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Ñawpa Pacha, Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 32, Number 2, pp. 169–188. Copyright © 2012 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.

The Founding of TiwanakuEvidence from Kk’araña

Erik J. Marsh

Tiwanaku is among the most prominent sites in the Andes. Despite nearly a century of research, it remains unclear when the site was founded, currently thought to be around 300 B.C. Excavations in 2008 in the Kk’araña sector present pat-terns suggested by previous research the earliest material culture is from the first part of the Late Formative period. Tiwa-naku was likely founded during the first or second century A.D. This refinement to the site’s history carries implications for clarifying the ceramic chronology and the relatively rapid process of state emergence.

Tiwanaku se encuentra entre los sitios más preeminentes en los Andes, pero después de casi un siglo de investigación, per-manece poco clara la fecha de su fundación, sugerida alrededor de 300 a.C. Ésta se basa en la presencia de fechados radio-carbónicos tempranos, los cuales no están asociados con material cultural, y por tanto no se corresponden con ocupaciones humanas del sitio. Excavaciones recientes en el sector de Kk’araña confirman los patrones de las investigaciones previas, en donde el material cultural más temprano en Tiwanaku se ubica en el primer o segundo siglo d.C., durante el Período Formativo Tardío. En Kk’araña, como en otros sectores, este material se encuentra en estratos inmediatamente por encima de sedimentos estériles. Toda esa evidencia temprana de contextos domésticos, se localiza alrededor del Templete semi-sub-terráneo, el núcleo probable de la fundación del sitio. Sugiero entonces que la fundación de Tiwanaku se produjo después del 1 d.C. Ello se basa en un refinamiento en la cronología disponible para el sitio y en tres fechados nuevos, por primera vez en 50 años, para el Período Formativo Tardío. Esto conlleva implicancias importantes para entender el proceso acel-erado que pudo ocurrir en la conformación de este estado.

Erik J. Marsh, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106 ([email protected])

Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 2

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Tiwanaku is among the most prominent sites in the Andes, and was the capital of an archaic state

from around A.D. 500–1000 (Figure 1). Despite near-ly a century of research, it remains unclear when the site was founded. This basic point of chronology has important implications for the dramatic social changes that accompanied state emergence. Refining the chro-nology of Tiwanaku’s rise can help clarify the nature of this Andean state, which was different from others in many respects (Goldstein 2007: 154–158). Sparse data and radiocarbon dates with unclear contexts suggested that the site was founded during the Middle Forma-tive, but the lack of associated material culture has left doubts that the site is so old (Bandy 2001: 201).

This paper reviews Formative evidence from differ-ent sectors at Tiwanaku, which suggests that the site was founded in the early part of the Late Formative (A.D.

1–500). It also presents the chronology of the Kk’araña sector based on a 2008 excavation, carried out as part of my dissertation research (Marsh 2008, 2012b). Stra-tigraphy, ceramics, and radiocarbon dates confirm that this sector, once thought to be the oldest at Tiwanaku (Janusek 2004: 100), was first occupied during the Late Formative. These are the first Late Formative radiocar-bon dates at Tiwanaku since the 1960s (Ponce Sanginés 1964: Table 2, 1970: Table 5). Kk’araña’s residents were among Tiwanaku’s earliest occupants, who founded the site in the first or second century A.D.

The Late Formative period was previously called Early Tiahuanaco or Tiwanaku I, II, and III (Figure 2; Bennett 1934: 448–453; Janusek 2003: 37–40, 52–54; Ponce Sanginés 1993: 50–56). The diagnostic ceramics of this period are Kalasasaya zonally incised, Kalasasaya red–rimmed, and Qeya vessels (Janusek 2003: 37–54).

Figure 1. Perspective map of the southern Titicaca Basin, as seen from the southeast, indicating selected Late Formative ceremonial centers (Marsh 2012a:Figure 1). Based on a composite map by Arik Ohnstad, using LANDSAT and SRTM topographic data.

http://maney-prod.literatumonline.com/action/showImage?doi=10.1179/naw.2012.32.2.69&iName=master.img-001.jpg&w=467&h=357

Marsh: The founding of Tiwanaku

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The current ceramic chronology suggests the Late For-mative began around 200 B.C., but the absolute dates of this period are based on many unreliable radiocarbon dates. A re–evaluation suggests that Janusek’s ceramic sequence begins during the first century A.D. (Marsh, Marsh 2012a: 213–214)). Current research is refining the starting and ending dates of the Late Formative, the timing of the shift from the phases Late Formative 1 to Late Formative 2 (hereafter LF1 and LF2, respectively), and variability in the use of decorated and undecorated ceramics (see review in Marsh 2012b: 98–114).

Formative Occupations at Tiwanaku

There are reports of scarce Middle Formative undeco-rated sherds on the surface at Tiwanaku. However, ex-cavation indicates that the earliest occupation was dur-

ing the Late Formative (Figure 3). This section first addresses surface finds, and then proceeds with discussions of specific sectors in the order they were excavated.

