been widespread in all of the rebellions under study here, and while it has inherent symbolic content it is not always clear how it was done of what were the roles of the victims in colonial society.167

The manner in which people were usually executed in the Great Rebellion, through beheading, also highlighted the exterminatory element of the uprising. By decapitating their enemies, the insurgents communicated their belief that the victims would never reincarnate.168 In their view, to kill by other means, or to bury victims prematurely, left open the possibility that their enemies could one day return to dominate them. The Spaniards had learned too late about the native belief of the relationship between decapitation and resurrection. In 1572, when Viceroy Toledo ordered the execution of Túpac Amaru I, they did not behead him. This led to a popular belief that he would return one day to save his people, something that Túpac Amaru (II) would use to his advantage in 1780.169 Beheading had other uses as well, as very often victim’s heads were send to Túpac Amaru, and other leaders, thereby symbolically expressing their fealty to the leader.170

Humiliation and the Inversion of Power Relationships

Symbolic expression of Indian power in both regions under study was often, but not exclusively, related to Catholicism and its clerics and involved the inversion of traditional relationships and the humiliation or ridicule of clerics. The attacks on churches often were the result of people taking refuge in what

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was generally among, if not the, strongest building in a town and best suited to survive a rebel assault. The tactical considerations which led to its use as a shield, both literally and figuratively, also led to churches being a rich backdrop for a symbolic theater. The assaults on Catholic symbols in both New Mexico and in Peru and Upper Peru, also reflected the fact that many rebels saw the conflict as a contest between native and alien gods.

In the Andean case, there was considerable diversity among the rebels concerning their views of Christianity. While it does appear that many insurgents were apostates or never believers in the first place, others appear to have sought to reformulate Catholicism so that it served, as opposed to exploited, them. Whatever their stand, as in New Mexico, most appear to believe that the Christian god had power, the question was how much and for whose benefit was it expressed. The rebellion itself showed the faltering power of the Spanish god to defend the Hispanics, and as the insurgency radicalized in early 1781, the rebels increasingly ignored the tradition of church sanctuary. Time and again, in the Pueblo Revolts and the Great Rebellion, the rebels overran churches if those inside did not surrender and come out to face an almost certain death.171 In the Great Rebellion, many clerics died in Tapacari, San Pedro de Buenavista, Oruro, Poopó, Aymaia, Songo, Chucuito, El Alto and other towns in Peru and Upper Peru.172

In New Mexico, even before the 1680 rebellion, attacks on clerics often had a symbolic element. When the inhabitants of Zuni rebelled in 1632, they not only killed Friar Francisco Letrado, but highlighted their power by scalping him.173 In the early 1670s, when Apaches attacked the pueblo of Abó, they burned the monastery, and killed Friar Pedro de Ayala, after “stripping him of his clothing, putting a rope around his neck, flogging him most cruelly, and finally killing him with blows of the macana;174 after he was dead they surrounded the body with dead white lambs, and covered the privy parts, leaving him in this way.”175 The burning of the mission was a rather blunt symbolic act, by stripping the friars the Indians were stripping them of their power, and by placing dead lambs around his body the Apaches may have been issuing a warning that a similar fate awaited his flock. In 1680, the rebels also used physical abuse and humiliation to express both their hatred of and dominance over their enemies. For example, in Jemez, after capturing Friar Jesus Morador in his bed, the rebels stripped him of his clothes, bound him on the back of a pig and paraded him throught he pueblo as he was attacked by the natives. Later, at least one rebel rode and spurred him like a horse before finally killing him.176

The rebels in New Mexico not only attacked and killed priests, but symbols of Catholicism generally. During the entrada into the pueblo region in 1681, as the Hispanics entered Senecú in early November, they encountered “the holy temple and convent burned” and in the sacristy they found the “hair and crown from a crucifix, thrown on the ground” along with a broken altar. In the cemetery they found a bell with its clapper removed in the cemetery in addition to a bronze

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cannon and a cross which had earlier been in the plaza.177 Governor Otermín was of the belief that the town had been attacked by Apaches. Whether Apache or Pueblo, by scalping an image of Christ and breaking an altar, they were communicating the destruction of Hispanic, and Catholic, power and demonstrating the resurgence of native power.

During the same entada, on December 17th, 1681, as Governor Otermín led his forces into Sandía he found the symbols of Catholic authority were literally in pieces. “[T]he church and convent [were] entirely… demolished” and he found “two broken bells, in five pieces” in addition to a “small broken crown.” In one building they encountered “a trophy…painted on a panel, the image of the Immaculate conception of Our Lady with a dragon at her feet, which work had served as an altar piece for the main altar of the said church, …the divine eyes and mouth of the figure were ruined, and that there were signs on the other parts of the body of it having been stoned, while the accursed figure at her feet was whole and unspoiled.” These were clearly deliberate actions, and communicated the resurgent power of native gods and the collapse of Catholic power, which the Indians had symbolically blinded, muted and otherwise humiliated.

Also during the 1681 entrada, the Hispanics also found the pueblo of Socorro deserted and its mission and church burned. In the sacristy they “found a crown of twigs and two pieces of the arm of a holy image of Christ” and in the plaza they encountered an “entire thigh, leg and foot of a holy image of Christ, in one piece, all the rest of the divine image being burned to charcoal and ashes, also some bases of other images and many pieces of burned crosses. One large cross of pine which had been in the cemetery they had cut down at the base with axes and had burned the arms and most of the rest of it in the plaza of the said pueblo.”178 Governor Otermín believed that here the Pueblo rebels, as opposed to Apaches, had burned the “temple, images and crosses.”179 Burning religious symbols is itself symbolic, and communicated the figurative and physical destruction of Catholicism and the powerlessness of the Catholic god.

As in the 1680 rebellion, that of 1696 also involved the destruction of Hispanic religious symbols, or their subjection to those of the Indians, and the stripping of Hispanic victims. In the leadup to the 1696 rebellion a friar noted that the Indians “are interested only in obtaining the equipment of the ministers, the livestock, and everything with regard to the divine religious…they broke to pieces and profaned.”180 In March of 1696, a friar in Picurís reported that “he has seen them stone the patron saint,” while an Indian in in Cochiti told the resident priest that “he will drink from the chalice.”181 As in the previous examples, we find natives deliberately destroying religious artifacts, expressing their desire to invert social, religious and power relationships, and placing at their service that which had served the Hispanics and buttressed their power.

During the 1696 rebellion, in the pueblo of San Ildefonso the insurgents burned the mission and church and killed eight Hispanics, while in Nambé the monastery

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had been ransacked, the “sacred vessels and vestments” had been taken, perhaps as trophies, and the rebels had abandoned the beaten and “naked bodies [of four people]…at the door of the church”182 During this time, the rebels of San Diego de Jemez “pulled off even the crosses and rosaries that they had hanging from their necks and threw them to the ground.”183 Similarly, in San Juan de los Jemez, the Hispanics “found…the images of the saints destroyed and in pieces and the crosses broken.”184

182 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 4-5, 1696, 729, 732, 734.183 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Commissary General.” Santa Fe, July 21, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 244.184 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Provincial,” 252.8 A person born in the New World of Iberian parents.9 “Representación del Dr. Manuel Reque cura acerca de los robos, saqueos y profanaciones del templos.” La Paz, July 5, 1783. ANB, SGI.1783.206, 5; “Carta del Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” Cochabamba, Jan. 31, 1782. Archivo General de Indias (hereafter AGI) Charcas 595, 2; also in vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett. Translations of Original Documents by Charmion Clair Shelby (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 3.10 “Carta del Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” 2; “Carta de Arequipa con fecha 2 de Maya de 1781 que refiere los estragos executados por los indios alzados en varios pueblos de las provincias de ambos virreyenatos." Arequipa, May 2, 1781, in book 2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 692.12 D. T. Reff, “The ‘Predicament of Culture’ and the Spanish Missionary Accounts of the Tepehuan and Peublo Revolts,” in Ethnohistory. vol. 42, no. 1 (Winter, 1995), 69.13 Ibid.14 “Luis Granillo, Interrogation of Francisco Témprano.” Santa Fe, June 13, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 19980, 758.15 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Fray Cristobal, September 13, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 114; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín. Santa Fe, August 21, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, vol. viii, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 17; Hackett, “Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 142-43; Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians, vol. viii, xciv.16 Bancroft, 166, 168, 175; Knault, 101, 166-67; J. Manuel Espinosa, The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988),19, 24; John Kessell, “Esteban Clemente, Precursor of the Pueblo Revolt,” in El Palacio vol. 86, no. 4 (1980), 16; “Declaration of Diego López Sambrano,” 299-300.17 “Declaration of Diego López Sambrano.” Hacienda of Luís de Carbajal, December 22, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Vol. IX. Charles Wilson Hackett. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 299-300; Kessell, “Esteban Clemente,”16; Bancroft, 168; Knault, 166-67.

