taiwan, china and central american allies: a discourse ... · pdf filethe research questions...

9 　 1 139-78 2013 Taiwan International Studies Quarterly Vol 9 No 1 pp 139-78 Spring 2013

Taiwan China and Central American AlliesA Discourse Analysis of the Costa Rican

Diplomatic Shift News Coverage

Maria Cecilia CalelloGraduate Student Graduate Institute of Journalism

Chinese Culture University Taipei TAIWAN

Huey-Rong ChenAssociate Professor Graduate Institute of Journalism

Chinese Culture University Taipei TAIWAN

AbstractThis present study examines the news coverage of the Costa Rican diplomatic

shift from Taipei towards Beijing in June 2007 The event represented a turningpoint for the Latin American nation as well as for the region in which other sevencountries had strategic diplomatic alliance with Taiwan Costa Rica was the firstcountry to recognize Beijing and represented a potential risk for Taipei as otherCentral American allies might follow the same road Drawing from DiscourseAnalysis as well as Allan Bellrsquos news discourse structure model three articleshave been chosen and extensively analyzed The research questions are ldquoHow isthe process of the Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift framedrdquo and ldquoWhat is theportrayed image of the actors concerned by the diplomatic shiftrdquo The findingsshow that the Costa Rican diplomatic shift was negatively portrayed in the articlesThe political reasons and circumstances carried out under the agreement betweenCosta Rica and China were particularly criticized Taiwan was mostly portrayed asbearing the consequences and partially accused of deploying the so-calledcheckbook diplomacy Furthermore China was considered as an economicstrong force with no respect for human rights and followed only its own interestswhile Costa Rica was regarded as abandoning its humanitarian advocacy for pureeconomic purposes

Keywords Taiwan Central America Costa Rica China international relationsdiplomacy discourse analysis news coverage

9 1 2013140

I Introduction

The Republic of China (ROC Taiwan) has formal diplomatic relationswith 23 countries Around a 52 of them are located in Latin America and theCaribbean area six Central American countries (Belize El Salvador GuatemalaHonduras Nicaragua and Panama) five Caribbean countries (the DominicanRepublic Haiti St Christopher and Nevis Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent andthe Grenadines) and the sole South American country Paraguay Latin Americais clearly Taipeirsquos most consistent and relevant stronghold in the world

Until 2007 also Costa Rica was within this group Nevertheless in June ofthat year the Central American country shifted from the alliance with Taipei tothe one of Beijing (Mendelson Forman amp Moreira 2009 Associated Press2007 June 6) The diplomatic shift has been disclosed a week later thedelegation in a secret mission from Costa Rica signed the agreement in BeijingIt was revealed to the public thanks to an appeal by the Costa Rican newspaperldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo at the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court (La Tribuna2011 March 4) As the role of Costa Rican newspaper ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo therewere other similar cases in which the Central American newspapers not onlyplayed a lsquowatchdog rolersquo but moreover enacted a real advocacy role Anotheremblematic example is the one of the Guatemalan newspaper ldquoelPerioacutedicordquoOn 23 September 2007 in occasion of the then-Taiwanese president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) visit to Guatemala to sign a Free Trade Agreement (FTA)ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo published an article about former Guatemalan President Portillorsquoscase of embezzling Taiwanese funds for private usage as well as other CentralAmerican Presidents accepting funds from Taiwan for unofficial purposesFrom these two examples it can be seen that those newspapers kept a watchfuleye on the actors and their conducts connected to unofficial actions within thediplomatic relations As the diplomatic shift of Costa Rica had not beentransparent it received special coverage from several Central American andinternational press (cf References) Consequently it attracted our interests toexplore the features of the press coverage on the Costa Rican diplomatic shiftTwo questions are proposed to examine Latin Americarsquos news coverage of thisevent First ldquohow is the process of the Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift framedrdquo

Taiwan China and Central American Allies 141

Second ldquowhat is the portrayed image of the actors concerned by the diplomaticshiftrdquo

Drawing from Discourse Analysisrsquo specific method to analyze news storiesie Discourse Structure of News Stories this paper provides detailedexaminations of articles from ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo and ldquoLa Tribunardquo Guatemalan andHonduran online newspapers as well as one article from the most renownedonline newspaper in Costa Rica ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo

II Historical Context

ldquoOne China Policyrdquo and ldquoOne China Principlerdquo

Taiwanrsquos international status is the result of Peoplersquos Republic of China(PRC) insistence on its ldquoOne China Policyrdquo (一個中國政策) since 1949which claims there is only ldquoOne Chinardquo and the Republic of China (henceforthROC or Taiwan) is part of it Consequently the countries having diplomaticrelations with the PRC cannot establish relationship with Taiwan and vice versaIn Taiwan there are several discourses related to the issue two interpretationsstand out On the one side have a similar perspective to the PRCrsquos one butdifferent definition and on the other there is a standpoint that fully refutePRCrsquos definition of ldquoOne China Policyrdquo

On one side the interpretation of the ldquoChinese Nationalist Partyrdquo (orKuomintang KMT 國民黨) that considers the ldquoOne China Principlerdquo (一個

中國原則) in which both sides recognize there is only one China but agree todiffer on its definition (一個中國各自表述) about the legitimate governmentOn the other side there is the interpretation of ldquoone country on each side [of theTaiwan Strait]rdquo (一邊一國) proposed by the Democratic Progressive Party(DPP 民進黨) There are also some perspectives lying in-between thosepoles In this kind of lsquotug-of-war situationrsquo between Taiwan and China (Eriksonamp Chen 2007 Erikson 2009) both countries have been in an internationaladvancement to get their own position recognized Latin America is one ofthose territories that serve as the rope in the tug-of-war situation

9 1 2013142

ROC Costa Rica and Latin American countries

In terms of contemporary diplomatic relations Taiwan had long-termpartnerships with many Latin American countries Prior to the transfer of theldquoChinese Nationalist Partyrdquo to Taipei Latin America had formal relations withChina Costa Rica established formal relations with the ROC in 1944 As forthe other current Latin American allies Panama established its diplomaticrelations with the ROC in 1922 Guatemala in 1933 Honduras and El Salvadorin 1954 Paraguay in 1977 and Belize in 1989 (Rodriacuteguez 2008 211 based ininformation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ROC) Nicaragua had a specialcase as the first recognition was in 1962 until 1985 and again from 1990During the lapse of time from 1985 to 1990 given internal politics Nicaraguaestablished its alliance with the PRC (Chow 1998 93) As for Costa Rica itswitched the diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing in 2007 (MendelsonForman amp Moreira 2009 Associated Press 2007 June 6)

KMT retreat the Cold War and the situation in Latin America

In 1949 when the Nationalists were defeated by the Communists the ROCretreats to the island of Taiwan At that time Central America shifted in thesame direction as Washington towards Taipei As decades went by the ColdWar started in the 1950s had divided the world As for Latin America and theCaribbean basin there were also different situations in the countries within theregion In Cuba a communist revolution took place and other CentralAmerican countries such as El Salvador and Nicaragua had socialistexperiences and experienced sweeping popular and peasant movements InCuba Fidel Castro and Ernesto ldquoCherdquo Guevara conducted the insurrection thatoverthrew Fulgencio Batistarsquos government in 1959 (Cuban OnlineEncyclopedia 2012 Suaacuterez 2009) As for other Latin American countriesalso partially inspired by the Cuban revolution (Suaacuterez 2009) several popularand peasant movements burgeoned in these years and flourished in uprisingsand civil wars during the eighties Examples can be found in El SalvadorrsquosldquoFrente Farabundo Martiacute para la Liberacioacuten Nacionalrdquo (FMLN FarabundoMartiacute National Liberation Front) in El Salvador and Nicaraguarsquos ldquoFrenteSandinista para la Liberacioacuten Nacionalrdquo (FSLN Sandinista National LiberationFront)


In Costa Rica it is worth mentioning the advance of the ldquoPartidoVanguardia Popularrdquo (PVP the Costa Rican communist party) allied itself withthe ldquoPartido Republicano Nacionalrdquo (PRN the National Republican Party)during the early 40s (Lehoucq 1991 37-38) but was annulled during the 1948Civil War and was not allowed to advance its political development further(Lehoucq 1991 38) Costa Ricarsquos civil war lasted only 44 days but withlasting effects for paving the way of the new Constitution in 1949 Seligsonand Muller (1987 308) described this transition was ldquofought in large measureto foil the efforts by the incumbent party to tamper with the electoral processThe new Constitution of 1949 removed all property literacy and sexqualifications for suffrage The army was also out-lawed as an institutionthereby removing the armed forces from politics and further opening the path tocivilian participation All of these elements together combined to producesteady growth of popular participation in electionsrdquo

From 1961 to late 1980s

As Chow (1998 43) pointed out Costa Rica remained one of the mostvisited countries in Latin America by Taiwanese officials from 1961 to 1970The other two Latin American countries that most often received visits fromTaiwan were Colombia and Paraguay

During the seventies many countries shifted towards the PRC and Taiwanlost its seat in the United Nations Nevertheless most Central Americancountries remained loyal allies to Taipei The period from 1971 to 1979 wasthe most difficult for Taiwanrsquos world diplomatic recognition In 1971 and1972 Argentina Chile Mexico Ecuador Jamaica and Peru moved towards adiplomatic relation with Beijing In 1974 Brazil and Venezuela took the samedirection (Chow 1998)