Surface Evidence

Most considerations of the surface ceram-ics at Tiwanaku have focused on estimat-ing the maximum population (e.g., Par-sons 1968; see Lémuz Aguirre 2005). The first systematic surface collections did not report Formative diagnostics (e.g., Giesso 2011: 152–155; Sutherland 1991). Por-tugal Ortiz (1992: Figure 15) published

Figure 2. Late Formative ceramic chronology. Images modified from Janusek (2003:Figure 3.20), photo by Wolfgang Schüller, and Ponce Sanginés (1970:Figure 31), not to scale.

Figure 3. Tiwanaku’s ceremonial core, showing excavations with LF1 evidence in blue. Portugal’s La Karaña and Bennett’s Pit VIII include Late Formative material, some of which may date to LF1, but this is unconfirmed.



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a schematic map that identified a few concentrations of Middle Formative sherds on the surface, but at this time the ceramic chronology did not clearly distin-guish between undecorated Middle and Late Forma-tive sherds. Pastes with coarse fiber were once consid-ered diagnostic of the Middle Formative, though it is now clear that fiber pastes were used during the Late Formative as well (see Bandy 2001: 46–56; Bermann 1994: 52–53; Browman 1998: 301; Roddick 2009: 220–221, Figure 7.9).

The first detailed survey of the entire site, using a significantly updated ceramic chronology, concludes the following:

The Middle Formative presence at the site of Tiwanaku is scarce, and restricted to isolated finds and small concentrations, found in the sectors east of the Akapana, Kk’araña, and the area of qochas in Mollo Kontu (Lémuz Agu-irre 2004a: 12, translation by author, empha-sis added).

In stark contrast to the isolated find of Mid-dle Formative sherds, the survey reports two large Late Formative surface scatters, covering some 81 ha (Lémuz Aguirre 2004a: 12; see Marsh 2012b: 452). While the surface data seem to leave open the possibil-ity for a Middle Formative occupation at Tiwanaku, excavation data reveals a consistent pattern: Late For-mative occupations and ceramics overlaying sterile soil.

Excavations by Bennett, Kidder, and Cordero Miranda

The first well-documented, systematic excavations at Tiwanaku suggested that settlement began in the Late Formative. In 1932, Bennett (1934) excavated ten pits, two of which included a few Late Formative decorat-ed sherds mixed with domestic refuse overlying ster-ile soil. In 1955, Kidder excavated two adjacent pits, with the purpose of refining and dating the ceramic sequence (Janusek 2003: 33; Ponce Sanginés 1995: 173; Ralph 1959: 54–55). The excavation was never described in detail, but Late Formative ceramics were reported in association with date P–123, cal A.D. 205

(80–333).1 The lowest level of Bennett’s pit was 50 cm deeper, so perhaps dated to around the first century B.C. (Rowe 1963: 8). While these data did not provide a definitive picture, they roughly outlined the pattern that has since emerged.

A few years later, Gregorio Cordero Miranda directed excavations in the Kalasasaya temple (Ponce Sanginés 1995: 226–228). Late Formative occupa-tions were revealed in the deepest levels of a number of units (Figure 4; Couture 2002: 95–101; Janusek 2003: 37–38; Ponce Sanginés 1993: 50–54). Sterile soil was reached in stratum 8, which was “prior to hu-man settlement” (Ponce Sanginés 1993: 53, translation by author). Strata 5 and 7 both included Late Forma-tive Kalasasaya ceramics and occupational refuse, and radiocarbon dates with medians in the first three cen-turies A.D. The earlier dates from this excavation are from the “sterile” stratum 6, or the mixed layers of con-struction fill in stratum 4 (Ponce Sanginés 1993: 53, translation by author), and do not seem to correspond to human occupation (see below; Marsh 2012a: 209–211). Excavations of 73 units in the Kalasasaya covered 1825 m2, part of a project whose goals included inves-tigating Formative period occupations (Ponce Sangi-nés 1993: 51). Despite this goal, decades of extensive excavations throughout Tiwanaku did not reveal any Middle Formative cultural material.

In these excavations by Bennett, Kidder, and Cordero Miranda,, sterile soil was located immediately

Figure 4. West profile of pit E-17 in the Kalasasaya, redrawn from Ponce Sanginés (1993: Figure 13.2, 1995: Figure 141).



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below occupational refuse that included Late Forma-tive decorated ceramics. The radiocarbon dates directly associated with this material suggest an initial occupa-tion during the last century B.C. or first century A.D.