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The desire to invert previous relationships was also demonstrated in December of 1693 as Governor Vargas was preparing to assault Santa Fe. The Indians occupying the town defiantly asserted that they were going to kill all of the Hispanics, except for some friars. They shouted that “The friars will for a short time be our servants, we will make them carry firewood and bring it from the woods, and after they have served us we will kill all of them.”185 They sought to further invert the colonial social when when they asserted that they were “going to kill …[the Hispanics] and make slaves of their women and children.”186 This was probably no bluff, as it is exactly what they had done with numerous Hispanic women in 1680.187 After the Hispanics had reoccupied Santa Fe, they found a cross, previously situated in the plaza, which had since been broken to

18 A medicine man.19 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” Santa Fe, April 2, 1778. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 308; “Statement of Pedro García.” El Alamillo, September 6, 1680, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, vol. VIII, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 62; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” Alamillo, September 6, 1680. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 21; Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, “Mercurio Volante con la noticias de la recuperacion de las Provincias del Nuevo Mexico.” 1693. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na, (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 84; Bancroft, 175; Robert Silverberg, The Pueblo Revolt (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1970), 99; Angelico Chávez, “Pohe-yemo’s Representative and the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, ”New Mexico Hisotrical Review XLII (January, 1967), 99, 105; Bancroft, 175; Knault, 167-68; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 99; Franklin Folsom, Indian Uprising on the Rio Grande: The Pueblo Revolt of 1680 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1973), 61.20 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo.” Rio del Norte, December 18, 1681. In vol. 2, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 62; Espinosa, The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico, 34; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 99, 102; Knault, 6, 168; Carroll Riley, The Kachina and the Cross: Indians and Spaniards in the Early Southwest (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 1999), 71; Chávez, 120-22. Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. vol. VIII, xxv.21 Bancroft, 177; Knault, 4; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 103.22 “Autos drawn up as a result of the rebellion of the Christian Indians.” Santa Fe, August 9, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 3; Knault, 3.23 Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 109, 114, 117; Knault, 169.24 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico.” Np., September 8, 1680. In Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett, vol. iv, (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1937), 329- 330; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 17; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 109, 114, 119; France Scholes, “Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659 –1670,” in Historical Society of New Mexico Publications in History, vol. XI (January 1942), 7.25 Bancroft, 177-78; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 113, 124; Knault, 7-8.

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pieces. In addition, he also recovered “an image of Our Lady, the head of which was hit and broken with a macana.”188

Like father Morador, many victims in both New Mexico and in Peru and Upper Peru were ridiculed and stripped of their clothing. This not only underscored rebel dominance but also symbolized the stripping of their victim’s power and its appropriation by the rebels. In the Pueblo region, six miles south of the town of San Felipe on the ranch of Cristóbal de Anaya, and also nearby of that of Pedro de Cuellar, the rebels killed and stripped both men and their families.189 Priestly vestments were also used by the rebels “in their dances, and [placed] with their 26 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín. Santa Fe, August 10, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett, vol. viii, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942) 11; “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico.” Np., September 8, 1680. In vol. IV, Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1937), 329; Bancroft, 177-78; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 106-7, 114, 120, 133, 136-37; Knault, 7-8.27 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 330; “Auto and Judicial Process.” Santa Fe, August 13-20, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. viii. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 12-13; Bancroft 179; Knault, 9-10; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 138.28 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 32.29 “Auto and Judicial Process.” Santa Fe, August 13-20, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. viii. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 14; “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 332-33; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 309; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 33; “Auto and Judicial Process.” Santa Fe, August 13-20, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. viii. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942),15; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 140; Knault, 10-11; Ralph E. Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, vol. 1, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 464.30 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 333.31 Ibid.32 Ibid., 333-34; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 309; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 142; Knault, 11-12.33 Knault, 12.34 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 334; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 32; Knault, 12.35 Bancroft, 178-79.36 “Opinion of Luís Granillo,” Near Socorro, August 26, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 82; “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf.” Isleta, August 14, 1680. In vol. 2, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch

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trophies of…other church paraphernalia,” thus underscoring their power, both terrestrial and divine, over their enemies.190

During the Great Rebellion, in Pintatora, the insurgents "made fun" of the assistant priest while he tried to pacify the rebels by displaying a crucifix, while in Sacaca the rebels abused the assistant priest and made him wear a crown of thorns.191 In Oruro one rebel called out that the Christ of Burgos was "only a piece of" wood, and in Palca another shouted that the host was nothing more than bread.192 Dancing over corpses, such as was done in Oruro and Tapacari, not only ridiculed their enemies but also underscored native power.193

Press, 1914), 24, 28-29; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 128-29.37 “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf,” 26, 30; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 309; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 23; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 146; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Fray Cristobal, September 13, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 121.38 Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, vol. viii, lxxi-lxxiii; lxxiv-lxxviii; Charles W. Hackett, “The Retreat of the Spaniards from New Mexico in 1680, Beginnings of El Paso I,” in Southwestern Historical Quarterly vol. 16, no. 2, (October, 1912), 144.39 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 40-41; Ann Hughes, The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District (Berkeley: np., 1914), 301, 310-11,370.40 “To the Governor and Captain General.” La Salineta, October 3, 1680. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 45.41 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 328, 334; “Auto for passing muster, reviewing arms and horses, and other things.” Opposite La salineta, September 29, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 134; “The count continues, on October 2, 1680, in the said place” La Salineta, October 2, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942),157-59; “Auto de Junta de Guerra.” La Salineta, October 2, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 161; Bancroft, 179; Knault, 14,133; Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, vol. viii, cix- cx.42 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 328; “Letter of Antonio de Otermín to Fray Diego de Parraga.” Near Socorro, September 8, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 90; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Place opposite la Salineta, October 1, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 153.

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Stripping victims of the Great Rebellion was a common way of highlighting the inversion of traditional power and social relationships. In Challapata, after killing the corregidor, the rebels acceded to the pleas of the village priest to spare the armed escort which had accompanied him, but only after they had been stripped of both their clothing and valuables. In February, 1781, in Yura and Anasayas, the rebels stripped clerics of their vestments.194 When the Indians took Oruro, they stripped a crown official of his clothing in the Convent of Santo Domingo.195 Humiliation and inversion were not the only reasons for stripping people, as the Andean Indians equated poverty and

43 “The Viceroy of New Spain makes report to your Majesty of the general uprising of the Indians of the provinces of New Mexico, and of the measures and means which have been adopted for their restoration.” Mexico City, February 28, 1681. In vol. 4, Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1937) 339; “To the Governor and Captain General,” 44; “List and memorial of the religious whom the Indians of New Mexico have killed.” Np.,nd. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 108; Bancroft, 179; Knault 14; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 129.44 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 328; France Scholes, “Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century,” in New Mexico Historical Review vol.10, no.2 (April, 1935), 97.45 A military expedition.46 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9-October 15, 1692. In By Force of Arms: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1691-1693. John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., 51, 365; Manuel J. Espinosa, First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), 29.47 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9-October 15, 1692. In By Force of Arms: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1691-1693. John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992), 373-384, 386, 388, 393-398, 403-410, 417, 424, 430, 433, 435-47; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 319-320; Siguenza y Gongora, 88-98, 92, 95, 99; “Este cuaderno se cree ser obra de un religioso de la provincia del Santo Evangelico.”np, nd. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 324-26; “Extracto de la carta en que con fecha de 16 de octubre de 1692, da cuenta Vargas a S.E.” Santa Fe. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 327-29; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, October 16 – December 27, 1692. In By Force of Arms: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1691-1693. John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992) 510-534, 538; “Extracto de la carta en que con fecha de 16 de octubre de 1692, da cuenta Vargas a S.E.” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas 1962) 327, 333-34. 48 “Vargas to Viceroy Count de Galves,” Paso del Norte, October 13, 1693. In vol. 2, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph E. Twitchell, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 89; “Tercer cuaderno [of Fray Salvador de San Antonio]” Santa Fe. Dec. 18, 1693. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas 1962), 343-6.49 “The Cabildo of Santa Fe, petition.” Santa Fe, November 9, 1695. In Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, new Mexico, 1694-97. John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 649; “Sesto cuaderno y primero del año de 1695.” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico,

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nakedness. Stripping their victims brought them to the level of poverty that the Indians knew all too well. In Aymaia, as a band of rebels beat Father Diolino Cortés to death, one Indian shouted "Priest! Thief! It is because of you that we are naked.”196 While stripping people inverted relationships, so too did the rebel use of their enemies clothing and property as trophies. In La Paz, Sicasica and San Pedro de Buenavista, some rebels demonstrated their power by wearing the clothing of their victims.197