By the exception of the newly-independent countries of the Caribbeanarearsquos recognition Taiwan bore the Nicaraguan switch towards Beijing in 1985It was not until 1990 that Nicaragua turned back to diplomatically recognizeTaiwan While the President Daniel Ortegarsquos late nineties term was Beijing-oriented his successor Violeta Barrios de Chamorro switched to recognizeTaipei (Chow 1998)

9 1 2013144

The 1980s in Central America the role of the US and Taiwan

The situation in Central America especially for El Salvador Guatemalaand Nicaragua during the eighties was not a peaceful one Just to take the caseof El Salvador the country was in civil war from 1980 to 1992 The conflictof the military-led government and the liberation army FMLN front hadthousands disappeared and around 75rsquo000 killed Central America consideredits back courtyard by the United States received financial support from theUS to avoid anti-communist governments and prevent any communist partyfrom ruling the countries in the region The financial support was deployed tobuy weapons and to engage in military action Taiwan had a similar role as theUS given that Central America military members were trained in the Fu XingKang College (aka ldquoFu Hsing Kangrdquo 復興崗) (Aguilera Peralta 2006 172)Any country offering financial support or military training contributed tosuppressing uprisings or fueling civil wars resulted into killing thousands ofcivilians Therefore the role of the US and Taiwan during those years ishighly controversial

The 1980s in Costa Rica the main challenging issues

Costa Rica had a rather peaceful situation than its neighbors but it alsohad to deal with the regional violent upheavals and subsequent consequencesCosta Rica had to bestow for two issues the refugees from Central America andthe lsquocontrasrsquo in the northern border (Furlong 1987) The first issue ierefugees was displaced people arriving mainly from El Salvador and NicaraguaAs Furlong (1987 129) explains ldquothe number of refugees grew by about 400per month during the first half of 1986 Although only 25000 were registeredat the time officials estimated as many as 250000 could have entered (TicoTimes 1986b 9) Costa Rica has neither the resources nor the internationalassistance to support feed house and clothe such large numbers of refugeesThis situation began to affect Costa Rican public opinion and the countrys openrefugee and political asylum policy First the country was flooded withrefugees from El Salvador in 1980-82 only to be followed by a second floodfrom Nicaraguardquo When Oacutescar Arias took office in 1986 this had become themajor problem he had to deal with The second issue that Costa Rica had to


deal with was related to the rebel group lsquoContrasrsquo opposing the government ledby the FSLN in Nicaragua It was Costa Ricarsquos major international andnational defense issue in the period from 1985 to 1987 (Furlong 1987 128)The north of Costa Rica was often used by the US-supported lsquoContrasrsquo asldquosanctuary and staging ground for attacks into Nicaraguardquo (Furlong 1987 130)creating tension between Nicaragua and Costa Rica

The overall complex situation led to President Arias to seek peace in theregion The peace-making process that involved Costa Rica El SalvadorGuatemala Honduras and Nicaragua started in May 1986 but was notcompleted until 7 August 1987 As described in a fragment of the book ldquoLesPrix Nobelrdquo (1988) Arias ldquoconcentrated on engaging Nicaragua and the otherCentral American states in a peace-making process In May 1986 he met thePresidents of Guatemala El Salvador Honduras and Nicaragua to discuss theproposals for a peaceful solution that had been worked out by the Contadoragroup They did not reach full agreement but early in 1987 Arias succeededin calling a new meeting at which he submitted his own peace plan departing insome respects from the Contadora plan The accord approved by the fivePresidents in Guatemala on August 7 was based on President Arias planrdquo Theprofuse efforts by Oscar Arias were awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987

From 2000 to 2007 Taiwanrsquos international standpoint andLatin American countries

During the 2000 presidential election the Chinese Nationalist Party wasdefeated by the Democratic Progressive Party and Chen Shui-bian becamepresident of Taiwan As mentioned the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)holds a position ldquoone country on each side [of the Taiwan Strait]rdquo and refusesthe ldquoOne China Policyrdquo The standpoint taken by DPP provoked that therelations of Taiwan and China were deadlocked Therefore the diplomaticrecognition by Central American countries and Paraguay were of utmostimportance It is emblematic that during Chen Shui-bianrsquos time in office hevisited Latin America three times and the Vice-President Annette Lu Hsiu-lien(呂秀蓮) visited the region two times (Peacuterez Expoacutesito 2004a 9) Anemblematic example is Chenrsquos 2005 presidential visit to Guatemala With the

9 1 2013146

aim to sign the FTA Chen was escorted by a committee of 120 people most ofthem officers and entrepreneurs (Fischer 2005) Another common example isthe one of visits of Latin American representative and elite members to theisland offered by the Taiwanese government (Casas-Zamora 2009 AguileraPeralta 2006) While Casas-Zamora starkly expresses an evaluation of thefeatures of these visits Aguilera Peralta remains more moderate Casas-Zamora (2009) argues that ldquo() as in the case of other countries Costa Ricarsquosrelationship with Taiwan was fraught with conflicts of interest and outrightcorruptionrdquo (22nd paragraph) In particular the author illustrates one of thosecases by ldquothe legendary ldquofact findingrdquo trip to Taiwan that was routinely offeredto politicians journalists trade union leaders etc in which they were givensuper-VIP treatment and lavished with literally thousands of dollars in giftsand shopping vouchersrdquo and mentions that he was personally offered one ofthose trip in May 2006 which he declined Aguilera Peralta (2006 173)refers that ldquothe Embassies of Taiwan are very efficient in public relations andhave developed an extensive program of invitations to the island sustained overdecades As a result an important central sector of the regional elites havevisited Taipei and other areas of Taiwan and as well as been generouslywelcomed which resulted in attitudes favorable to their positionsrdquo

ldquoCheckbook Diplomacyrdquo

As seen in the previous section there is a certain controversial aspect inthe public relations in the trips offered by the Taiwanese government A furthercontroversial action taken by the Taiwanese government is the ldquoCheckbookDiplomacyrdquo (金錢外交 also called ldquodollar diplomacyrdquo) (Fischer 2005Erikson amp Chen 2007 Erikson 2009) This kind of diplomacy includes anyaction taken in direct financial assistance with no bind of audit regarding thedirect transferred funds While the government of Taiwan cannot be accusedfor the lack of transparency by the local counterpart it still remains the fact thataccountability could contribute to avoid these unlawful files As a matter offact transferred funds have been often privately used by the local politiciansOne example is the case of former Guatemalan head of state Alfonso Portilloin office from 2000 to 2004 is accused to have embezzled three 500000 USdollars checks of donations from Taiwan (Erikson amp Chen 2007 79) These


issues have received the attention of the Latin American and Taiwanese mediawhich also portrayed negatively the Taiwanese role in the above mentioneddiplomatic strategy (Fischer 2005 China Post 2004 October 24)

In the specific case of Costa Rica during October 2004 both former CostaRican Presidents Miguel Angel Rodriacuteguez and Abel Pacheco received funds forthousands of dollars from the Taiwanese government for unexplained purposes(Aguilera Peralta 2006 175 Erikson amp Chen 2007 79 Rodriacuteguez 2008 233)As a result Chen Shui-bianrsquos government was strongly criticized andinternationally embarrassed (Erikson amp Chen 2007 79)

Costa Ricas diplomatic shift

There was a specific loss to Taiwan and Chen Shui-bians government inJune 2007 the Costa Rican diplomatic shift Every country diplomaticallyrecognizing Taipei stands for Taiwanesersquos sovereignty opposes PRCrsquos ldquoOneChina Policyrdquo and supports both KMTrsquos ldquoOne China Principlerdquo and DPPrsquosldquoone country on each side [of the Taiwan Strait]rdquo If the country breaks theties with Taipei and starts a diplomatic alliance with Beijing it reducesTaiwanrsquos international support to the claims of sovereignty and creates apotential risk in other diplomatic allies that might follow the same directionTherefore any single diplomatic shift towards Beijing can be considered a lossto Taiwan

Costa Rica ended the 63-year-formal diplomatic relation with Taiwan whenthe president at that time Oacutescar Arias switched into the diplomatic recognitiontowards Beijing (Mendelson Forman amp Moreira 2009 Associated Press 2007June 6) Oacutescar Arias explained the diplomatic shift as ldquoan act of foreignpolicy realism which promotes our links to Asia It is my responsibility torecognize a global player as important as the Peoplersquos Republic of Chinardquo(Mendelson Forman amp Moreira 2009 99) In terms of numbers and benefitsfor Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift it is mentioned that ldquoin exchange for CostaRicarsquos move to expel Taiwanrsquos diplomatic mission Beijing agreed to buy $300million of Costa Rican bonds and provide $130 million in aid to the country aswell as provide scholarships to enable study in China (New York Times 2008

9 1 2013148

September 12 in Erikson 2009 6) It may appear as a sudden move butactually Casas-Zamora (2009) argues the convenience of the shift has beingdiscussed in Costa Ricasrsquos foreign policy circles for more than 10 yearsldquo[t]here was on the one hand the subtle pressure of knowing that most LatinAmerican countries established diplomatic relations with the PRC already in the1970s and 1980s On the other hand and more poignantly there was theincreasing evidence that since 2000 when Costa Ricarsquos bilateral trade with thePRC surpassed trade with Taiwan for the first time the PRC was poised tobecome a vital economic partner for the countryrdquo (4th paragraph) In regards ofTaiwan President Arias said at a news conference ldquoTaiwan has been verygenerous and I thank it for the solidarity and co-operation it has shown fornearly 60 years but I have taken this decision thinking of all the Costa Ricansrdquo(Associated Press 2007 June 6)