Excavations by Arellano López

In 1984, six units were excavated within the Puma Punku, Kalasasaya, north of the Kalasasaya, and “west and south of the Akapana (B–1, B–2)” (Arellano López 1991: 269). Based on these excavations, a new ceramic sequence was proposed (Arellano López 1991: Table 3). Generally it is of “dubious utility,” as there are a number of inconsistencies with both prior and later research (Mathews 1992: 100).

Of interest here is the unexpected identification of Chiripa, or Middle Formative, ceramics in the same strata as diagnostic LF2 sherds. Arellano López (1991: 273, Table 3) argues that Chiripa ceramics “survived at least until what has been called [LF2]” (Arellano López 1991: 273, Table 3), echoing a previously pro-posed temporal overlap between Chiripa and Tiwan-aku cultures (Ponce Sanginés 1970: 55–61). However, it seems more likely that these were in fact sherds from undecorated Late Formative vessels.

Pit B–1, West of the Akapana. Excavation in unit B–1 identified Tiwanaku period sherds in levels 1 and 2 (Figure 5). Level 2 also included diagnostic sherds of LF2. Levels 3–6 included apparently Chiripa sherds, sampled from inside a bell-shaped pit with ash and bone.

Level 2 included Qeya decorated sherds, diag-nostic of LF2 (Figure 2; Arellano López 1991: Figure 42c–d). In the same level, there were sherds from jar necks with punctuations and incisions, with mica-ceous sandy paste (Arellano López 1991: Figure 42a–b). This paste was very common in Late Formative jars, and neck sherds with punctuations have been found in contemporary contexts at various other sites (e.g., Bandy 2001: Figure 7.2a–h; Bermann 1990: Figures 82a and 98; Burkholder 1997: 181, Figure 8.6; Ja-nusek 2003: Figure 3.9a, Ponce Sanginés 1993: Fig-ure 4.2; Roddick 2009: Figures 5.2f and 7.17; Rydén

1947: Figures 6a and 66h; Steadman et al. 2005: Fig-ure 6.3a–c).

The lower levels (3–6) included sherds from ves-sels with unusual sizes and forms according to Arellano López (1991: 273). These vessels seem to have orifices that range from about 14 to 32 cm (Figure 6). Necked vessels from the Late Formative and Tiwanaku periods usually have diameters between 12 and 26 cm, though exceptionally large vessels are also known, some with orifices larger than 30 cm (Couture 2002: Figures 4.11 and 5.13; Janusek 2003: 57; Marsh 2012b: 273, Table 5.19; Roddick 2009: 336, 354; Steadman 2007: 89, 103). The vessels from levels 3–6 have forms that are very similar to those of undecorated vessels from the Late Formative and Tiwanaku periods (Figure 7). Ad-ditionally, level 3 included a bowl with straight walls, a shape known from the Late Formative, and in lev-el 5 there was a goblet–shaped vessel, perhaps similar to a proto–kero, a rare but diagnostic LF2 form (e.g., Bermann 1990: Figures 78–81; Janusek 2003: Figure 3.25; Marsh 2012b: 254, Figure 5.9e; Roddick 2009: 372, Figure 9.21). In summary, the apparently Chiripa sherds seem to be from Late Formative vessels, and are associated with diagnostic LF2 decorated sherds.

The profile clarifies that these sherds are strati-graphically associated with level 2, probably depos-

Figure 5. Profile of pit B-1, west of the Akapana, redrawn from Arellano López (1991: Figure 35).



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ited during LF2 (Figure 5). The “ceramic collection levels” are within a bell–shaped feature filled with ash and bone (Arellano López 1991: 271). Such pits are ubiquitous at Tiwanaku, and commonly filled with undecorated ceramics (Janusek 2009: 171–172; Rod-dick 2009: 201). The relationship between the ashy pit and its stratigraphic origin implies that the undecorat-ed vessels date to LF2 or perhaps the early Tiwanaku period. Neither the style nor the stratigraphic positions of the ceramics indicate occupation or material prior to the Late Formative.

Arellano López (1991: 271, 277) concludes that the earliest phase at Tiwanaku was defined by decorat-ed ceramics such as Kalasasaya and Qeya vessels (Fig-ure 2). The preponderant undecorated sherds, called Chiripa, seem to be from Late Formative jars and ollas (see Mathews 1992: 100). This set of ceramics current-ly defines the Late Formative (Janusek 2003: 41–52). If so much can be read from the chronological chart, Arellano López (1991: Table 3) surmises that this set of ceramics was used no earlier than A.D. 1, presaging the general conclusion presented here.

Excavations by Portugal Ortiz in La Karaña (Western Sector)

In 1988, Portugal Ortiz (1992: 15, 25) located a Late Formative domestic structure in the western sector of La Karaña. This excavation was located 112 m north of the Kalasasaya’s northwest corner, and appears to be unrelated to later excavations further east, where no Formative materials were reported (K. Davis, personal communication; Escalante Moscoso 1994: 255–259, 2003: 326). The domestic structure had stone founda-tions similar to those found below the Kalasasaya and at other contemporary sites (Marsh 2012b: 116–129). The material included domestic refuse, lithics, and Late Formative decorated ceramics. It is unclear if the ex-cavation continued below these remains, but accord-ing to the brief report, this seems to be the earliest occupation.