In Upper Peru the rebels also demanded that people only wear indigenous

1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 395, 397.50 “Fray Francisco de Vargas, Petition.” Santa Fe, March 7, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 674.51 “Letter of Fray Jose Arbizu.” San Cristobal, March 9, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 171; “Letter of Fray Blás Navarro.” Picurís, March 9, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 173; “Letter of Fray José García Marín.” Santa Clara, March 9, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 174.52 “Sesto cuaderno y primero del año de 1695,” 395, 397; “Diego de Vargas, proceeding.” Santa Fe, March 14, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998) 682-86; “Letter of Fray Antonio Carbonel.” Nambé, March 31, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., 220-21; “Auto of Governor Vargas.” Santa Fe, November 23, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 285.53 “Letter of Fray Miguel Trizio.” Bernalillo, April 17, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 226.54 “Sesto cuaderno y primero del año de 1695,” 398; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 4-5, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998) , 728-29, 732, 734; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 12, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 747.55 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 4-5, 1696, 728; Kessell, Blood on the Boulders, 723; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 30-July 2, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 786.56 “Sesto cuaderno y primero del año de 1695,” 399-400.57 “Miguel de Lara to Diego de Vargas.” Zia, July 1, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 797; Kessell, Blood on the Boulders, 965; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” August 30 – Septmber 6, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97,

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dress, symbolizing both the resurgent dominance of native culture and ways as well as the inversion of previous power relationships. Presumably many Mestizos, fearing that they would be considered Hispanic, also put on native garb. At the beginning of the rebellion, when supporters of Tomás Catari marched Corregidor Alós to the hacienda where he was held captive, he was forced to dress in the native fashion.198 As the insurgency swept through the region, consuming Colcha, Arque, Tapacari, Sacaca, Sicasica, Chocaya and Oruro, the rebels consistently demanded that all people exclusively use native clothing, speak native languages and otherwise engage in indigenous customs such as chewing coca leaves.199 This was quite dramatic in Oruro

John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 1,010.58 “Sesto cuaderno y primero del año de 1695,” 400-03.59 A village chief.60 "Levantamiento de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas...y lo acaecido en el pueblo de Pocoata de dha provincia a su corregidor Dn. Joaquín Alós." La Plata, September 29, 1780. In book 2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 235; see also "El lisenciado D. Diego Frnz Mariano representa a V.M. como teniente de cura de la Doctrina de Condocondo, Provincia de Paria." Condocondo, July 12, 1774. In "Expediente informado de la contaduría y respondiendo del Sor. Fiscal sobre excesos del corregidor de Paria Dn Manuel de la Bodega." AGI, Charcas 528, 1; “Relación de los hechos más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." Revista de archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 143; “Informacion recivida en la Prova de Chayanta sobre aberiguar quienes han hido los principales caudillos de la sublevcn de dichos pueblos.” Moromoro, April 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.160, 16; Sergio Serulnikov, “Tomás Catari y la producción de justícia" (Buenos Aires: Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad, 1988), 20-21; Claudio Andrade Padilla, La Rebelión de Tomás Catari (Sucre, Bolivia: IPTK/CIPRES, 1994), 69.61 A district governor. 62 "Diario y relación prolija jurada que yo el General Don Juan Gelly hago de todos los pasajes y sucesos acaecidos en varias distritos y lugares." La Plata. AGI, Charcas 594, 1, 3; "Levantamiento de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas," 237-41; “Expediente obrado a solicitud de los indios de la Prova. de Chayanta impetrando perdón sus excesos.” La Plata, March 5, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.50, 1; “Carta a Ignacio Flores,” Rosario, January 19, 1781. ANB, SGI, 1781.53, 2; “Informacion recibida en la Prova de Chayanta sobre aberiguar quienes han hido los principales caudillos de la sublevcn de dichos pueblos,” 14, 17; "Representación del Indio Tomás Catari." Macha, November 12, 1780. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; “Anexo al diario y relación prolija jurada que yo el general Don Juan Gelly hago de todos los pasajes y sucesos acaecidos en varios distritos y lugares." La Plata, September 9, 1780. AGI, Charcas, 594, 1;Copia de carta acordada dirijida al Corregidor de Chayanta.” La Plata, August 22, 1780. ANB, AchLA.11.1780, 952; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 145, 147; Oficio de Merlos a Vertíz del 14 de Noviembre de 1780." Macha, November 14, 1780. In La rebelión de Túpac Amaru y los origines de la independencia de Hispanoamérica, Boleslao Lewin (Buenos Aires: Sociedad Editora Latino Americana, 1967), 734; “Diario trunco de los sucesos desde el 4 febo. hasta Octr. 16 de 1780 en Chuquisaca.” La Plata, October 16, 1780. ANB, Ruck.1780.96, 11, 1-2; Serulnikov, "Tomás Catari," 22-24; L. Fisher, 53, 57-58; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 243; Andrade, 57, 67.63 The forced distrubution of goods, in which natives were compelled to purchase goods at inflated prices from the corregidor and his agents.

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as the Creole-Indian alliance quickly evaporated, and the insurgents commanded that everyone dress in the native manner, chew coca and speak Aymara.200 In Tapacari, the rebels spared some Hispanic women and made them dress in the Indian manner.201 The value of adopting native ways was demonstrated by many who failed to do so.202 In the village of Sicasica the rebels were executing “those of their nation who used shirts and were not immediately moving to their dress.”203 Just to the north in the La Paz region and in Tiquina, Túpac Catari and Tomás Callisaya respectively ordered the execution of anyone who did not speak Aymara or dress in the native fashion.204 Depending on the situation and context, in some cases Hispanic

64 A forced labor system in the mines.65 "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." La Plata, May 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 5; "Auto de Tomás Catari." Macha, October 21, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 159; “Recurso de Lope Limachi, gobernador de Tacabamba sobre haberse resistido los indios al page de la contribuición de los RR tributos.” La Plata, January 22, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.51, 1, 6; “Causa seguida contra Sebastían Aysa y otros por varios delitos en el pueblo de Condocondo.” La Plata, October 9, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.145; "Confesión de Dámaso Catari." La Plata, April 1, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 305-6.66 “Informe del oidores Pedro Antonio Zernudas y Lorenzo Blanco Ciceron." La Plata, March 14, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Representación de Juan de Dios Pinapi," La Plata, October 20, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 18; “Fragment of Informe.” n.p., n.d. AGI, Charcas, 594, 1; “Confesión de Asensio Pacheco." La Plata, April 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 20; "Informe del Fiscal Juan Pino del Manrique." La Plata, March 12, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 18; “Exp. seguido contra los indios José Gregorio Arroyo y demás complices de la sublevación del pueblo de Challapata." La Plata, September 30, 1781. ANB, SGI, 1781.64, 3; “Dn. Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas sobre la sublevación del pueblo de Tarabuco provincia de la frontera de Tomina.” La Plata, February 2, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.95, 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, December 1, 1780. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; Serulnikov, "Tomás Catari," 17; Sergio Serulnikov, "Revindicaciones indigenas y legalidad colonial. La rebelión de Chayanta (1777-1781)" (Buenos Aires: Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad, 1989), 7-8; O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 118-119, 153.67 L. Fisher, 4, 23, 25, 30, 33, 35; Jan Szeminski, “Why Kill The Spaniard? New Perspectives on Andean Insurrectionary Ideology in the 18th Century." In Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth centuries, ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 173-174; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 253.68 “Certificación de actos cometidos por Antonio Oblitas.” Cuzco, 1781. In vol. 3, Colección documental del bicentenario de la revolución emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, ed. Luís Durand Florez (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1980), 555; “Testimonio de los autos formados por el alsamiento del indio José Gabriel Tupa Amaro Cacique del pueblo de Tungasuca provincia de Tinta.” N.P., January 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.242, 3; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 209; L. Fisher, 45-46, 59, 95; Leon Campbell, "Ideology and Factionalism during the Great Rebellion, 1780-1782," in Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries, ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 119; Although there were efforts to communicate between the supporters of Túpac Amaru and Tomás Catari, the rebellions do not appear to be the result of joint planning or coordination.69 L. Fisher, 95-96, 98, 101.70 “Testimonio de la sentencia dada contra el vil traidor Joseph Gabriel Túpac Amaru cazique del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta.” Cuzco, May 20, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2; “Testimonio de los autos formados por el alsamiento del indio José Gabriel Tupa Amaro Cacique

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clothes were the mark of death, while in others they were the mark of victory.