From the Taiwanese perspective the diplomatic relation with a reputedcountry -in its diplomatically most important regionwas a significant loss Infact Costa Rica represented a democratic and economical good model for theCentral American region Furlong (1987 121) mentions that the countrypossess ldquothe oldest functioning democracyrdquo and (1987 134) ldquoCosta Ricans areproud of their democratic system and accord it a high degree of legitimacyThere may be disagreement as to policy personalities and which political partycan best govern Costa Rica but support for democracy is widespreadrdquo For itsdemocracy and prosperity as well as the absence of an army and its neutralrole1 (Furlong 1987 120-21) Costa Rica was often labeled as the ldquoSwitzerland

1 As Furlong (1987) describes in the section ldquoNeutrality policyrdquo of his paper ldquoCosta Rica

Caught between Two Worldsrdquo the neutrality of Costa Rica is actually not fully equal to theSwiss neutrality Furlong (1987 141) mentions ldquoOn 15 September 1983 President LuiacutesAlberto Monge announced a policy of neutrality for his country He proposed that thispolicy would be permanent active but unarmed -in regard to military conflict This conceptof neutrality differs somewhat from more traditional concepts of neutrality (of Switzerlandand Austria for example) Costa Rica has no real military establishment or civilian militiawhich can protect the nation in times of conflict Hence Costa Rica must rely upon theUnited Nations the Organization of American States and the Rio act So unlike SwitzerlandCosta Rica will remain unarmed in the sense that no real military force or militia will beestablishedrdquo Nevertheless Furlong (1987 142) that prior to Mongersquos presidency therewere some specific actions in which Costa Rica abandoned its neutrality during the 50s asbase to fight dictatorship in the region and in 1978 with the support to the Sandinistarevolution in Nicaragua


of Central Americardquo In addition to that another reason of this label comesfrom the fact that Costa Rica was an exception of the violent situation duringthe eighties in Central America in which President Oacutescar Arias2 played acrucial mediator-role in the peace-making process to end civil wars in theregions and was awarded Nobel Peace Prize for this effort in 1987

Mendelson Forman and Moreira (2009 100) mentioned that the Taiwanesegovernment feared that a ldquodomino effectrdquo could unfold and other CentralAmerican cut their ties with Taiwan allured by the economical rise of ChinaNevertheless this ldquodomino effectrdquo revealed to be unfounded (Rodriacuteguez 2008Erikson 2009) In fact Erikson (2009 6) argues that ldquoa nearly two yearperiod of hiatus has settled in after several years of frenetic activity and noother Latin American or Caribbean country has followed in Costa Ricarsquosfootstepsrdquo The author considers a potential explanation of a series of factssuch as ldquoinattention from China Taiwanrsquos active diplomacy the lessening oftensions in the Taiwan Strait and a lsquowait-and-seersquo attitude by other CentralAmerican governments who want to know how Chinarsquos relationship with CostaRica evolves before embarking on a similar path What has become clear overthe past two years however is that China is focusing on creating a modelrelationship with Costa Rica that will serve as a regional example of the benefitsof formalizing ties to Beijingrdquo (Erikson 2009 6) Moreover Casas-Zamorarsquosviewpoint about the other alliesrsquo loyalty to Taiwan was based on their ownnational situation ldquo() what is crucial to understand is that for a middle incomecountry like Costa Rica official development assistance is of marginalimportance comprising less than 3 of GDP at any given year and less than03 if only non-reimbursable grants are included This is not the situation ofNicaragua where development aid is nearly one seventh of the economy orHonduras where it is about 7 [Figures on Nicaragua and Honduras fromhttpwwwuniceforginfobycountry] There the future benefits of a yetunderdeveloped commercial links with the PRC pale into insignificance whencompared to the immediate economic and political benefits derived fromTaiwanese aid In a way it was simply the higher level of development of theCosta Rican economy that rendered the diplomatic switch towards Beijing

2 Oscar Arias has served as President from 1986 to 1990 and from 2006 to 2010

9 1 2013150

attractive For a small open middle income economy such as Costa Ricaplacing on a sound and secure basis its vigorous trade links with the PRC is apretty reasonable propositionrdquo (2008 17th paragraph)

The series of happenings of severing ties with Taipei and shifting towardsBeijing started in mid May 2007 Costa Rica then still in diplomatic alliancewith Taiwan voted against the Taiwanese membership in the World HealthOrganization (WHO) on 14 May 2007 at the General Assembly (Al diacutea3 2007May 17 Associated Press 2007 June 6) Taiwan was asking for the eleventhoccasion to be a member of the WHO Nevertheless the request was rejected by148 votes against 17 votes Those votes supporting the Taiwanese requestcame mostly from its diplomatic allies four allies were absent (PanamaNicaragua Marshall Islands and Saint Lucia) Haiti abstained to vote theDominican Republic had no right to vote and the Vatican is not member of theWHO The vote of Costa Rica baffled Taipei as the spokesman of Ministry ofForeign Affairs David CY Wang mentioned that it was ldquosomethingunexpectedrdquo (Al diacutea 2007 May 17)

Ten days after the WHO General Assembly on May 25th Foreign MinisterJames Huang encountered officials from Costa Rica and other Latin Americancountries in Belize City to reinforce diplomatic relations (Associated Press2007 June 6) Despite the meeting on May 25th Costa Rica continued withthe plans of diplomatic shifting On 1 June 2007 the secret mission in Beijingcomposed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Bruno Stagno and Minister ofFinance Guillermo Zuacuteniga established the diplomatic relations with China(Aacutelvarez Araya 2012) On 6 June 2007 President Arias informed the CostaRicans about the decision and Minister Stagno asked the staff of the Embassy ofTaiwan in San Joseacute to leave the country within one month (Aacutelvarez Araya2012)

The newly-established diplomatic relation requires Costa Rica to evaluateand even to cancel or at least be silent about specific issues sensitive to ChinaAs Erikson (2009 7) describes ldquo[o]f course Costa Ricarsquos deepeningrelationship with China has circumscribed its ability to deal with issues that are

3 Al diacutea is a Costa Rican newspaper


sensitive to the Chinese leadership beyond just Taiwan For example inAugust 2008 Arias asked the Dalai Lama a fellow Nobel Peace Prize winnerand the spiritual leader of Tibet to cancel a planned private visit to Costa RicaArias cited ldquoscheduling problemsrdquo but it is clear that he knew that a visit by theDalai Lama would have sacrificed Costa Ricarsquos chance to host Hu Jintao laterthat yearrdquo As early as 2008 the process to sign-up a Free Trade Agreement(FTA) started with a tour by Hu Jintao (La Tribuna 2008 November 17) TheFTA was concluded in 2010 and Costa Rica becomes the only nation in CentralAmerican to have a FTA with China while El Salvador Guatemala HondurasNicaragua and Panama have a FTA with Taiwan (Bureau of Free Trade 2103)

III Research QuestionsThe Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift comes from a very complex background

including concepts as ldquoOne China Policyrdquo and ldquoOne China Principlerdquo theldquoCheckbook diplomacyrdquo among others As seen through the pages of historyCosta Rica has a unique political and economic situation among the CentralAmerican countries This has been also obvious when the diplomatic shift hastaken place and the country is presently being the sole Central Americancountry to recognize Beijing instead of Taipei In such a complex frameworkit appears interesting to explore how the news coverage has been structuredTherefore two research questions arise from this context

Research Question 1 How is the process of the Costa Ricarsquos diplomaticshift framed

Research Question 2 What is the portrayed image of the actors concernedby the diplomatic shift

By actors it is referred from an active or a passive role ie Costa Rica ChinaTaiwan and its officers and politicians

9 1 2013152

IV Research Method

Discourse Studies is seen as ldquoa problem oriented interdisciplinary researchmovement subsuming a variety of approaches each with different theoreticalmodels research methods and agendardquo (van Dijk 2011 397) This researchmovement has two interesting characteristics it comes from scholars withdifferent backgrounds and has different areas of inquiry such as politicaldiscourse media advertisement ideology racism institutional discourse(Blommaert 2005 21) Despite the different realms and applications there isa strong link within the Discourse Studies the shared perspective and programin ldquocritiquing and changing society in contrast to traditional theory orientedsolely to understanding or explaining itrdquo (Wodak amp Meyer 2009 6)

In seeking for dissembling the specific ideologies and leanings twoanalytical researches within the Discourse Studies are worth to be mentionedFirst the analytical research of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) ldquois a type ofdiscourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abusedominance and inequality are enacted reproduced and resisted by text and talkin the social and political contextrdquo (van Dijk 2001 352) The basic questionsfor CDA research are (1) ldquohow do (more) powerful groups control publicdiscourserdquo (2) ldquohow does such discourse control mind and action of lesspowerful groups and what are the social consequences of such control such associal inequalityrdquo (van Dijk 2001 355) Second there is the PoliticalDiscourse Analysis (PDA) focusing in the critical analysis of political messagesWhile it cannot be fully separated of the CDA this analytical research focusesin a political realm This realm is intended in broad sense including ldquoallofficial or unofficial political actors events encounters settings actions anddiscourses but also more abstractly political processes (like lsquoperestrojkarsquo)political systems (like democracy and communism) political ideologies (likeliberalism) and political (group) relations (such as power inequality hegemonyand oppression)rdquo (van Dijk 1998 15)