Figure 6. Vessel shapes from pit B-1, redrawn from Arellano López (1991: Figure 41).



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Excavations by Proyecto Wila Jawira

In the 1980s and 1990s, members of the Proyecto Wila Jawira, directed by Alan Kolata and Oswaldo Rivera, conducted extensive excavations throughout Tiwanaku (Kolata 2003). They revealed scattered Late Formative occupations in Mollo Kontu and east of the Akapana, and identified one sector with possible Middle Forma-tive evidence, Kk’araña (Janusek 2004: 100).

Middle Formative ceramics have been reported from the surface of the Mollo Kontu sector, especially near an area with qochas, shallow basins dug out for collecting water (Janusek 2004: 100; Lémuz Aguirre 2004a: 12, 2004b: 10). A surface survey of Mollo Kon-tu identified 43 surface concentrations, 21 of which included material from the Late Formative. Only one concentration included potentially Middle Formative material (Lémuz Aguirre 2004b: 10).

Excavations have revealed material from no earlier than the Late Formative. The Mollo Kontu mound was built during the Tiwanaku period, when a number of dedicatory offerings were placed (Couture 2003). Ponce Sanginés (1961: 23) directed excavations of 25 m2, re-vealing some 30 tombs. In 1990 and 1991, over 400 m2 were excavated, which identified early Tiwanaku pe-riod refuse located over sterile soil (Couture 2003: 210, Figure 8.21). South of the mound, two large areas were excavated from 2001 to 2008. Diagnostic ceramics and radiocarbon dates confirmed that the earliest occupa-tion was not until the late sixth century (Couture et al. 2010). Other excavations did reveal “thin midden lens-es” that may date to the LF2; this is the earliest possible occupation (Janusek 2004: 104).

Surface survey has also reported Middle Forma-

tive sherds east of the Akapana. However, excavations east of the Akapana have reported sterile soil below Late Formative occupations, such as in Bennett’s pit V, one of the few places where LF1 material has been found (Figure 3). To the southeast, in Akapana East 1, Janusek reports an initial occupation during LF2, in-cluding a small structure foundation and LF2 ceramics (Janusek 1994: Figures 6.2–6.4, 106–108, 2004: 103–104). In sectors further east, such as Akapana East 1 and Ch’iji Jawira, occupation probably began in the early Tiwanaku period.

Finally, the 1990 excavations at Kk’araña identi-fied it as the sector with the best evidence of Formative occupation at Tiwanaku, as early as the Middle Forma-tive (Janusek 2004: 100). In 2008, excavations I di-rected at Kk’araña established that this sector was first occupied no earlier than the second century A.D.

Kk’araña: Integrating Data from the 1990 and 2008 Excavations

This section reviews data on the chronology of occupa-tion of Kk’araña, based on field notes from the 1990 excavation and additional excavations in 2008 (Figure 8; for additional detail, see Marsh 2008, Marsh 2012b: Chapter 7). Here, I limit my discussion to the chronol-ogy; elsewhere I focus on domestic practices and rela-tionships with residents of Tiwanaku and other sites (Marsh 2012b: Chapter 8). Janusek (2004: 100–103) tentatively proposed three occupations for Kk’araña, based on Helsley–Marchbanks’ (1990) excavation re-port and field forms (Figure 9), but here I suggest that there was only one, during LF1.

Figure 7. Cooking and storage vessel forms from the Late Formative and Tiwanaku periods. Modified from Janusek (2003: Figure 3.27).



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Kk’araña’s Single LF1 Occupation

Analysis of the ceramics excavated in 1990 suggested “abundant” Middle Formative sherds, but they more likely date to LF1 (Janusek 2004: 101). Janusek’s 1993 analysis identified ceramic attributes that were com-mon during the Middle Formative: pastes with fi-ber and mica inclusions, thick unoxidized cores, red

slips, and exterior burnishing. These attributes were also present in Late Formative assemblages, but with subtle differences, and usually in lower frequencies (Arellano López 1977: 82–83; Bermann 1994: 66, 269; Browman 1980: 110–115; Lémuz Aguirre 2001: 186–191; Mathews 1992: 71, 104; Roddick 2009:

Figure 8. Location of units excavated in Kk’araña in 1990, shown in dark gray, and those excavated in 2008, numbered and shaded in light grey. Modified from Marsh (2012: Figure 7.3).

Figure 9. Feature 34 from the 1990 excavations, designated here as structure 5, facing south. Photo courtesy of Alan Kolata, from the Proyecto Wila Jawira archive, University of Chicago.