The Andean rebels expressed their desire to invert social relationships through other means. For example, prior to overrunning the town in March of 1781, when Simón Castillo briefly occupied San Pedro de Buenavista on Christmas Day, 1780, he commanded that all Spaniards leave the town within eight days or "be sent to the mines of Potosi.”205 When the insurgents overran Carangas, they put the treasury official Juan Manuel de Guemes y Huesles a place many Indians were familiar with, the stocks, before executing him. In Chocaya the rebels imprisoned the Spaniard Gerónimo

del peublo de Tungasuca provincia de Tinta.” N.P., January 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.242, 16, 24; Jan Szeminski, La utopía Tupamarista (Lima: Pontífica Universidad Católica del Perú, 1984), 246; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism;” 125-126; Boleslao Lewin, Túpac Amaru el Rebelde: Su época, sus luchas y su influencia en el continente (Buenos Aires: Editorial Claridad, 1943), 201.71 Eulogio Zudaire Huarte, “Análisis de la rebelión de Túpac Amaru en su bicentenario (1780-1980),” Revista de Indios no. 159 (1980), 59; L. Fisher, 103, 106, 109, 112, 117, 120-22.72 L. Fisher, 123.73 Ibid., 119, 120-121, 123-124, 125, 127.74 Ibid., 120-121,127.75 Ibid., 123, 129, 131-132, 212-213, 216-218.76 Zudaire, 63; L. Fisher, 218-219,222-23, 237-38.77 “Testimonio de Pedro Gonzalez Santalla,” in “Expediente seguido sobre el lamentable estado del pueblo de Sorata por haberse citiada por los indios.” Oruro, August 19, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.244, 1; “Testimonio de Da. Liberata de Mariaca,” in “Segundo cuaderno de la sumaria confesión y otras actuaciones de la causa criminal seguida contra Antonio Molina.” La Paz, November 4, 1782. ANB, SGI.1782.62, 2;“Testimonio de Gernomio Gutierras,” in “Segundo cuaderno de la sumaria confesión y otras actuaciones de la causa criminal seguida contra Antonio Molina.” La Paz, November 4, 1782. ANB, SGI.1782.62, 16; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 212.78 “Fragment of Informe,” 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." May 13, 1781, 2; "El Rl Auda dela Plata informa a V.M. de lo reciente ocurrido con el Justa Maor nombrado para la Prova de Chayanta y con los reos Thomas Catari y su escrivente Ysidro de Serrano." La Plata, January 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Josef Galvez." La Plata, February 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Carta de Juan José Vertíz a Josef Galvez." Buenos Aires, February 19, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2; Andrade, 128-129, 130.79 “Carta de Dámaso Catari a Dn. Pasqual Llavi." Macha, March 5, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 56; Andrade, 57.80 "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola." La Paz, July 1, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 5; María Eugenia del Valle de Siles, "Túpac Katari y la rebelión de 1781: Radiografía de un caudillo aymara." Anuario de Estudios Americanos 34 (1977), 645; 648; "Carta de Fray Matías de la Borda a Sebastían de Segurola." La Paz, May 30, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 3; "Confesión de Julián Apasa o Túpac Catari." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, November 11, 1781. AGI, Buenos Aires 320, 24; "Diario que formo yo Esteban Losa escribano de S. Magd. y de guerra de la presente expedición a cargo del Señor Dn. Josef Reseguín Theniente Coronel de Dragones, y Comandante gral della con destino al socorro de la ciudad de La Paz." Oruro, December 22,1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 10; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 25 Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy, “Elementos étnicos y de poder en el movimiento Tupacamarista, 1780-81" (Torino: Nova Americana, 1982), 86; Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel, La rebelión de Túpac Amaru (Mexico City: Fondo de la Cultura Económica, 1970), 192; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 131. 81 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” La Paz, May 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.s.n., 3; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 129; Jorge Hidalgo Lehunde, "Amarus y

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Alquisalete before his execution.206 As in New Mexico, sparing Hispanic women so that they could be slaves to the rebels was another way of inverting previous relationships. Not only were they enslaved, but as they were considered chattel in Hispanic society, the insurgents were also stripping men of what was considered their property. The documents offer few details concerning the experiences of these captives, but we do know that in Upper Peru servitude was brief for many Hispanic women as they were often subsequently executed, as happened or was planned in Tapacari, San Pedro de Buenavista, Palca, Lipes, Sicasica and La Paz.207 In Chocaya, under the threat of death, the widowed Hispanic women left their hiding

Cataris: aspectos mesianicos de la rebelión indígena de 1781 in Cusco, Chayanta, La Paz, y Arica," in Chungara 10 (Arica: March 1983), 128.82 "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola," 6, 17; ”Relación verdadera de los lástimos sucesos ocuridos en la villa de Oruro con motivo de haber los Mestizos y cholos de ella, procidido inicuamente a quitar la vida a los españoles europeos, que la habitaban." 1781. In vol. 2, Noticia y proceso de la muy noble y muy leal Villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, Adolfo Mier (np., 1906),” 98; ; “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 16; Valle de Siles, "Túpac Katari," 653; María Eugenia del Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión de Túpac Katari, 1781-82 (La Paz: Editorial Don Bosco, 1990), 39; O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 243; O’Phelan, "Elementos étnicos," 81, 87.83 "Carta de Joaquín Salgado a José de Galvez." La Paz, November 10, 1781. AGI, Buenos Aires 320, 1; “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 2, 16.84 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 16; Noticias de la expedición del Cargo del Tente Coronl dn Ignacio Flores desde del día 24 de Junio hasta el 24 de Julio subministrados por tres desertores del valle de Sacaba Provincia de Cochabamba que marcharon con la misma expedición y salieron de La Paz el citado 24 de Julio." Sacaba, August 1, 1781. AGI, Charcas, Estado 76, number 46, 2.85 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 28.86 “Carta de Joaquín Salgado a Josef de Galvez," 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Josef de Galvez." La Plata, December 10, 1782. AGI, Charcas 595, 2-3; "Sobre la fuga y ostilidades que hicieron los de la Prova de Tucuman que hiban al socorro de la ciudad de La Paz y retrocederian de Oruro." Oruro, August 3, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 1-3: "Carta de Oruro sobre el auxilio despachado para el socorro de la ciudad de La Paz comandando el ejército Don Josef Reseguín." Oruro, November 5, 1781. In book 2, vol. 3, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 159; "Noticias de la expedición del cargo del Tente. Coronl. Dn. Ignacio Flores,” 2; “Carta de Borda a Segurola," 4; “Carta de Túpac Catari a Sebastían de Segurola." El Alto, April 23, 1781. In “Relación de los hechos más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." Revista de archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 273.87 L. Fisher, 100, 243-44; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión, 6; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 212.88 “Carta de Túpac Catari a Sebastían de Segurola.” El Alto, April 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; “Oficios del Exmo. Sor. Virrey de Lima acompañado de algunas documtos sobre las ocurrencias de la pasada sublevon de indios.” La Paz, April 16, 1784. ANB, SGI.1784.58, 8; O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts 211-212; L. Fisher, 100, 243-244, 248-249, 291, 317-18. 375; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión, 6; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 130-131.89 “Perdón concedida a los indios del partido de Calamarca y Sicasica.” Calamarca, August 5, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.60,1, 4; "Carta de Josef de Reseguín a Sebastían de Velasco." La Plata,

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places and knelt and kissed the feet and hands of the rebel leaders prior to their rescue by Hispanic forces.208 Many contemporaries may have been reluctant to mention sexual assault, instead noting that many women were victims of "outrages which the pen is horrified to repeat,” or other things that "scandalizes the ears" or "horrifies the tongue to" hear or say.209 The brutality of the rebellions leaves little to infer in this regard.