Discourse Analysis in the news coverage has offered very interestingoutcomes about wide variety of issues in different contexts Li Juan (2009)


has deployed the CDA paradigm to examine the intertextuality and nationalidentity of key events news coverage by daily newspapers in United States andin China Li compares how ldquoNews York Timesrdquo and ldquoChina Dailyrdquo reportedabout the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade (7 May 1999)and the collision between a US military aircraft and a Chinese fighter jet inSouth China Sea (1 April 2001) The study examines how the two dailynewspapers employ discursive strategies in the construction of national identityfocusing in the structural parts and types of information In turn SmeetaMishra (2008) analyses the post 911 representation of Turkish Iraqi andIranian contexts in US Press The study explores representations ofdemocracy and Islam of articles published in ldquoThe New York Timesrdquo ldquoTheWashington Postrdquo ldquoThe Wall Street Journalrdquo as well as the ldquoLos AngelesTimesrdquo between 11 September 2001 and 31 December 2005 The authoranalyzes both explicit and implicit components to see the dominant andcounter-discourses provided within these newspapers The dominantdiscourse can be examined from the lexical choices and in the counter-discoursefrom the use of labels rhetoric metaphors among others Peter Teo (2000)analyses how two Sydney-based newspapers report about the issues connectedto a Vietnamese gang active in violent and drug dealings in Australia Teotakes five articles of ldquoThe Daily Telegraphrdquo and four ldquoThe Sydney Morningrdquopublished from May to August 1995 The analysis proceeds in two stagesfirst a ldquobroad characterization of the newspaper discourserdquo (Teo 2000 13) toshow the lsquootheringrsquo and stereotyping and second a comparative analysis of tworeports of ldquoan asymmetrical power discourse between the (ethnic) law-breakersand the (white) law-enforcersrdquo (Teo 2000 7)

The Discourse Structure of News Stories by Allan Bell (2011 59) offers aninteresting and useful framework and method to analyze news texts It startsfrom the question ldquoWhat does this story actually say it happenedrdquoDifferently to other methods within the Discourse Analysis Bellrsquos discoursestructure of news stories departs from a very simple base (cf Figure 1) to gofurther toward the more complex and abstract levels within the text Thismethod will be further explored

9 1 2013154

V Instrument

The Discourse Structure of News Texts by Allan Bell (1991 1998) offers astructured tool to analyze the news texts allowing dismantling the componentsof the news articles and the parts within the text (cf Figure 1)

Analyses of the selected three news reports are presented with Englishtranslation only due to the limit of the space The articles are presented inchronological order so that the first article was published in 2008 the secondone in 2011 and the last one was published in 2012

Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)

Figure 1 Model discourse structure for news texts

The Discourse Structure of News Stories departing from a simple base ofanalysis intends to serve as the foundation for the below analysis Its focusarises from the five Ws and an H ldquowhordquo ldquowhatrdquo ldquowhenrdquo ldquowhererdquo ldquowhyrdquoand ldquohowrdquo The elements of news text are attribution abstract and story(first level cf Figure 1) Within attribution source (the news agency or thejournalists byline) place and time (second level) are considered The abstractincludes the headline and the lead which introduces some information about themain event time and places The story considers the episodes that are in turncomposed by one or more events Those describe actors actions setting (time


and place) as well as the follow-up (consequences and reaction) commentary(context evaluation expectations) and background (previous episodes andhistory)

The above described news structure analysis and the Figure 1 are likely tobe deployed for single-sentence news commonly released by news agenciesand in even corners or column news brief of newspapers Likewise it serves asthe base for more complex extensive news Additionally for a more in-depthnews stories Bell provides a news structure composes of five main elementsldquowhatrdquo ldquowhordquo ldquowhererdquo ldquowhenrdquo and the ldquoevent and discourse structurerdquo Theevent and discourse structure provide the ldquowhyrdquo and ldquohowrdquo ldquoWhatrdquo provides aguide for the (1) headline the (2) lead the (3) events and the (4) relationamong those elements ldquoWhordquo is connected to the (5) story attribution (6)sources attribution and (7) news actors ldquoWhererdquo is related to (8) places and(9) place structure ldquoWhenrdquo guides the analysis for (10) times (11) timestructure (12) background (13) commentary and (14) follow-up ldquoEvent anddiscourse structurerdquo serves to review the (15) event structure (time place andconnected facts) (16) discourse structure (17) cohesion (linkages withinepisodes cause-and-effects relationship or absence of those) and (18)confusion (presence of ambiguities gaps etc)

VI Analysis

Corpus

The three selected articles come from online newspapers of differentcountries in Central America Guatemala (ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo) Honduras (ldquoLaTribunardquo) and Costa Rica (ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo) Despite the different national origin ofthe online newspapers ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo ldquoLa Tribunardquo and ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo have incommon to be newspapers that actively play a lsquowatchdog rolersquo and thuscommonly confronting the official discourse In fact ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo is anewspaper dedicated to investigative journalism that has shown an activewatchdog role As previously mentioned the newspaper had denounced thetransfer of funds to former Guatemalan President Alfonso Portillo during Chen

9 1 2013156

Shui-bians administration that was used for private purposes by the head ofstate Seemingly to the Guatemalan newspaper ldquoLa Tribunardquo advocates for aninvestigative journalism aiming to play a watchdog role and publishes aboutregional issues ldquoLa Tribunardquo has often covered issues related to Free TradeAgreements and in this corpus the article includes WikiLeaks cablesoriginally published by ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo as source of information In similar wiseto ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo and ldquoLa Tribunardquo ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo engages in investigativejournalism in Costa Rica and Central America Furthermore it had a specificwatchdog role during the diplomatic shift As a matter of fact ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquopresented an appeal to the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Courtforcing to disclose details of the deal Moreover ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo published theWikiLeaks cables of the US Embassy in Costa Rica

The articles were searched in the online version of the newspapers throughthe search engine of each website From the 30 articles related to the issuethe three articles selected are varied in perspective and type of text Startingfrom the headlines they contain information connected to the actors or theprocess of the diplomatic shift The article ldquoThe arm-wrestlings prize won byChina is Costa Ricardquo published in ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo focuses in the triangle Taiwan-China and Costa Rica It is interesting to mention an enriched contextualizationof the cross-strait historical facts and contemporary relations ldquoUS CostaRica-China is a marriage of conveniencerdquo published in ldquoLa Tribunardquo departsfrom the US perspective about the diplomatic relation between Costa Rica andChina and refers to Taiwan only briefly As mentioned in the historicalcontext in this paper US has historically shown interest in the region andpurposely intervenes in key events and processes The article by ldquoLa Tribunardquoshows the US perspective about the damaging of its own interests Last butnot least the article ldquoWhy Arias replaced Taiwan for Chinardquo focuses in thepolitical and economic reasons of Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift while thecross-strait relations remain at a background

First article by ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo Guatemala

In the article ldquoEn el pulso que ganoacute China Costa Rica es el premiordquo (ldquoThearm-wrestlings prize won by China is Costa Ricardquo) published 12 October 2008


the journalist Gabriela Lenhoff takes as key event the Costa Rican diplomaticshift towards Beijing It also outlines the historical relations of China andTaiwan as well as the 63-year-diplomatic relation of Costa Rica and TaiwanFurthermore in a future perspective it offers a general description of theincoming steps that China and Costa Rica will have in their newly-establisheddiplomatic alliance

The article is divided into six parts headline lead sectionsldquoIndependenciardquo (ldquoIndependencerdquo) and ldquoHistoria de desavenienciasrdquo(ldquoHistory of disagreementsrdquo) that serves as background as well as theintroductory part (no title) and the section ldquoCompra de bonos y maacutesrdquo (ldquoBondspurchase and furtherrdquo) In addition the article provides a photo of Ma Ying-jeou delivering a speech in 2008 at the Taiwan Business Alliance Theheadline contains the presupposition that the reader knows that the opponent ofthe arm-wrestling played by China is Taiwan

(H) ldquoThe arm-wrestlings prize won by China is Costa Ricardquo

The headline contains three causal events 1 there was an arm-wrestling 2it was won by China and 3 the prize is Costa Rica

Figure 2 Model discourse structure of ldquoThe arm-wrestlings prize won byChina is Costa Ricardquo

9 1 2013158

The lead continues the headlines metaphor informs the reader that ldquotheother playerrdquo is Taiwan (or confirms if the reader already knows) and furtherexplains the state of the lsquointernational advancementrsquo

(L) ldquoChina and Taiwan have a diplomatic arm-wrestling China has greaterinternational recognition but Taiwan seeks to maintain the few [countries] whosupport themrdquo

As far as the ldquojournalistic 5 Ws and an Hrdquo are concerned the headline andthe lead provide the ldquowhordquo and ldquowhatrdquo but do not provide the ldquowhenrdquo ldquowhererdquoldquowhyrdquo and ldquohowrdquo Even the ldquowhordquo and ldquowhatrdquo are still vaguely mentioned Infact while countries of the ldquoarm-wrestlingrdquo are mentioned there is no referenceto officers who carried out the diplomatic shifts and the terms under which thediplomatic recognition was accomplished

The action is the shift of Costa Ricas diplomacy That is the main eventand there will be previous and further events as well as characteristics relatedto that key event

Event -2 Secret mission in Beijing

Event -1 ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo appeals the disclosure of the secret mission at theSupreme Court

Key event Broken diplomatic relation

Event 1 James Huang Minister of Foreign Affairs of Taiwan resigns

Event 2 China purchases Costa Ricarsquos Bonds

While mentioning the key event the journalist shows a certain position bythe following commentary as she gives an evaluation to the action taken byCosta Rica