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220–221; Steadman 1995: 299–305). These attributes were most common in sherds from large jars, a pat-tern also seen in other Late Formative assemblages. In each excavation context with apparently Middle For-mative sherds, Late Formative sherds were also identi-fied. In some cases, these apparently mixed contexts unexpectedly appeared above unmixed Late Formative contexts. Janusek agrees that the sherds originally iden-tified as Middle Formative more likely date to LF1 (Ja-nusek, personal communication, 2011). This temporal overlap in ceramic attributes highlights the difficulty in confidently identifying an occupation’s phase with small samples of undecorated sherds.

The 1990 excavations did not reach sterile soil, so at the time it was reasonable to suppose that sherds with early attributes might be associated with an ear-lier, unexcavated occupation (Janusek 2004: 100). The 2008 excavations identified culturally sterile soil in a number of units, which was consistently located immediately below the LF1 occupation (Figure 10;

Marsh 2012b: 371, 396, 413; Ulloa Vidaurre 2008: 38; Viviani Burgos 2008: 43). The sterile soil was prob-ably a paleo-lake bed, a highly uniform deposit of very fine silts and clays and a complete absence of artifacts. This contrasts with potentially similar construction fills, which often include mixtures or pockets of dif-ferent sands and clays and sparse artifacts, especially small Late Formative undecorated sherds. Kk’araña’s residents built adobe structures with stone foundations over sterile soil during LF1 (Figures 11 and 12).

LF2 Use Surface or LF1 Adobe Wall Melt?

During the 1990 excavations, a compact clay layer was identified as a possible LF2 use surface, but in fact seems to have been adobe wall fall from the LF1 adobe structures (Figure 10; see Bermann 1994: Figure 3.6). This layer most likely formed from collapsed adobe walls, leaving “an irregular, compact surface,” similar to

Figure 10. Proposed LF1 (left) and LF2 (right) occupations of Kk’araña, modified from Janusek (2004:Figures 4.1c and 4.2a).



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Figure 11. The 2008 excavation, facing southwest, showing structure 3 in the center of the photo. Within structure 3, a 1 m2 excavation revealed culturally sterile deposits. Photo by D. Ulloa Vidaurre.

Figure 12. Architectural features at Kk’araña. Based on hand drawn and digital maps by A. Helsley-Marchbanks, J. Janusek (2004b: Figure 4.1c), R. Fontenla Alvarez, E. Marsh, D. Ulloa Vidaurre and L. Viviani (see chapters in Marsh 2008).




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the adobe wall melt identified in Akapana East 1 (Ja-nusek 1994: 108).

The proposed LF2 use surface extends over about 32 m2, coinciding with the extent of stone foundations (Figure 10). It is apparently associated with hearths and refuse pits, but these features originate above the clay stratum, suggesting they post-date it. The stratum is 25–35 cm above the level of the stone foundations, a plausible depth for collapsed and rain-melted ado-be walls (Bermann 1994: 54). Profiles indicate wall stumps and a low mound of structure 2, similar to oth-er collapsed adobe structures (Figures 13 and 14, Table 1; Bermann 1994: 54; Goodman–Elgar 2008:3067;

Figure 13. Collapsed mud structure from West Africa, showing mound shape and surviving wall stumps. Modified from McIntosh (1977:Figure 4).

Table 1. Key to profile in Figure 14.

A Plowzone 5.yr 4/2

B Ashy with red fill 5.yr 5/3, 7.5 yr 5/3

C Reddish clayey fill 5.yr 5/3

D Adobe melt on floor 7.5 yr 4.5/2

E Adobe wall/floor preparation 7.5 yr

F Reddish clayey fill 7.5 yr 5/3

G Ashy reddish fill 7.5 yr 5/3

H Brown clayey fill 7.5 yr 5/2

I Red clay – adobe melt? 2.5 yr 5/4

J Brown clay fill 7.5 yr 4/2

K Brown clay fill 7.5 yr 4/3

S Ashy light brown fill 5.yr 5/3, 7.5 yr 5/3

Figure 14. Profile (top) and plan (bottom) of unit N8566 E4930, re-excavated as unit 3 in 2008 (see Figure 8). Profile drawn by A. Helsley-Marchbanks, digitized by E. Marsh; see key in Table 1. Plan view of structure 2 (bottom) drawn by D. Ulloa Vidaurre, and digitized by R. Fontenla Alvarez.




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McIntosh 1977: 187–193). The possibility that Tiwa-naku was once a large urban center was first suggested by the site’s numerous low mounds, correctly inter-preted as collapsed adobe structures (Bandelier 1910: 225; Parsons 1968: 244).