Inversion, as well as the limited assimilation of colonial elements, is further shown by the eagerness of many rebels in the Great Rebellion to take silver during the looting which invariably accompanied Indian attacks. Silver

February 25, 1782. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; "Testimonio de Domingo Angeles." La Plata, October 9, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Bando de Augustín Jáuregui." Lima, September 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; Campbell, "Ideology and Factionalism," 133; L. Fisher, 348, 351, 375, 378-380.90 Campbell, “Ideology,” 133; José Macedonio Urquidi, Compendio de la historia de Bolivia (Buenos Aires: Talleres Graficos EGLH, 1944), 82; Steve Stern, "The Age of Andean Insurrection, 1742-1782: A Reappraisal," in Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries, ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 35.91 Chalk and Jonassohn, “The Conceptual Framework,” 9.92 “Expediente sobre que se erijan escuelas públicas para los indios y se prohiban los diferentes idiomas que se usan.” Carangas, September 27, 1777. ANB, ECad.1777.27, 1-2; Campbell, “Ideology,” 118; Herbert Klein, Bolivia: The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 77; L. Fisher, 223-4.93 Knault, 153-55.94 “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo.” Paso del Norte, December 20, 1681. In “Interrogatories and Depositions of Three Indians of the Tehua Nation, Taken by the Order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In vol. ll, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 65-66; “Testimony of José.” Rio del Norte, December 19, 1681. In “Interrogatories and Depositions of Three Indians of the Tehua Nation, Taken by the Order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In vol. ll, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 53, 57; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, escrita en 2 de Abril de 1778.” Santa Fe, April 2, 1778. In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 311; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” La Isleta, December 9, 1681. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 219; “Opinion of fray Francisco de Ayeta.” Hacienda of Luis de Carbajal, December 23, 1681. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 310; “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian.” Opposite La Isleta, January 1, 1682. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 361; “Reply of the Fiscal, Don Martin de Solís Miranda.” Mexico, June 25, 1682. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 382; “Testimony of Juan of Tesuque.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In “Interrogatories and depositions of three Indians of the Tehua Nation, taken by the order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In vol. ll, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 53; “Testimony of Lucas, a Piro Indian.” Rio del Norte, December 18, 1681. In “Interrogatories and depositions of three Indians of the Tehua nation, taken by the order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In vol. ll, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 60; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 311; “Testimony of Pedro

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symbolized wealth in colonial society, and by possessing it and other useful Hispanic items the rebels further highlighted the inversion of what they believed would soon be the old order. In San Pedro de Buenavista, El Alto and other villages, by using silver chalices to drink chicha and filling monstrances with coca leaves, the Indians also inverted previous cosmological relationships, placing whatever power the Christian god had at the service of the native world.210

As in New Mexico, the rebels would often destroy items associated with the Catholic church. During the Indian occupation of Oruro, the insurgents

Naranjo,” 63-64; “Declaration of Sargento Mayor Sebastian de Herrera,” Rio del Norte, December 21, 1681. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 269; Simmons 184. See also “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” La Isleta, December 9, 1681. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 219; Bancroft, 184-85; Knault, 174-75; Silverberg, 131.95 “Tercer cuaderno,” 350.96 Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 125.97 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Santa Fe, August 13, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 13.98 City council.99 “To the Governor and Captain General,” 46.100 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Santa Fe, August 13, 1680, 16.101 “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian,” 361.102 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre.” Antonio de Otermín, Arroyo de San Marcos, in The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 17.103 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre,” 13; “Declaration of an Indian rebel.” Arroyo de San Marcos, August 23, 1680. In Volume VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 20.104 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre,” 13.105 “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf,” 28.106 Ibid.107 “Declaration of Diego López de Sambrano,” 295. 108 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 63.109 A regional prefect.110 “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 66.111 “Declaration of one of the rebellious Christian Indians who was captured on the road.” Alamillo, September 6, 1680, 61. In Vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 61.112 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9 - October 15, 1692. In By Force of Arms: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1691-1693. John L. Kressell, and Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992), 389.113 “Diego de Vargas to the King.” Zacatecas, May 16, 1693. In To The Royal Crown Restored: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1692-1694. Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 186.114 “El provedio de D. Diego de Vargas sobre la petición espresada del Padre Custorio y demas religiosos misioneros dice.” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 355.

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destroyed numerous statues and other items as they saked churches and hunted down Hispanics. Subsequently, when they had laid siege to the town, they stated their desire to cut "off the head of the image of Our Lady of Rosario" upon their hoped-for victory, thus helping to ensure the permanent demise of Catholic power.211 In San Pedro de Buenavista, having looted the jewels and silver from the church, they stripped the clothes off of the images of Mary and Jesus prior to destroying them and the monstrance.212 After the slaughter in Tapacari, the insurgents took the crowns off of the statues of Mary and Jesus, symbolically stripping them of their authority, before they and other images were consumed by flames in the plaza.213 In Condocondo, 115 “Fray Francisco de Vargas, Petition.” 674-75.116 “Letter of Fray José Diaz.” San Diego de Tesuque, March 29, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 216; “Letter of Fray Alfonso Jiménez de Cisneros.” Cochiti, April 21, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 233.117 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 12, 1696, 749.118 “Luis Granillo, Interrogation of Francisco Témprano,” 756-57.119 “Alfonso Rael de Aguilar, interrogation of a Keres prisoner.” Santa Fe, July 3, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 802.120 Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” August 20-29, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 1001-02.121 Serulnikov, "Revindicaciones indígenas," 7-8, 16; O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 118-119, 153.122 “Relación traxica de los funestros y ruinosos acaecemientos de la villa de Oruro." Potosi, April 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 2; ”Relación verdadera,” 85; “Relación histórica de los sucesos de la rebelión de José Gabriel Túpac-Amaru en las provincias de Perú, año de 1781,” in vol. 4, Relación de obras y documentos relativos ala historia antigua y moderna de las provincias de Río de la Plata, ed. Pedro de Angelis (Buenos Aires: Imprenta del Estado, 1836), 29; “Confesión de Mariano Quispe.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10, 45; “Carta de Félix Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas,” Cochabamba, Feb. 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 7; “Actuaciones anteriores ala formación de esta causa de Oruro." La Plata, February 22, 1781. AGI, Charcas 599 5, 87, 99, 144; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 206; Representación de Félix Josef de Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, March 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas, 594, 7; “Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba año de 1781." Written by the cabildo of Cochabamba. Cochabamba, December 17, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 4; “Declaración de Fray Josef Serbantes.”Oruro, April 9, 1781. In "Testimonio del expedientes y diligencias practicadas para averiguar los tumultos meditadas contra Oruro." AGI, Charcas 601, 18; “Confesión de Alvento Arze.” La Plata, October 3, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 68; “Relación Traxica,” 2; “Diario fabuloso del cura de Oruro Doctor Don Patricio Gabriel Menéndez,” in Capítulos de la historia colonial de Oruro, Marcos Beltrán Avila (La Paz: La Republica, 1925), 292-92.123 “Carta de Arequipa,” 694.124 "Carta de Borda a Segurola," 1-2;“Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21; “Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,” 6; Francisco Tadeo Diez de Medina, Diario del

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the rebels destroyed a monstrance by stoning, while in Palca one was put into rebel service when it was adorned with coca leaves.214 All of these actions symbolically communicated that the long-awaited demise of both the Hispanics and the supernatural powers that had supported them was at hand.

Symbolic Superimposition and Implosion

The insurgents in the rebellions not only used symbols for expression, but would superimpose them. For example, in Santo Domingo the friars Juan de Talaban,

alzamiento del indios conjurados contra la ciudad de Nuestra Señora de La Paz. Transcribed with an introduction by María Eugenia del Valle de Siles (La Paz: Banco Boliviano Americano, 1981), 30.125 “Actuaciones anteriores,” 21, 83, 84-85, 89, 90, 123; “Testimonio de Santos Mamani.” Oruro, May 25, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 73; “Declaración de Francisco Xavier Condori,” Oruro, April 10, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 24; “Testimonio de Martín Lopes.” Oruro, April 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 26.126 “Carta que refiere a los estragos hechos por los Yndios alzados en Suches mineral de la Provincia de Larecaja del Obispado de La Paz; y en los pueblos de Arque, Tapacari, y Colcha en la Provincia de Cochabamba, perteneciente al Arzobispado de la Plata. Cochabamba, February 26, 1781. In book 2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, Carlos Daniel Válcarcel. (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 508-509; “Carta de Arequipa,” 693-694; “Relación de sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 4-5, 6-7; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 5, 6, 21, 23, 87, 99, 144; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 162, 170-173; “Carta del Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” 1; “El Regente Presidente de la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas informa del cuidadoso estado de la rebelión de Indios.” La Plata, April 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; “Confesión de Josef Daga.” La Plata, April 25, 1781. In "Criminales contra Nicolás Catari y otros indios." AGI, Charcas 603, 1, “Confesión de Augustín Ventura.” La Plata, April 25, 1781. In "Criminales contra Nicolás Catari y otros indios." AGI, Charcas 603, 12; “Confesión de Sebastiana Mamani.” La Plata, April 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 25; “Carta de Luís Palacio y Santelices a Gerónimo de Ruedas.” Santiago de Cotagaita, March 9, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 22; “"Causa de Augustín Solís." La Plata, March 11, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594,” 21; “Dn. Pedro Antonio Zernudas oidor dela Rl Audiencia de la Plata informa a V.M. haber echo la prisión de Dr. Gregorio de Merlo cura dela Doctrina de Macha." La Plata, March 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 5; “Informe de Josef Atanacio Baspineyro.” Potosi, March 14, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 1; “Parte de José Reseguín al Virey de Buenos Aires,” Tupiza, March 18, 1781, 348.127 "Carta de Gregorio Josef de Merlos a Fray Manuel Parraga." Ocuri, January 26, 1781. AGI, Charcas 597, 4; “Confesión de Nicolás Catari." La Plata, April 10, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 320; "Carta de Pedro Zeberino de San Martín a Jorge Escobedo." Suypacha, March 8, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 64; “El Regente Presidente de Charcas da cuenta del féliz suceso de la expedn hecha el día 20 de Febrero.” La Plata, May 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 444, " 2; see also Lewin, Túpac Amaru el Rebelde: Su época, sus luchas y su influencia en el continente (Buenos Aires: Editorial Claridad, 1943), 2; see also Lewin, Túpac Amaru: El Rebelde, 294-295.128 "Carta de Félix Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." February 24, 1781. Cochabamba, Feb. 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 6-7; "Actuaciones anteriores," 5, 87, 99, 144; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 206; "Representación de Félix Josef de Villalobos." March 7, 1781, 7; "Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 4; “Declaración de Fray Josef Serbantes,” 18.129 “Fragment of Informe,” 1.