(1) ldquoIn June 2007 Costa Rica did what seemed unthinkable broke diplomaticrelations with Taiwanrdquo

As seen in Casas-Zamora (2009) the diplomatic shift was not onlysomething that was quietly present as the convenience of the shift has beingdiscussed in Costa Ricasrsquos foreign policy circles for more than 10 years but


also responded to a a middle income country like Costa Rica situationTherefore it was lsquounthinkablersquo for the general perspective but in-depthanalysis like Casas-Zamorarsquos one show it was along process that can even bequalified as lsquologicalrsquo from a lsquorealpolitikrsquo perspective

As far as the ldquowhordquo is concerned ie source and story attribution thereare direct quotes of the president of Costa Rica Oacutescar Arias that is also a newsactor In the quoted reasons results and intentions of such a diplomatic shiftare provided

(2) ldquoAn act of elemental realismrdquo and an ldquoawake to the global contextrdquo

(3) [Costa Rica] joined ldquothe 168 UN member states to recognize the One ChinaPrinciplerdquo [sic PRCrsquos ldquoOne China Policyrdquo]

(4) ldquoWe would like to continue to maintain unofficial relationsrdquo [with Taiwan]

In the case of the places ie ldquowhererdquo the specific settings are Beijing andCosta Rica While in Beijing is the setting where the secret mission took placeand Costa Rica is the place of the announcement of the diplomatic shift andfrom where the Taiwanese Embassy staff was sent off

As for the ldquowhenrdquo is connected to the several events First the event -2ie secret mission in Beijing is dated more than a year ago Nevertheless itwas disclosed a month before the article was published ie event -1 ldquoLaNacioacutenrdquo appeal at the Supreme Court The key event break of diplomaticrelation is mentioned in general with no specific date Then the followingevents event 1 James Huang Minister of Foreign Affairs of Taiwan resignsand event 2 China purchases Costa Ricarsquos Bonds Moreover the backgroundremains an interesting part As a matter of fact there is a full descriptionprevious episodes and history allowing to readers unfamiliar with this topic tobetter understand the whole issue The article provides the controversialaspect of the negotiation between Costa Rica and China disassembled by anappeal of the newspaper La Nacioacuten presented to the Costa Rican ConstitutionalChamber of the Supreme Court It lead to what the journalist mentions as theldquobroken relation of friendshiprdquo between Costa Rica and Taiwan under the titleldquoCompra de bonos y maacutesrdquo (ldquoBonds purchase and furtherrdquo)

9 1 2013160

(5) ldquoThe friendship [between Costa Rica and Taiwan] ended with theestablishment of relations with Beijing Nevertheless the way thenegotiations were developed was keeping them secret for over a year until amonth ago [when] the Costan Rican Constitutional Chamber of the SupremeCourt resolved an appeal by the newspaper La Nacioacuten forcing to disclosedetails of the dealrdquo

The ldquobroken relation of friendshiprdquo between Costa Rica and Taiwan isdescribed by what Costa Rica got from that diplomatic alliance and mentionswhat the journalist considers the most emblematic infrastructure that was builtwith Taiwanese transferred funds

(6) ldquoCosta Rica maintained a close relationship with Taiwan since 1944 Theinfrastructure built with funds from that country is everywhere docksbridges and classrooms In addition to police vehicles and contributions oftechnical cooperation and training all meant to receive in exchange supportin international forums

The bridge La Amistad perhaps the most emblematic of this brokenrelationship is on the Tempisque river In due course (opened in 2003) [thebridge] was intended to reflect the excellent terms of the relationship Its 16kilometers cost US$ 27 millionrdquo

The same section (ldquoBonds purchase and furtherrdquo) offers a list of thebenefits that Costa Rica will obtained from the relation with BeijingNevertheless there are no references to the benefits the Chinese side will getfrom the newly-established diplomatic relation It would appear that Chinawould get out the relation the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan as mentioned inprevious parts of the article Therefore the purpose of the Chinese side ismainly political As previously mentioned the article provides the standpointof Wang Xiaoyuan the Chinese Ambassador in Costa Rica declared to ElUniversal a Mexican newspaper Mr Wang mentioned that China considersCosta Rica as a platform to launch its strategy to seek to establish relations withCentral and Latin American countries

Furthermore the journalist provides a special section to the historicalhappenings in the cross-strait relations It is named ldquoHistoria de


desavenienciasrdquo (History of disagreements) The section offers the ldquowhyrdquo andldquohowrdquo of the cross-strait historical happenings

In the news text there is also a reference in regards of the diplomaticadvancement of both countries to get their own position

(7) ldquoChina is trying since few decades to diplomatically isolate TaiwanTheir goal is that no country recognizes them to show that is part of itsterritoryrdquo

In addition in a later section of the article the journalist comes back to theissue in a description with a nuance of evaluation in the second part of thesentence As a matter of fact it also mentions that Taiwan has applied theabove mentioned checkbook diplomacy

(8) ldquoThe One China Policy establishes that in order to have relations withBeijing there must not have any with Taipei that also managed to keep theirrecognition through checks with more than twenty countriesrdquo

Another common way of leaning applied by journalists is showing onlyone side of a full issue in other words to omit one specific side Within thediplomatic shift some entrepreneurial sectors agreed and other did not Thearticle presents one side ie disagreement in the diplomatic shift and thepotential Free Trade Agreement between Costa Rica and China

(9) ldquoHowever not everything is rosy Some sectors reject the idea of a [freetrade] agreement The Costa Rican Chamber of Food Industries uttered itsrejection Juan Mariacutea Gonzaacutelez President of the Chamber of Industriessaid the study [Feasibility analysis of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA)between Costa Rica and China conducted between January and July 2008and aiming to sign-up the FTA] was handed over recently and it should bestudied before issuing an opinion on the lsquothreatsrsquo that could account for thesectorrdquo

A specific humanizing metaphor is used to describe Chinarsquos regionalpolicy in Southeast Asia as it is mentioned to be ldquohungryrdquo and ldquocarefullycultivaterdquo

9 1 2013162

(10) ldquoHungry for natural resources and of expansion of its markets Chinacarefully cultivates [the exchange policy in the] Southeast Asia regionrdquo

The closing sentence of the article sends the readers back to the present aswell as the Taiwanese reaction to the shift From Costa Rica the article refersto the newspapers nation and regards diplomatic relation of Guatemala withTaiwan

(11) ldquoCurrently Taiwan focuses its efforts not to lose other partners Not invain Guatemalan President Aacutelvaro Colom has been all week visitingFormosardquo

The event structure is presented with events interspersed with each otherIt is actually difficult to follow the time line of the episodes The cohesion ofthe article is well constructed as the story flows smoothly and context data isprovided for readers not familiar with the issue

Second article by ldquoLa Tribunardquo Honduras

The article ldquoRelacioacuten de Costa Rica-China es un matrimonio de convenienciaEEUUrdquo (ldquoUS Costa Rica-China is a marriage of conveniencerdquo) posted on 4March 2011 is written by ACAN-EFE a news agency established in 1972 inPanama by private media enterprises and EFE (Spanish News Agency)ACAN stands for ldquoAgencia Centroamericana de Noticiasrdquo (Central AmericanNews Agency) ldquoLa Tribunardquo reproduced the article based on the WikiLeakscables published by the Costa Rican newspaper ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo with a headlinelead and a photo of president Obama shaking hands with Arias before thewatchful eyes of Lula former president of Brazil

The headline contains a perspective but does not provide a specific event

(H) ldquoUSA Costa Rica-China relation is a marriage of conveniencerdquo

The headline provides a specific statement attributed to the USA butdoes not inform the reader who has specifically defined the relation betweenCosta Rica and China


Two concepts expressed in the headline

(1) there is an active relationship between Costa Rica and China

(2) it is negatively evaluated by the USA

Figure 3 Model discourse structure of ldquoUSA Costa Rica-China is a

marriage of conveniencerdquo

The lead serves as a summary of the article and provides the source of theexplicit and controversial statement uttered by USA

(L) ldquoThe United States described the establishment of diplomatic relationsbetween Costa Rica and China as a marriage of convenience in this countryrelegated human rights in exchange for money according to WikiLeaks cablespublished today by the local daily La Nacioacuten

Letters sent by the US Embassy in San Joseacute during 2008 account for theactions of the government of Oscar Arias (2006-2010) considered as aldquodeviationrdquo from the traditional views of a country that calls itself a championof the human rightsrdquo

The action is the sending of cables by the US Embassy in Costa Ricacables in June and December 2008

9 1 2013164

Event -2 Costa Rica cuts diplomatic relations with Taiwan in June 2007

Event -1 Costa Rica starts an alliance with China and offers cooperationfunds and a stadium

Key event US Embassy in Costa Rica cables about the relation Costa Rica-China in 2008

Event 1 WikiLeaks cables published by ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo

Event 2 Opening of a national stadium (one month later)

While the cables sent were not the most important action the content ofthose remain of utmost importance for the article In fact as it is describedbelow it reveals the US position about the gained importance of China inCosta Rica and potentiality in the Central American region thanks to thediplomatic shift taken by Costa Rica

As above mentioned the US Embassy in Costa Rica cables state that theactions taken by Oacutescar Arias are a ldquodeviationrdquo of the traditional policy of CostaRica that used to prioritize the human rights In particular there are twospecific events in 2008 first in regards of the Chinese repression in Tibet thatformer president Arias Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 1987 about which he keptlsquosilencersquo and second the cancelled visit of Dalai Lama to Costa Rica Thereference to the previous diplomatic alliance and the eventual shift is mentionedin the article as follows