Refuse Accumulation

Over the collapsed adobe walls, secondary refuse began to accumulate in LF2 and continued dur-ing the Tiwanaku period (Figure 15; Janusek 2004: 143–144). The refuse level was identified in the 1990 and 2008 excavations. Material includes temporally mixed diagnostics: Late Formative ceramic buttons, sherds from Tiwanaku period serving vessels, and sherds from orange jars with fiber pastes, which were used during the Late Formative and Tiwanaku peri-ods. The 1990 excavations identified a few LF2 di-agnostic Qeya sherds from this mixed fill level (see Janusek 2003: 48, Figures 3.19 and 3.23). Tiwan-aku period sherds are found throughout the midden, though less common in deeper parts of the level. Nei-ther Qeya nor Tiwanaku ceramics were found within or below the wall fall, indicating that the occupation of the structures and was limited to LF1.

Absolute Dating

Three samples of carbonized organic material were ra-diocarbon-dated to LF1 (Table 2). The earliest two (KK2 and KK3) are from the lowest levels of mid-den that accumulated against the north and south side of the principal compound wall, respectively (Figure 15). The latest (KK1) was taken from the use surface of a gravel patio south of structure 2 (Figure 12). Treated independently, the dates are statistically indistinct. Toward a more precise picture of the start-ing and ending dates of the occupation, I grouped them as single phase in a Bayesian model. The phase likely began around A.D. 200 (120–310), and ended around A.D. 350 (240–410).These dates and occupa-tions are associated with typical Late Formative ce-ramic assemblages, dominated by undecorated sherds from cooking vessels and storage jars. The few deco-rated sherds are diagnostic of LF1. They include Kala-sasaya red–rimmed small jars and bowls, as well as an elaborate LF1 vessel in the Kalasasaya zonally incised style (Figures 2 and 16). This vessel is from a midden north of the compound wall, from the same strata as the earliest date (KK2).

Figure 15. Western profile of structure 1, showing ash dumps in light grey. The wall fall and occupation surface are shown in dark grey. Immediately south of the structure foundation, carbon sample KK2 dates the occupation to LF1. Modified from Marsh (2012b: Figure 7.11).



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Absolute Dates and Regional Comparisons

There are few reliable Late Formative radiocarbon dates at Tiwanaku, though recent dates from Kk’araña and large sets of dates from other sites have contribut-ed to a refined regional chronology of the Late Forma-tive and the poorly understood centuries immediately prior (Figure 2).

Late Formative Chronology

Ponce Sanginés maintained for decades that Tiwan-aku’s initial occupation was around 1580 B.C., based on one very early date (1970: Table 5, 1993: 65–66; see Janusek 2004: 65). However, this and other ear-ly dates seem to be outliers, or not directly associated

with the site’s human occupation. The first phase, Ti-wanaku I, was dated to 237 B.C., the arithmetic aver-age of the uncalibrated means of the oldest radiocarbon dates (Ponce Sanginés 1993: 65), a spurious approach to estimating absolute age. This date seemed to gen-erally agree with stylistic comparisons to Tiwanaku’s earliest ceramics and monoliths, which suggested that it was founded no earlier than the first few centuries B.C.; the earliest described material was in fact associ-ated with much later dates. Given the lack of any oth-er data, the consensus for many years was that Tiwan-aku was founded around 300 B.C. (Bermann 1990: 86; 1994: 66; Browman 1980: 114; Chávez and Mohr Chávez 1975: 66; Janusek 2003: 37, 47; Lémuz Agu-irre 2005: 5; Mathews 1992: 66–67, 1995: 85; Rowe 1963: 8; Stanish 2003: 117).

Currently, there are only two radiocarbon dates directly associated with the ceramics used by Tiwan-

Table 2. Calibrated and modeled dates from Kk’araña. Positive dates are AD, negative date is BC.

Modeled Boundary

Excavation Locus Lab Code

Radiocarbon Age ± Error

Calibrated Modeled

Median 1 2 Median 1 2 A index

End occupation 350 240–410 160–770 1.5.4 AA89414 (KK 1) 1742 49 300 230–380 130–410 290 230–340 160–400 1081.12.8.B AA89412 (KK 3) 1753 50 290 220–380 130–400 280 240–430 160–390 1111.19.12 AA89413 (KK 2) 1798 49 220 130–320 80–380 260 210–340 130–360 98

Start occupation 200 120–310 –230–370

Figure 16. Kalasasaya zonally incised polychrome vessel, painted red (7.5 yr 5/6), black (7.5 yr 2.5/1), brown (7.5 yr 5/4) and orange (5 yr 6/6).



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aku’s earliest occupants, KK2 from Kk’araña, cal A.D. 220 (130–320), and P–532 from the Kalasasaya, origi-nally reported as 1653 ± 61 B.P. (Stuckenrath 1963: 95). A revised radiocarbon age for this date was in-cluded in a 1962 letter to Ponce Sanginés from Rob-ert Stuckenrath, director of the Pennsylvania labora-tory that processed the sample (Steadman 1995: 147). The letter indicates two counts for the sample, 1956 ± 76 and 1847 ± 75 B.P. (Ponce Sanginés 1970: Table 5). Statistically combining and calibrating these two counts produces a date of A.D. 110 (20–210), which much more closely follows stylistic and stratigraphic expectations (Marsh 2012a: 211).