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Antonio de Lorenzana and Joseph Montes de Oca were attacked in the mission and subsequently killed in the church and piled upon one another at the altar.215 While placing the corpses there communicated the death of Hispanic spiritual and temporal dominance, the rebels also superimposed the offering of Hispanic, and religious, blood where that of Chirst was symbolically offered. A similar event played out in the village of Tapacari in Upper Peru. There people were also executed on the altar, again communicating the sacrifice of both the individual and Catholicism in the place where the host and blood of Christ were ritually offered.216

130 “Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Juan José Vertíz." La Plata, May 15, 1781. AGI,Charcas 595, 1; "Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Josef de Galvez." La Plata, April 19, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1.131 "Declaración de Ysidro Josef de Herrera." San Pedro de Buenavista, October 5, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 10; "Declaración de Pablo Caquasiri." La Plata, October 8, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 75; “Carta de Domingo Angeles a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, October 8, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596.” 7; “Diario trunco,” 11; "Carta de Arequipa," 693; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 170-171; "El Regente Presidente de la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas informa del cuidadoso estado de la rebelión de Indios." La Plata, April 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Oficio de Gregorio Francisco de Campos, Obisbo de La Paz al Rey." La Paz, November 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 6; "Actuaciones anteriores," 23; "Confesión de Josef Daga," 1; "Confesión de Augustín Ventura," 24; “Confesión de Sebastiana Mamani," 25; “Confesión de Francisco Gonzalo." La Plata, April 20, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 25; "Confesión de Nicolás Gueso." La Plata, April 20, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 28.132 A Hispanicized Indian, also known as a Ladino.133 "Informe del Corregidor de Paria Manuel de Bodega." La Plata, October 21, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 92.134 “Oficio de Francisco Javier Beltrán,” Potosi, Mar. 14, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 1.135 “Carta que refiere los estragos,” 508; “Relación de los sucesos de la provincia de Cochabamba,” 4.136 “Oficio de Francisco Javier Beltrán,” 1.137 “Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Josef de Galvez,” April 19, 1781, 1; “El Regente Presidente de la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas informa del cuidadoso estado de la rebelión de indios,” 1.138 “Carta del cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” 2.139 “Carta que refiere a los estragos,” 508; “Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 4; “Declaración de Fray Josef Serbantes,” 18; “Informe de Andrés del Barco y Urcullo.” Poopó, October 16, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 91.140 “Testimonio de Florentín Alfaro,” in “Testimonio del expediente seguido contra el Presbitero José Vasquez de Velasquez por complice en la sublevación en la provincia de Chichas.” La Plata, November 12, 1781. ANB,SGI.1781.12, 13.141 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” 2.142 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21.143 “Declaración de Padre Fr. Josef de Uriarte,” in “Diversas declaraciones hechas por varios sujectos sobre las disposiciones y sacriligios de los rebeldes de varias provincias ante dr. Esteban de Loza." El Alto, April 17, 1782. ANB, SGI,1782.97, 1.144 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 8.145 “Carta de Túpac Catari a José de Ayarza.” .” Np., nd. In “Relación de los hechos más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." Revista de archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 230; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #10.

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In Senecú, in New Mexico, when the Hispanics returned during the 1681 entrada, they found a bell separated from its clapper in a cemetery. The bell had for decades commanded their presence in the mission, and by removing the clapper the rebels in effect castrated a symbol of Hispanic authority. Placing the bell in the cemetery, along with a cross and cannon, underscored their belief that Catholicism, and the military might that supported it, was dead. During the same entrada, the Hispanics also found bells with the clappers removed in the pueblo of Socorro and as did Governor Vargas in November of 1692 in the Zuni region.217

In “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” La Paz, May 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.s.n., 19.146 “Confesión de Gregoria Apasa." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 1.147 “Confesión de Augstina Zerna.” Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, Oct. 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 5.148 "Confesión de Josefa Anaya." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 5-6.149 “Confesión de Diego Quispe." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 8.150 A denigratory name for a Spaniard.151 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21.; “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 1; "Confesión de Diego Estaca." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781, 20-21; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 252-254.152 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, in “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola, “ 21.153 “Relación verdadera,” 98; “Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,” 17; “Confesión de Julián Apasa o Túpac Catari,” 24; “Carta de Flores a Galvez.” La Plata, December 10, 1782, 2.154 Andrade, 231; "Confesión de Alvento Arze," 63.155 Andrade, 200.156 “Testimonio de Sebastían Morochi,” in “Causa criminal contra Juan Luís y Pascual Condori, como complices principales en la rebelión de los Cataris.” Poroma, November 8, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.13, 3; “Expediente seguido contra various indios del pueblo de Poroma y por complice en la sublevación.” La Plata, April 7, 1781. ANB, Ruck.1781.101, 2.157 “Declaración de Don Martín Condori,” in “El Corregor. Dela Villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari.” Oropesa, March 7, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.62, 1.158 “Confesión de Diego Calsina." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 16; "Confesión de Diego Estaca," 20; "Confesión de Nicolás Ramírez." Oruro, 1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 1; "Confesión de Juan Solís." Oruro, 1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 2; "Confesión de Manuel Mamani." Oruro, 1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 3.159 Fernando Cajías de la Vega, “Los Objectivos de la revolución indígena de 1781: El Caso de Oruro” Revista Andina 1, no.2 (Dec. 1983), 418; see also “Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601.160 Ibid.161 Claude Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthopology , vol. 2, trans. by Monique Layton (New York: Basic Books, 1976), 9, 11.

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In 1681, entering Alamillo, Governor Otermin found similar symbolic expressions. The town was “entirely deserted, and the church, convent and crosses burned, not one being in evidence,” and again they found a bell with its clapper removed.218 Arriving in early December in Cebolleta, which had been deserted by its inhabitants as a result of “fear of the Apaches,” the Hispanics found “the hermitage where the holy sacraments were administered …entirely demolished, and the wood from it made into an underground estufa.”219 Not only had the rebels destroyed the power of the Catholic god, but had placed its vestiges in the service of their own dieties.