(1) ldquoCosta Rica broke relations with Taiwan 60 years in June 2007 to establishties with China who promised an influx of cooperation such as thedonation of a new National Stadium which will open later this month

In addition the two countries negotiated a Free Trade Agreement (FTA)which was approved yesterday in the first debate in Congressrdquo

As for the ldquowhordquo ie source and story attribution there are direct quotesto the former US Ambassador in Costa Rica Peter Cianchette who is alsonews actor The China-Costa Rica relation in a cable issued in December2008 is described as follows

(2) ldquoBy now trade with China has apparently surpassed all other matters on the


Costa Rican-Chinese agenda a deviation for the small country with greatlove for human rightsrdquo

The most interesting part remains the one that shows one USA fearedissue expressed by Cianchette about their own interests in the CentralAmerican isthmus

(3) ldquoChina has become one of the largest donors of Costa Rica Although we donot see Chinas entry as the end of the US influence in the region it makesclear that we are not the only (nor the most generous) rooster in the yardrdquo

Moreover the source attribution also goes to the Costa Rican newspaper LaNacioacutenrsquos publication of the US Embassy cables provided by WikiLeaks in whichthe US mentions the actor as ldquoCosta Ricardquo only and no individuals referred

The ldquowhererdquo is San Joseacute and specifically in the US Embassy Theldquowhyrdquo only arrives at the closing sentence of the article It offers a contextsituation that allows for better understanding of Cianchettersquos statement at theheadline ldquomarriage of conveniencerdquo

(4) ldquoCosta Rica is the only Central American country that has ties to China therest of the nations of the region maintains its traditional relations withTaiwan For now former President Arias has not addressed these issuesrdquo

The event structure is clearly presented with events following one anotherContrary with the article of ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo the radius of events covered by thearticle is simpler Therefore the reader will find easy to follow the time lineof the events The cohesion of the article is well constructed as the storyflows smoothly Nevertheless different to the section ldquoHistory ofdisagreementrdquo in the previous article the context data in this article mightappear insufficient Readers unfamiliar with the issue will need to seek furtherinformation to have a clear overview As a whole it presents the topic in aslightly complete way with no specific leaning statements

Third article by La Nacioacuten Costa Rica

The articleldquoiquestPor queacute Arias cambioacute a Taiwaacuten por Chinardquo (ldquoWhy Ariasreplaced Taiwan for Chinardquo) published 20 January 2012 departs from the

9 1 2013166

diplomatic shift which is portrayed as key event The author is Oacutescar AlvaacuterezAraya former ambassador of Costa Rica in Taipei The question in theheadline creates curiosity in the reader who by the end is supposed to find theanswer

Figure 4 Model discourse structure of ldquoWhy Arias replaced Taiwan for Chinardquo

The article is divided into five main sections The headline thesubheadline the lead the sections ldquoValores y comerciordquo (ldquoValues and traderdquo)and ldquoRazones poliacuteticasrdquo (ldquoPolitical reasonsrdquo)

The headline presents a question inviting the reader to discover what isbehind the diplomatic shift (ldquowhyrdquo) The subheading (SH) offers thecontroversial dimension of the Costa Ricans foreign politics change

(SH) ldquoThe secrecy of diplomatic shift will continue to fuel doubtsrdquo

The lead (L) notably extensive offers the ldquowhatrdquo ie background of thekey event the event itself (diplomatic shift from Taiwan to China) and theconsequences for Taiwan the request to the Embassy of Taiwan to leave thecountry within one month

(L) ldquoOacutescar Ariasrsquo government via a delegation in secret mission to Beijingcomposed by Foreign Minister Bruno Stagno and Finance Minister GuillermoZuacuteniga established diplomatic relations with China on 1 June 2007 Ariasinformed the Costa Rican people on June 6th almost a week later Thesame June 6 Minister Stagno informed the Ambassador of the Republic ofChina (Taiwan) Wu Tzu-dan that all diplomatic staff of the [Taiwanese]


embassy had to leave Costa Rica within a month ie by 6 July PresidentArias had replaced Taiwan by China

This decision generated some supports and extended criticism in the mediaOne of the most criticized aspects was the secret and non-transparent way inwhich the plan was hatched and executedrdquo

The last sentence of the first paragraph is especially thought-provokingThe author shows the absence of public consensus already expressed in theheadline of the article and reinforced by the last sentence Equally reinforcingis the last sentence of the lead

Event -1 Establishment of the diplomatic relation Costa Rica-China

Key event Broken relation of Costa Rica-Taiwan

Event 1 Taiwanese Embassy staff sent off

As for the ldquowhordquo in addition to the author there are three sourceattributions The text does not only provide the authorrsquos personal perspectiveOacutescar Ariasrsquo reasons as well as Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lursquos explanationsbut also deeper reasons and his viewpoint about the future

The ldquowhererdquo is provided in the lead and in the first section of the articleBeijing and Costa Rica Regarding ldquowhenrdquo the key event in time is 6 June2007 when the diplomatic shift was announced by president Arias and Wu Tzu-dan was informed that the Embassy of Taiwan staff was supposed to leave thecountry within one month Around a week before the secret mission tookplace in Beijing The background is the diplomatic relation of Costa Ricaand Taiwan born more than 60 years ago

In the section ldquoValues and traderdquo the introduction of the topic mentionsthe hypothesis in the media about the logic of the diplomatic shift Thosehypotheses are the consequence from of an outspoken policy that was alreadymentioned in the subheading and in the lead

(1) ldquoAll sorts of hypotheses arose about why President Arias decided tosacrifice the 66 [sic] -year diplomatic relationship of friendship andcooperation between Costa Rica and Taiwanrdquo

9 1 2013168

It should be corrected that the diplomatic alliance between Costa Rica andTaiwan was established in 1944 thus by 2007 the relation have lasted 63 yearsThe above sentence also shows an evaluation by the author that defines thediplomatic relationship as based in ldquofriendship and cooperationrdquo

The article introduces the government reasons in the following sentencewhich starts to answer the question asked in the headline

(2) ldquoAccording to Arias the change was mainly due to market reasons giventhat after the United States China has become the second trade partner ofCosta Rica in recent yearsrdquo

In the second paragraph Oacutescar Aacutelvarez Araya expresses his viewpointabout Arias statement and the consequences in Costa Ricas foreign policyThe author shows that the diplomatic shift is not only a watershed at a nationalpolitical dimension it also changes the image of Oacutescar Arias who was awardedwith the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987

(3) ldquoSuch arguments by Arias and the media environment makes all a breakwith the tradition of Costa Ricas foreign policy usually prided itself asbased on principles and values On the contrary this time was based onthe reasons for the trade balance Arias himself during [the elections]government program in 2005 and its foreign policy chapter promised aCosta Rica as a moral power and diplomacy based on the principles andvalues of democracy human rights and peace as seemed natural in acandidate who appeared as the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 However hissecond government had sacrificed his idealistic diplomacy and evenmoralistic features supported during the eighties at the altar of a newdiplomacy of political realism and pragmatism marketrdquo

A further answer to the title question it is related to the difference of thetransferred funds by Taiwan and China

(4) ldquoAnother reason given by Arias in his own words was that the donationsoffered by Taiwan were not sufficient Consequently some wonder if thenChina had offered more cooperationrdquo


As far as the amounts are concerned the author quotes the then-presidentand vice-president of Taiwan Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lu

(5) ldquoIn that context the then president of Taiwan Chen Shui-bian said in theTaipei Times on June 10th

ldquoThere were many reasons for this (the change of relations) but the mostimportant factor was that China provided $ 430 million to purchase thoserelationshipsrdquo

A few days later the then vice president of Taiwan Annette Lu confirmedthe statement by the head of state of the island and added that Arias wasbewitched by Chinardquo

Further answers to the headline question ie ldquowhyrdquo can be founded in thesection ldquoPolitical reasonsrdquo The section title is due to the authors viewpoint tothe reason of the shift which is based in the ldquorealpolitikrdquo Four reasons arepresented First Costa Rica needs support from China to guarantee it a non-permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations Second ithopes a diplomatic relationship with China would neutralize the opposition tothe FTA with the US that existed in sectors of the left-wing and movementswhile giving them a hope or plan B to the impatient business sectors because ofthe not ratified FTA Third thanks to the Chinese support Costa Rica wouldaccess to the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) which is particularlyappealing to the enterprises active in export business Fourth it is the reprisalof China resulting from its recent loss of the diplomatic alliance of Saint Luciawhich had switched from Beijing to Taipei

An unexpected turn arrives by the end of the article The author mentionsthat the debate has just started and the full picture of the diplomatic shift ofCosta Rica will be depicted in the incoming years

(6) ldquoAnyway the debate on this important subject has just started and thesecrecy of diplomatic shift will continue to feed the questions and doubtsuntil the story go putting the puzzle pieces in the right and true dimensionrdquo

The event structure is presented with events following one another

9 1 2013170

Contrary to the article of ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo and seemingly to ldquoLa Tribunasrdquo articlethe radius of events covered by the article is simple Therefore the time lineof the events will be easily followed by the reader The cohesion of the articleis well constructed as the story flows smoothly and the background reasons areextensively explained As a whole the article presents the events in a slightlycomplete way (ldquowhatrdquo) with full description of reasons (ldquowhyrdquo) and strongspecific leaning statements (ldquohowrdquo)