These two dates are from occupation levels that overlie sterile soil. They include domestic refuse and both styles of LF1 decorated ceramics (Figure 2). The date from the Kalasasaya is associated with a cache of 24 complete vessels in pit E–17, which includes 11 rare Kalasasaya zonally incised vessels (Figure 4; Ponce Sanginés 1993: Table 1). Hence, these two radiocar-bon dates are the most secure for dating the founding of Tiwanaku and the use of the zonally incised style, which seems to have been in circulation for less than two centuries.

The rest of the Late Formative dates from Tiwan-aku are from Kidder’s pits and the Kalasasaya, but have unclear material associations. A re-assessment of these dates, using Bayesian models, suggests that occupa-tion in Bennett’s pits, Kidder’s pits, and the Kalasasaya probably started around A.D. 110 (50–170, 1 sigma)(Marsh 2012a: 213).

A similar chronology is apparent at other sites, such as Lukurmata, Khonkho Wankane, and three sites on the Taraco Peninsula (Figure 1). Large sets of radiocarbon dates indicate that Late Formative ceram-ics were first used around A.D. 1 at Lukurmata, and at other sites, not until after A.D. 100. At most sites, peo-ple stopped using these ceramics around the first half of the fifth century A.D. (Bermann 1994: Appendix III; Bruno 2008: Appendix 1; Janusek 2003: Table 3.3, 2011: Table 1; Marsh 2012b: Tables 5.7 and 7.2; Rod-dick 2009: 170–176, Table 5.2; Smith 2009: Figure 3.24, Table 3.1). There seems to have considerable in-ter-site temporal variation in the use of ceramic styles. For example, at Lukurmata and Kirawi, Late Forma-

tive ceramics may have been in use as late as the sev-enth century A.D. (Janusek 2003: 52). While there are general temporal tendencies, shifts in the use of differ-ent styles were not coordinated or consistent (Janusek 2003: 88; Roddick 2009: 177).

This adjustment to the Late Formative chronol-ogy has important implications for the regional ceram-ic sequence, chronologies of survey data based on this sequence (e.g., Bandy 2001), as well as the dating of Yaya–mama stone sculptures. The ceramics and mono-liths are chronologically sensitive material once thought to have been much older, but in many cases, probably date to the Late Formative, at Tiwanaku and other sites (see Marsh, in press). An additional implication of this chronological refinement is a conspicuous lack of data during prior centuries (Figure 2).

The Middle to Late Formative Transition

There is little information available on the final centu-ries B.C. in the southern Titicaca Basin. The latest use of Middle Formative ceramics was around 250 B.C., while the earliest use of Late Formative ceramics was after A.D. 1. The lapse between these dates identifies a poorly known period with no temporally diagnostic artifacts or reliable radiocarbon dates.

The Middle Formative was traditionally dated from 800 to 200 or 100 B.C., based on ceramic se-quences and radiocarbon dates from Chiripa (Brow-man 1980: 111; Janusek 2003: 37; Mohr Chávez 1988: 18). A re-assessment of the latest radiocarbon dates and their contexts suggests that the Middle For-mative occupation at Chiripa ended around 250 B.C. (Bandy 2001: 115–118). Almost all data that define the Middle Formative are from Chiripa itself, so the regional chronology remains vague.

Recent excavations on the Taraco Peninsula spe-cifically targeted contexts from the centuries following 250 B.C. There are data from this period at Kala Uyu-ni, but they are from mixed, secondary contexts (Bru-no 2008: 390–391; Roddick 2009: 125–126). At Chi-ripa, there are constructions and occupations that may be contemporaneous (Bandy 1999: 13–14, 2001: 174; Bennett 1948: 91; Browman 1980: 111, 118; Hastorf


183

1992: 8–9; Mohr Chávez 1988: 20–21; Steadman and Anthony 2008: 72–73, 80).

Beyond the Taraco Peninsula, a few other sites have data potentially relevant to these centuries. Two sites have radiocarbon dates, Palermo and Ch’isi (Stan-ish et al. 1997: 52, 73–74, Figure 33). Ch’isi includes a sunken court, carved stones, Chiripa and Kalasasaya style ceramics, and five radiocarbon dates, whose over-lapping 1 sigma ranges span cal 360 B.C to cal A.D. 120 (Mohr Chávez 1997: 4). Other sites without radio-carbon dates include stratigraphic sequences that cover this transition, such as Qeya Kuntu, Quesani, and Iro-hito (Janusek and Kolata 2003: 136–140; Lémuz Agu-irre and Paz Soria 2001: 105–107; Pérez Arias 2007: 230–238). Future research at these sites will be able to clarify these poorly documented centuries.