162 “Diego de Vargas, Campaign Journal.” July 20-25, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 836.163 "Confesión de Gregoria Apasa," 3; "Confesión de Ascencia Flores." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, Oct. 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 23.164 Levantimiento de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas,” 239-241.165 “Carta que refiere los estragos,” 81; “Carta de Arequipa,” 694.166 “Relación de los sucesos de Cochabamba,” 24-25.167 "Relación verdadera,” 78; "Diario fabuloso," 288; "De los sucesos más principales acaecidos en la villa de Oruro entre europeos y crillos." (1781) In Capítulos de la historia colonial de Oruro, 294; "Relación de los horribles estragos que en el día 10 de febrero de 1781 hicieron los Cholos e Yndios patricios en Oruro," in vol. 1, Guerra Separatista- Rebeliones de indios en sur america- La sublevación de Túpac Amaru, ed. Luís Antonio Eguiguren (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1952), 299; "Relación traxica," 3; "Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba," 14; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Paraje del Rio del Norte, October 9, 1680. In Volume VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 194.168 “Carta de Joseph Antonio de Areche, Visitador de Tribunales y Superintendente de la Real Hacienda en Perú al Superior Consejo de Indians,” Cuzco, May 23, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2; “Diario fabuloso,” 289; “Relación verdadera,” 77; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 176; "Causas de Oruro. Testimonio de la acusación del Señor Fiscal de S.M. contra los reos de la sublevación de la villa de Oruro y otras acusaciones." (1784) In vol. 2, Noticia y Proceso de la muy noble y leal villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, ed. Adolfo Mier (np., 1906), 141; “Informe del Consejo de Indias al Rey, sublevación de Oruro,” in vol. 2, Noticia y proceso de la muy noble y muy leal Villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, Adolfo Mier (np., 1906), 106; “Causa de Augustín Solís,” 21; Szeminski, ”Why Kill the Spaniard,” 170; Hidalgo Lehunde, 125.169 J. Szeminski, La utop í a tupamarista ,198.170 “Testimonio de Ventura Balencia.” Oruro, April 10, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 24; “Sobre los alboratos y sublevación de indios en Cochabamba.” Quillacollo, May 26, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.210, 24; “Carta de Capellán Theodoro Gutíerrez de Seballos a Ramón Urrutía y las Casas." Poopó, January 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 5; "Actuaciones anteriores," 11, 42-43, 45, 48, 62; "Testimonio de Santos Mamani," 37; “Declaración de Francisco Xavier Condori," 12; "Testimonio de Martín Lopes," 13."Declaración de Luís de Palacio y Santelises," 11; "Causa de Augustín Solís," 11; “Fragment of Informe,” 3; ? "Dn. Pedro Antonio Cernudas y Dn. Lorenzo Blanco Ciceron oydores en la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas continuan el informe de los sucesos de las provincias cuios naturales incurrieron en el delito de rebelión." La Plata, May 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Dn Pedro Antonio Zernudas oidor dela Rl Audiencia dela Plata informa," 3; "Carta de Capitán General y Gobernador Andrés Mestre a Josef de Galvez." Salta, June 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 1.171 “Bando de coronación de Túpac Amaru.”np., nd. In vol. 1, Documentos hist ó ricos del Per ú en las é pocas del coloniaje desp ú es de la conquista y de la independencia hasta el presente , ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografía de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 206; Actuaciones anteriores,"

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During the same entrada, in Sandía in December of 1681, Governor Otermín found rather blunt symbolic expression in relation to Catholic liturgical items. In the village, they found that the “sculptured images were desecrated with human excrement, two chalices hidden in a trunk were covered with manure, the crucifix of the incarnation was desecrated; the place of the sacred communion table on the main altar [was] desecrated with human excrement, and a sculptured image of Saint Francis [was] broken by blows from an ax.”220 Governor Otermín also noted that the church had also been filled with straw for burning, and “Everything was broken to pieces and destroyed.”221

13, 45; “Carta de Capellan Augustin Flores Urito a Jorge Escobedo." Porco, February 21, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 49; "Declaración de Roque Argote." Potosi, March 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 18-20; "Relación histórica," 24-27; "Diario fabuloso,” 289-290; "Relación de los hechos más notables,” 170-171; "Confesión de Josef Daga," 23; "Carta que refiere a los estragos," 508, 694; "Relación de sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 9, 14, 17-18; Szeminski, La utop í a , 246, 277; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 176, 178; Campbell, “Banditry,” 152-153.172 “Diaro fabuloso,” 289; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 351,354; “Relación traxica,” 5; “Carta que refiere a los estragos,” 509, 694; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 170-71, 206; "Representación de Domingo Angeles a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, October 17,1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 23; “Carta de Arequipa,” 693-94; “Relación de los sucesos de Cochabamba,” 14; Carta de Oruro,” 158; Diez de Medina, 66; “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 155; “Carta de Ramón de Moya y Villareal a Juan José Vertíz.” Arequipa, May 25, 1781. AGI Charcas 596, 13.173 Simmons, 184.174 A club.175 Knault, 163.176 Bancroft, 182.177 ”March of the army from El Paso to La Isleta.” November 5-December 8, 1681. In vol. IX, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 203-04.178 Ibid., 205.179 Ibid., 206.180 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Provincial,” 254; see also “Sesto cuaderno,” 398.181 “Fray Francisco de Vargas, Petition.” Santa Fe, March 22, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 687; “Petition of Fray Francisco de Vargas and the Definitorio to Governor Vargas.” Santa Fe, March 22, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 206.185 “El Proveido de D. Diego de Vargas Sobre la peticion espresada del Padre Custodio y demas religiosos misioneros dice:” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 355.186 “The Cabildo of Santa Fe to the Conde de Galve.” Santa Fe, January 1694. In To The Royal Crown Restored: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1692-1694. Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 561.187 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 329-30; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph E. Twitchell, vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 17; Siguenza y Gongora, 100-111; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 119.

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During the 1696 rebellion, in San Cristóbal, the rebels killed friars Arbizu and Carbonel, placing them “on the ground, placed in the form of a cross, face up” clad only in their “underclothing.”222 This also appears to be deliberate, and may suggest that not only were the friars dead and stripped of power and clothing, so to was the Catholic Church which was represented by the deceased friars and by their placement in the form of a cross. In San Diego de Jemez, the rebels executed friar Francisco de Jesús after they had tricked him to come out of the monastery to confess a dying person. Once outside, they “caught him and killed him next to a cross that the said religious had set up in the cemetery; and on many occasions the said religious was heard to say, and I heard him say, that he

188 Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, October 16 – December 27, 1692, 549; “Tercer cuaderno,” 357.189 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph E. Twitchell, vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 14; Hackett, “Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 124.190 “To the Governor and Captain General,” 43; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Paraje del Rio del Norte, October 9, 1680. In Volume VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 194; Hackett, “Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 130-31.191 "Relación de los hechos más notables," 163; Declaración de Alvento Arze," 134.192 "Relación de los horribles," 343; "Diario fabuloso," 289; "Relación histórica," 25; "Relación traxica," 4; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 162.193 “El corregidor de la villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari,” 5,8; Relación verdadera,” 78; “Diario fabuloso,” 288; “De los sucesos más principales,” 299; “Relación traxica,” 3.194 "Oficio de Capellán de Challapata, Juan Antonio Beltrán." Challapata, January 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 3; "Carta de Capellán Theodoro Gutiérrez de Seballos a Ramón Urrutía y las Casas," 10; "Testimonio formado sobre la sublevación de los Indios del pueblo de Challapata y muerte que dieron a su corregidor Dn. Manuel de la Bodega y Llano.” La Plata, January 26, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 3.195 Actuaciones anteriores,” 24.196 "Confesión de Espiritu Alonso." La Plata, Apr. 25, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 24; "Confesión de Bartolome Vello." La Plata, April 21,1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 67.197 “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 4 - 7; “Diario de Sebastian de Segurola,” 21; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebellion, 449; "Confesión de Sebastiana Mamani," 48; "Confesión de Francisco Gonzalo," 50; “Declaración de Fernando Arancivia.” in “Diversas declaraciones hechas por varios sujectos sobre las disposiciones y sacriligios de los rebeldes de varias provincias ante dr. Esteban de Loza." El Alto, April 17, 1782. ANB, SGI,1782.97,18.198 “Diario trunco,” 1; “Anexo al diario," 1.199 “Carta de Felíx Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas,” 13-14; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 10, 173, 198, 288; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 206; “Representación de Felíx Josef Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas,” 14; “Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 7; “Declaración de Fray Josef Serbantes,” 36; “Anexo al diario,” 1; “Declaración de Alvento Arze,” 135; “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya como a sindicados en la sublevacion.” La Plata, Nov. 23, 1781. ANB.SGI.1781.no.10, 45, 47.200 Relación traxica,” 4; “Relación histórica,” 29; “Carta del Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” 2.201 "Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 6; “Declaración de Da. María Crespo,” in “El Corregor. dela Villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari,” 5; “Declaración de Dn. Salvador Conde,” in “El Corregor. dela Villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari.” Oropesa, March 7, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.62, 10.

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had it so that they could crucify him on it, and although these wishes were not attained, he succeeded in expiring at the foot of the cross.”223 Again, we find superimposition which in this case was the priest, the cross and the field of death. Also in San Juan de los Jemez, the Hispanics found “the rosaries thrown on the ground and covered with feathers, ashes, and some rabbit skins… a mockery which caused very much affliction in my heart.”224 Literally and figuratively superimposing the rosaries with items of native worship demonstrated the dominance of native gods over that of the Catholics.