VII ResultsThe three articles have contrasting perspectives and answer to different

journalistic Ws and the H Despite those differences there is still room for thesame content In particular it can be noted that the key event (ldquowhatrdquo) is thesame for both the article of ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo and ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo while the article ofldquoLa Tribunardquo is related to the ldquohowrdquo and provides an evaluation In the caseof ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo the key event is described in a more detailed way than in theother articles and provides a full picture of the complex cross-strait relations(background) Odd enough none of the articles reports the fact that among theseries of cutting ties with Taipei and shifting towards Beijing had alreadystarted in mid May 2007 In particular it is not mentioned that Costa Ricastill in diplomatic alliance with Taiwan voted against the Taiwanesemembership in the World Health Organization (WHO) on 14 May 2007 Themeeting on 25 May 2007 in which Foreign Minister James Huang encounteredofficials from Costa Rica and other Latin American countries in Belize City toreinforce diplomatic relation is not mentioned either It is worth to mentionthat despite the meeting Costa Rica continued with the plans of diplomaticshifting Reporting these two facts would have enriched the content of thearticle of ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo and reinforce the authoracutes arguments

The first two headlines have a stronger leaning while the third articlecontent leans strongly within the main body answering to the headlinesquestion containing a specific journalistic W ldquowhyrdquo

Both elPerioacutedico and La Tribuna provide one common source attributionLa Nacioacuten in which the decision of diplomatic shift is often referred by the


nation and in some cases remains only Oscar Arias action In the first articlewhile it might seem that the decision was taken by the president and carried-outby the minister it also has some references to the country plainly named asldquoCosta Ricardquo The second article tends to refer to the country rather than thepresident as responsible for the diplomatic change The third article makesOacutescar Arias responsible for the decision of diplomatic shift while the process isassigned to Ministers Bruno Stagno and Guillermo Zuacuteniga

The three articles have common places (ldquowhererdquo) Costa Rica and BeijingTaiwan is also considered but it does not represent a place where the key eventtakes place Taiwan is referred in the consequences and follow-up (Embassyof Taiwan staff relocated and James Huangs resignation) In the secondarticle the US is a key actor but is neither a place where the event takesplace But the importance of US in Central American countries and regionwas revealed here

VIII ConclusionThis study finds Central American newspapers framed Costa Ricas

diplomatic shift as a negative story Political reasons and circumstances underwhich the agreement between Costa Rica and China was carried-out wereparticularly criticized ldquoThe friendship [between Costa Rica and Taiwan] endedwith the establishment of relations with Beijing However the way theydeveloped the negotiations they were kept secret for over a year until a monthago [when] the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of the CentralAmerican country resolved an appeal by the newspaper La Nacioacuten forcing todisclose details of the dealrdquo (Lenhoff 2008)

In terms of event and discourse structure the articles varied in leaning andrhetoric figures The first article clearly disapproves the shift since theheadline (ldquoThe arm-wrestlings prize won by China is Costa Ricardquo) and showssome specific leaning statements in the text It also shows disagreement aboutthe checkbook diplomacy applied by Taiwan While the historical context isparticularly useful to understand the cross-strait relation the second articlerelated to the USrsquos perspective and position (ldquoUS Costa Rica is a marriage

9 1 2013172

of conveniencerdquo) For the article published in La Tribuna the main story is onCosta Rica-Chinarsquos diplomatic relation The publishing of WikiLeaks cablesshows the stark position of La Tribuna in revealing hidden parts of the USofficial discourse The article shows the disapproval from the northerncountry La Nacioacutenrsquos article ldquoWhy Arias replaced Taiwan for Chinardquo has anexcellent event structure composed by specific happenings With cohesivestructure and smooth flow of storyline the article presents the events in aslightly complete way (ldquowhatrdquo) with full description of reasons (ldquowhyrdquo) andstrong specific leaning statements (ldquohowrdquo)

Three main actors of this diplomatic shift Taiwan Costa Rica and Chinaare also portrayed differently Taiwan is generally portrayed as bearing theconsequences especially in the third articlersquos lead ldquoThe same June 6 MinisterStagno informed the Ambassador of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Wu Tzu-dan that all diplomatic staff of the embassy had to leave Costa Rica within amonth ie by 6 Julyrdquo Nevertheless in the first article Taiwan is also accusedof deploying checkbook diplomacy ldquo[t]he one-China policy cannot haverelations with Beijing if they have to Taipei which also managed to keep theirrecognition through checks with more than twenty countryrdquo

In turn China is considered as an economic strong force with no respectfor human rights that follows its own interests In the first article there are twostatements that reflect so First ldquoHungry for natural resources and ofexpanding its markets China carefully cultivates [the exchange policy in the]Southeast Asia regionrdquo shows the economic force Second negative intentionsare connected to China ldquoChina is trying since few decades to diplomaticallyisolate Taiwanrdquo

Costa Rica abandoned its humanitarian advocacy for pure economicpurposes The most emblematic statement is presented in the lead of thesecond article ldquoThe United States described the establishment of diplomaticrelations between Costa Rica and China as a marriage of convenience in thiscountry relegated human rights in exchange for money according to WikiLeakscables published today by the local daily La Nacioacutenrdquo Last but not leastOacutescar Arias was particularly criticized for not honoring the Nobel Peace Prizewon in 1987 and deploying the controversial realpolitik in conducting Costa


Ricas diplomacy The third article is particular critic of this position ldquo[s]ucharguments by Arias and the media environment makes all a break with thetradition of Costa Ricas foreign policy usually prided itself as based onprinciples and values On the contrary this time was based on the reasons forthe trade balance Arias himself during [the elections] government programin 2005 and its foreign policy chapter promised a Costa Rica as a moral powerand diplomacy based on the principles and values of democracy human rightsand peace as seemed natural in a candidate who appeared as the Nobel PeacePrize in 1987 However his second government had sacrificed his idealisticdiplomacy and even moralistic features supported during the eighties at the altarof a new diplomacy of political realism and pragmatism marketrdquo

9 1 2013174

ReferencesAguilera Peralta Gabriel 2006 ldquoDe espaldas al dragoacuten Las relaciones de

Centroameacuterica con Taiwaacutenrdquo Nueva Sociedad Vol 203 (httpwwwnusoorguploadarticulos3360_1pdf) (20120110)

Al diacutea 2007 ldquoCosta Rica votoacute contra Taiwaacuten en la OMSrdquo May 17 (httpwwwaldiacrad_ee2007mayo17ultimahora1100250html) (20120828)

Aacutelvarez Araya Oacutescar 2012 ldquoiquestPor queacute Arias cambioacute a Taiwaacuten por Chinardquo La NacioacutenJanuary 20 (httpwwwnacioncom2012-01-20Opinion-por-que-arias-cambio-a-taiwan-por-china---aspx) (20120614)

Associated Press 2007 ldquoCosta Rica Breaks relations with Taiwanrdquo June 6 (httpwwwmsnbcmsncomid19080068nsworld_news-americastcosta-rica-breaks-relations-taiwanUD3vcMFlTia) (20120828)

BBC 2010a ldquoChina-Taiwan Trade Pact Sparks Street Protest in Taipeirdquo June 26(httpwwwbbccouknews10423409) (20120622)

BBC 2010b ldquoHistoric Taiwan-China Trade Deal Takes Effectrdquo September 12(httpwww bbccouknewsworld-asia-pacific-11275274) (20120622)

Bell Allan 1991 The Language of News Media Oxford Basil BlackwellBell Allan 1998 ldquoThe Discourse Structure of News Mediardquo in Teun A van Dijk ed

Discourse Studies pp 58-89 London SageBlommaert Jan 2005 Discourse A Critical Introduction Cambridge Cambridge

University PressBureau of Free Trade (BOFT) MOEA 2013 ldquoFTAs Signed with Trading Partnersrdquo

(httpwwwtradegovtwenglishPagesListaspxnodeID=672) (20130403)Casas-Zamora Kevin 2009 ldquoNotes on Costa Ricarsquos Switch from Taipei to Beijingrdquo

Paper presented at the National Defense University November 6 (httpwwwbrookingseduresearchspeeches20091106-costa-rica-asia-casaszamora) (20130403)

Central American Trade Office (CATO) 2012 ldquoGoalsrdquo(httpwwwcatocomtwabout_ehtml) (20120628)

China Post 2004 ldquoMoscoso May Sue Taiwan Lawmakersrdquo October 23 (httpwwwchinapostcomtwdetailaspID=53649ampGRP=p2Moscoso-mayhtm) (20120624)

Chow Andreacutes W L 1998 Estudio de la evolucioacuten de las relaciones entre China yAmeacuterica Latina Taipei Catholic University Fu-Jen

Cuban Online Encyclopedia 2012 ldquoRevolucioacuten Cubanardquo EcuRed Website (httpwww


ecuredcuindexphpRevoluciC3B3n_Cubana) (20120911)El Diario de Hoy 2012 ldquoEl lunes se firmaraacute el TLC con Taiwaacutenrdquo May 4

(httpwwwelsalvadorcommwedhnotanota_completaaspidCat=20793ampidArt=1353211) (20120614)

Erikson Daniel P and Janice Chen 2007 ldquoChina Taiwan and the Battle for LatinAmericardquo Latin Business Chronicle Vol 31 No 2 pp 69-89 (httpswwwthedialogueorgPublicationFilesErikson-Chen-12028229pdf) (20120110)