At principal Late Formative centers such as Tiwa-naku, Lukurmata, and Khonkho Wankane, there is no clear evidence for occupation prior to the Late Forma-tive. The large temporal gap between the Middle and Late Formative periods suggests more critically evalu-ating Janusek’s (2008: 91) suggestion that Late Forma-tive centers “all cover relatively small Middle Formative habitation sites that were at the peripheries of Middle Formative political communities.” I consider it more likely that these centers were newly founded around the first century A.D., and there may have been little direct historic link to Middle Formative communities. The founding and rise of Late Formative centers may have been part of rapid, emergent processes during a period of accelerated historical change and population movement. Such a period will be challenging to docu-ment archaeologically.

Conclusion: The Founding of Tiwanaku

Tiwanaku was founded during LF1, probably in the first or second century A.D. The initial settlement was focused around the Sunken Temple (also known as the Semi–subterranean Temple), an LF1 edifice with an LF1 monolith (Figure 3; Callisaya Medina 2009: 101; Chávez and Mohr–Chávez 1975: 66; Janusek 2004: 109, 2006: 478–480; Marsh 2012b: 94; Ponce Sangi-

nés 1964: 61, 63; Smith 2009: 282). It remains unclear if this settlement was contiguous, like the surface ce-ramics, or if residential occupations were spatially sepa-rated, such as Kk’araña and the residences below the Kalasasaya (Figure 3). Other sectors were not occupied until LF2, such Akapana East 1, Mollo Kontu, and the Putuni (Couture 2002: 110–117, Figure 4.10; Portu-gal Ortiz 1992: 32). Some LF2 data also come from Ch’iji Jawira, the Puma Punku, and areas around the Akapana (Janusek 2004: 133; Marsh 2012: 463–465). The majority of sectors from were first occupied after A.D. 600, marking the period of the densest popula-tion, during which most immigrants arrived (Janusek 2004: 149).

The scarcity of Middle Formative ceramics on the surface does leave open alternate possibilities, which cannot be adequately tested with current data. For ex-ample, Tiwanaku may have been first settled prior to the Late Formative, but material from hamlets or tem-porary occupations might not have not survived lat-er disturbances (Bandy 2001: 201). Early occupations may have been located away from the ceremonial core, in areas that have not yet been excavated, such as near the qochas southeast of Mollo Kontu. They may have been in sectors subsequently covered by deep layers of fill, and remain undiscovered. These potential scenari-os may date to the sparsely documented centuries be-tween the Middle and Late Formative periods.

Refining the cultural history of this preeminent site carries implications for our understanding of the rise of the state. Rather than a singular, dominant cen-ter that grew gradually during two thousand years (Ponce Sanginés 1981), Tiwanaku was probably simi-lar to other contemporary centers founded during the Late Formative, forming part of a network of centers akin to Renfrew’s early state module” (Renfrew 1986: 2; see Bandy 2001: 201–204; Janusek 2008: 95–96; Stanish 2003: 283–284). The emergence of the state was a much more rapid process than previously imag-ined, suggesting an accelerated process of punctuated change (Marsh 2012: Chapter 9). The social changes underway in the Late Formative led to an enduring hegemony centered at Tiwanaku, a nexus of interac-tions between people from distant places throughout the Andes.


184

Acknowledgments

Excavations at Kk’araña in 2008 were organized as Proyecto Kala Uta, funded by a Fulbright–Hays grant (P022A070024). I thank my co–director, Delfor Ulloa Vidaurre, and the other excavators, Ruth Fontenla Al-varez and Luis Viviani Burgos. Organizing the logistics of an excavation in Tiwanaku required the patient col-laboration of Alejandra Gasco, Marcial Medina Huan-ca and Don José Osco. Project equipment and labora-tory space was generously offered by Maria Bruno and Alexei Vranich. Field forms, reports, and photo in Fig-ure 7 are from the Proyecto Wila Jawira archive at the University of Chicago and were provided by Christine Hastorf and John Janusek. Janusek introduced me to Kk’araña, greased the logistical wheels, and has pro-vided a constant stream of helpful feedback. Excava-tions permits were facilitated by Javier Escalante, César Callisaya, and the mayor and archaeological commis-sion of the Municipality of Tiwanaku. Three anony-mous reviewers provided valuable comments that sig-nificantly improved the manuscript. Any errors of fact and interpretation are of course my own.

Note

1. I calibrated dates with IntCal09 (Reimer et al. 2009) and used OxCal 4.1 for the Bayesian models (Bronk Ramsey 2008, 2009). Dates are rounded to the nea-rest 10 years. In the text, I report the statistical me-dian followed by the 1 sigma range in parenthesis; 2 sigma ranges can be found in Table 2 and the cited literature.

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