202 “Relación traxica,” 2; ”Relación verdadera,” 85; “Relación histórica,” 29; “Confesión de Mariano Quispe.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10, 45; “Carta de Félix Villalobos a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas,” Feb. 24, 1781, 7; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 5, 87, 99, 144; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 206; “Representación de Félix Josef de Villalobos,” 7; “Relación de los sucesos de la provincia de Cochabamba,” 4; “Declaración de Fray Josef Serbantes,” 18; “Confesión de Alvento Arze,” 68.203 “Carta de Arequipa,” 694; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21.; “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 1; "Confesión de Diego Estaca," 20-21; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 252-254.204 "Carta de Borda a Segurola," 1-2; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21; “Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,” 6; Diez de Medina, 30.205 “Informe de Pedro Yavira Ylario Caguasiri," 101; Confesión de Simón Castillo.” La Plata, April 25, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 64. 206 "Oficio del oficial real de Carangas a la Audiencia de Charcas, en el que avisa haber muerto los indios a su corregidor D. Mateo Ibañez Arco.” Carangas, February 17, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 340; “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya,” 44.207 "Diario que formo yo Esteban Losa, 2, 4; "Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba,” 11.208 “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya,” 28, 32.209 "Carta de Arequipa," 692; "Carta de Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey," 2.210 “Relación de los sucesos de Cochabamba,” 8; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 12; “Declaración de Roque Argote,” 19-20; "Confesión de Lázaro Mamani." La Plata, April 9, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 47; "Carta de Estiban Lidosa a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas.” La Plata, April 9, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 48; "Confesión de Sebastiana Mamani," 50; “Confesión de Francisco Gonzalo," 50; "Confesión de Pasqual Tola." La Plata, April 20, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 53; "Confesión de Thomas Molina." La Plata, April 21, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 60; “Carta de Arequipa,” 693; “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya,” 2, 7. 211 "Actuaciones anteriores," 168; "Relación traxica," 4.212 “El Regente de la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas informa del cuidadoso estado de rebelión de los indios,"1; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 171-172; “El corregidor de la villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos,” 10.213“Carta que refiere los estragos," 509; Valentín Abecia Baldivieso, "La insurreción india de Tapacari en 1781." In Actas de coloquio Internacional: "Túpac Amaru y su tiempo," ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la Revolución Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1982, 41.214 “Representaciones hechas a la real Audiencia en La Plata por el corregidor de la Provincia de Chayanta." La Plata, August 25, 1780. AGI, Charcas 594, 12; “Carta de Arequipa,” 693.215 Hackett, “Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 123.

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Symbolic implosion, sometimes involving superimposition, was a recurring theme among the rebels in the Great Rebellion. For example, in January, 1781, when the rebels attacked and then killed Corregidor Bodega in Challapata, the rebels did not kill their quarry on sight, but rather apprehended and brought him to the rollo.225 Once there, the rebels had his slave, whom they had already captured, behead him.226 Similarly, in Juli, on the shores of Lake Titicaca, the rebels also tied the curaca Fermín Llagua to the rollo and decapitated him, subsequently placing his head at his feet. The curaca Rafael Paca, whom the insurgents also captured there, met a similar fate and had his head placed on the top of the rollo.227

The corregidor, curaca and the rollo, all symbolized Spanish authority and oppression, and, symbolically, were all easily superimposed. Deliberately decapitating a Hispanic official at the rollo communicated the decapitation of Spanish power. Superimposing one upon the other drove home the point. In Bodega’s case, not only was Hispanic power destroyed, figuratively and literally, but the rebels choreographed the event so that Bodega was killed by his own property, a slave. On both the symbolic and literal levels it Spanish authority was being destroyed by Hispanic property. None of these were arbitrary acts, but rather crafted in the middle of what must have been some degree of turmoil. In Oruro, as the Indians overran the town, they not only forbade the interment of their victims, but actually gathered up the cadavers and deposited them at the foot of the rollo.228 Again, this required some effort and was clearly deliberate. In so doing, the rebels had brought together, and superimposed, all of the dead:

216 “El corregidor de la villa de Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari,” 2.217 ”March of the army from El Paso to La Isleta,” 205; “El provedio de D. Diego de Vargas sobre la petición espresada del Padre Custorio y demas religiosos misioneros dice,” 355.218 ”March of the army from El Paso to La Isleta,” 206.219 ”March of the army from El Paso to La Isleta,” 207. A below-ground ceremonial chamber, also known as a kiva.220 “To the Governor and Captain General,” 44; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Np., nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 18; Hackett, “Revolt of the Pueblo Indians,” 130-31; “Opinion of the Cabildo.” La Salineta, October 3, 1680. In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 177.221 “Continuation of Otermín’s March, August 26, 1680.” In vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 26.222 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Commissary General,” 245.223 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Provincial,” 250.224 “Letter of Fray Francisco de Vargas to the Provincial,” 252.225 A cross symbolizing Spanish authority and often used as a whipping post.226 “Oficio de capellán de Challapata, Juan Antonio Beltrán,” 3; “Carta de Capellán Theodoro Gutiérrez de Seballos a Ramón Urrutía y las Casas,” 10.227 “Carta de Ramón de Moya y Villarroel a Juan José Vertíz.” Arequipa, 25 May, 1781. AGI Charcas 596, 4; “Oficio de capellán de Challapata, Juan Antonio Beltrán,” 3; “Carta de Capellán Theodoro Gutiérrez de Seballos a Ramón Urrutía y las Casas,” 10

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Hispanics and their power. In addition, by doing so the rebels were highlighting the inversion of power relationships.

On occasion the rebels even more clearly communicated the idea of implosion. When the insurgents killed almost the entire Hispanic population of Tapacari in February, 1781, a group of rebels found and captured a Spaniard and his family whom had been concealed in the interstices behind an altar. They offered to spare him, but on the condition that he execute his six sons in front of his wife. His refusal resulted in his immediate death, as well as that of his children, in front of his spouse.229 A father executing his offspring reflects the idea of internally generated collapse, as did the death of Spanish authority at the hands of Spanish property in Challapata. Related to this is the idea of the pachaciti, a divinely ordained cyclical cataclysm that destroys the world. Just as the pachacuti of conquest had destroyed the native world, almost 250 years later the cycle had run its course, and now the same forces were leading to the collapse of the time of Spanish rule.

Symbolic Resistance and Welcoming

In October, 1692, as Governor Vargas began to reinsert the Hispanics in the region, he encountered what at first appeared to be native resistance near the refuge of the natives of Jemez. Approaching the Indians, he found them to be “making all the gestures they use in their fighting.”230 When the Indians saw the Hispanics stand their ground, they claimed that their display of hostility was in fact a sign of welcome.231 That this “may represent a form of military salute or welcome” is suggested by a similar event around 1846 or 1847.232 Then, as American General Stephen Watts Kearny approached Santo Domingo, he and his party were “told that young men, dressed for war, were coming to receive them and cautioned not to fire. In a cloud of dust and with war whoops, warriors swept by the soldiers on each side at full speed, firing volleys under the 621 horse’s bellies.” A similar event occurred in 1850 with Lieutenant. J. H. Simpson at Zuni.233 Hostility had evolved into ritual, demonstrating both native valor and their aquiescence to power that did not flee from it.

The rebels also utilized symbolic language in their dealings with the Hispanics. When Governor Vargas and the rebel chief Luís Tupatu met in September of 1692, Tupatu arrived wearing a rosary and “showed…a small, silver image of Christ he had in his hands with a small piece of taffeta, which I saw had the printed image of Our Lady of Guadalupe.”234 Two months later, as the governor

228 "Testimonio de Josef Manuel de Santander," in "Causa contra los cabezas de la rebelión de Oruro." La Plata. AGI, Charcas 599, 209-10.229 “Relación histórica,” 292.230 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, – December 27, 1692, 521.231 Ibid.232 Kessell, By Force of Arms, 620.233 Kessell, By Force of Arms, 620.

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arrived in the land of the Zuni, he was welcomed with gifts of sheep and watermelon, both of which were brought to the region by the Hispanics.235

Conclusion

The Pueblo Revolts and the Great Rebellion were exterminatory movements that sought the elimination of the Hispanic presence and almost all of their culture in their respective regions. Ethnicity had a central role in determining who was targeted. In addition to skin tone, one’s language, dress, occupation and religion often marked people for death. Apart from the actions of the insurgents in the field, which were consistently directed to killing those who were seen as Hispanic or allied with them, rebel statements underscore the exterminatory and specifically genocidal nature of these insurgencies. The depth of the changes envisioned by the rebels, involving the excising of Hispanic blood and heritage, is further corroborated by the symbolic language of many rebels. Such actions as killing people on the altar, executing people at or dragging bodies to the rollo, hammering away to separate clappers from bells, abusing Catholic images and forcing slaves to kill their masters all indicate that such actions were not random, but rather crafted and deliberate. The common people may not have left much in the way of a written record, but they were anything but inarticulate and have left a rich record of their views and objectives through their physical, and symbolic, actions.

234 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9 - October 15, 1692, 407.235 “Extracto de la carta con fecha de 16 de Octubre de 1692, da cuenta Vargas a S.E.,” 334.

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