Erikson Daniel P 2009 ldquoChinarsquos Strategy toward Central America The Costa RicanNexusrdquo China Brief Vol 9 No 11 pp 5-7 (httpwwwjamestownorgsingleno_cache=1amptx_ttnews5Btt_news5D=35040) (20120110)

Fischer Karin 2005 ldquoGracias a Taiwaacuten pero iquesty los chequesrdquo elPerioacutedicoSeptember 23 (httpwwwelperiodicocomgtes20050923opinion20258)(20120614)

Furlong William L 1987 ldquoCosta Rica Caught between Two Worldsrdquo Journal ofInteramerican Studies and World Affairs Vol 29 No 2 pp 119-54

La Tribuna 2008 ldquoChina y Costa Rica lanzan negociacioacuten de TLC durante gira delpresidente Hurdquo November 17 (httpoldlatribunahn20081117post10048973)(20120828)

La Tribuna 2008 ldquoEl comercio con Taiwanrdquo October 17 (httpoldlatribunahn20081017post10046310) (20120614)

La Tribuna 2011 ldquoRelacioacuten Costa Rica-China es un matrimonio de convenienciaEEUUrdquo March 4 (httpoldlatribunahn20110304relacion-de-costa-rica-china-es-un-matrimonio-de-conveniencia-ee-uu) (20120614)

La Tribuna 2011 ldquoTaiwaacuten pide a Honduras aprovechar TLC suscritordquo July 3 (httpoldlatribunahn20110703taiwan-pide-a-honduras-aprovechar-tlc-suscrito-2)(20120614)

Lehoucq Fabrice E 1991 ldquoClass Conflict Political Crisis and the Breakdown ofDemocratic Practices in Costa Rica Reassessing the Origins of the 1948 Civil WarrdquoJournal of Latin American Studies Vol 23 No 1 pp 37-60

Lenhoff Gabriela 2008 ldquoEn el pulso que ganoacute China Costa Rica es el premiordquoelPerioacutedico October 12 (httpwwwelperiodicocomgtes20081012elmundo74887)(20120614)

Li Juan 2009 ldquoIntertexuality and National Identity Discourse of National Conflicts inDaily Newspapers in the United States and Chinardquo Discourse and Society Vol 20 No

9 1 2013176

1 pp 85-121Mendelson Forman Johanna and Susana Moreira 2009 ldquoBalancing Act in Latin

Americardquo in Carola McGiffert ed Chinese Soft Power and its Implications for theUnited States Competition and Cooperation in the Development World pp 97-101Washington DC Center for Strategic and International Studies

Mishra Smeeta 2008 ldquoIslam and Democracy Comparing Post-911 Representations inthe US Prestige Press in the Turkish Iraqi and Iranian Contextsrdquo Journal ofCommunication Inquiry Vol 32 No 2 pp 155-78

Nobel Prize 2012 ldquoThe Nobel Peace Prize 1987 Oacutescar Arias Saacutenchezrdquo (httpwwwnobelprizeorgnobel_prizespeacelaureates1987arias-biohtml) (20120923)

Office of the President Republic of China (Taiwan) 2012 ldquoPress Releasesrdquo (httpenglishpresidentgovtw) (20120624)

Panamaacute Ameacuterica 2010 ldquoiquestEs prudente romper con Taiwaacutenrdquo February 9 (httpwwwpanamaamericacompanotas885928-C2BFes-prudente-romper-con-taiwC3A1n) (20120614)

Panamaacute Ameacuterica 2011 ldquoEstablecen cuota para la exportacioacuten de azuacutecar panamentildea aTaiwaacutenrdquo May 17 (httpwwwpanamaamericacompanotas1050482-establecen-cuota-para-la-exportaciC3B3n-de-azC3BAcar-panameC3B1a-a-taiwC3A1n) (20120614)

Peacuterez Expoacutesito Francisco L 2004a ldquoTaiwaacuten y Ameacuterica Latina estrategia deaproximacioacuten y situacioacuten actualrdquo UNISCI Discussion Papers No 4 pp 1-22

Peacuterez Expoacutesito Francisco L 2004b ldquoRelaciones Internacionales Taiwaacuten-LatinoameacutericaLa eleccioacuten de los paiacuteses latinoamericanos entre China y Taiwaacutenrdquo Paper presented atthe 2004 Meeting of the Latin American Studies Association Las Vegas NevadaOctober 7-9

Rodriacuteguez Maria E 2008 ldquoLa batalla diplomaacutetica de Beijing y Taipei en AmeacutericaLatina y el Cariberdquo CIDOB drsquoAfers Internacionals Magazine Vol 81 pp 209-31

Secretariat for the Central American Integration 2007 ldquoLas relaciones econoacutemicascomerciales y de cooperacioacuten entre Centroameacuterica y la Repuacuteblica de China enTaiwaacutenrdquo Secretariat for the Central American Integration Website (httpwwwsiecaintsiteVisorDocsaspxIDDOC=Cache1799000000074917990000000749swf) (20120628)

Seligson Mitchell A and Edward N Muller 1987 ldquoDemocratic Stability andEconomic Crisis Costa Rica 1978-1983rdquo International Studies Quarterly Vol 31


No 3 pp 301-26Siglo21 2010 ldquoDelegacioacuten comercial e industrial de Guatemala impulsa comercio en

Taiwaacutenrdquo August 12 (httpwwws21comgtnode16970track) (20120614)Suaacuterez Salazar Luis 2009 ldquoThe Cuban Revolution and the New Latin American

Leadership A View from Its Utopiasrdquo Latin American Perspectives Vol 38 pp 114-27Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund (ICDF) 2012 ldquoTechnical

Missions in Central Americardquo (httpwwwicdforgtw) (20120111)Teo Peter 2000 ldquoRacism in the News A Critical Discourse Analysis of News

Reporting in Two Australian Newspapersrdquo Discourse and Society Vol 11 No 1 pp7-49

van Dijk Teun A 1998 ldquoWhat Is Political Discourse Analysisrdquo in Jan Blommaert andChris Bulcaen eds Political linguistics pp 11-52 Amsterdam Benjamins

van Dijk Teun A 2001 ldquoCritical Discourse Analysisrdquo in Deborah Schiffrin DeborahTannen and Heidi E Hamilton eds Handbook of Discourse Analysis pp 352-71Oxford Blackwell

van Dijk Teun A 2011 ldquoDiscourse Studies and Hermeneuticsrdquo Discourse Studies Vol13 No 5 pp 609-21

Wodak Ruth and Michael Meyer 2009 Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis 2nd edLondon Sage

9 1 2013178

台灣與中國之中美洲結盟競爭

－以哥斯達黎加外交轉向之媒體報導分析為例

本研究檢視 2007 年 6 月哥斯達黎加與台灣斷交並轉而與中國建

交時中美洲三個報紙的新聞報導對此事的論述及看法哥斯大黎

加在 2007 年的外交轉向被視為台灣在拉丁美洲外交情勢的轉折點

在同一地區其他與台灣建交的七個中美洲友邦（多明尼加尼加拉

瓜薩爾瓦多宏都拉斯巴拿馬貝里斯）於當時被認為將會以

哥斯大黎加的外交轉向為可參考模式而產生與台灣斷交的可能風

險因此在中美洲地區新聞的呈現中「哥斯大黎加外交轉向的過程

如何形成」以及「外交轉向中各方行動者所扮演的角色及如何被

描寫」成為本研究了解拉丁美洲輿論與一般大眾以其拉丁美洲價

值對此外交事務的看法本研究以論述分析方法並借用 Allan Bell

所發展的新聞論述結構模式分析三篇相關新聞發現哥斯大黎加的

外交轉向被當時的拉丁美洲媒體以負面形象描寫事件其中以哥

中兩國產生協議的政治理由及情況最受批評中國以其強大經濟力

量之姿受到不尊重人權並只在國際間追求自身利益的負面評價哥

斯大黎加的外交轉向則是純粹為了經濟目的而放棄其所宣揚的人道

主義台灣在此事件中主要被描寫為外交轉向結果的承受者但也

因為其金援外交政策而受部份指責

台灣中美洲哥斯達黎加中國國際關係外交學

論述分析法新聞報導

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geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit De gemaakte PDF-documenten kunnen worden geopend met Acrobat en Adobe Reader 50 en hoger) NOR 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 PTB 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9 1 2013140

I Introduction

The Republic of China (ROC Taiwan) has formal diplomatic relationswith 23 countries Around a 52 of them are located in Latin America and theCaribbean area six Central American countries (Belize El Salvador GuatemalaHonduras Nicaragua and Panama) five Caribbean countries (the DominicanRepublic Haiti St Christopher and Nevis Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent andthe Grenadines) and the sole South American country Paraguay Latin Americais clearly Taipeirsquos most consistent and relevant stronghold in the world

Until 2007 also Costa Rica was within this group Nevertheless in June ofthat year the Central American country shifted from the alliance with Taipei tothe one of Beijing (Mendelson Forman amp Moreira 2009 Associated Press2007 June 6) The diplomatic shift has been disclosed a week later thedelegation in a secret mission from Costa Rica signed the agreement in BeijingIt was revealed to the public thanks to an appeal by the Costa Rican newspaperldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo at the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court (La Tribuna2011 March 4) As the role of Costa Rican newspaper ldquoLa Nacioacutenrdquo therewere other similar cases in which the Central American newspapers not onlyplayed a lsquowatchdog rolersquo but moreover enacted a real advocacy role Anotheremblematic example is the one of the Guatemalan newspaper ldquoelPerioacutedicordquoOn 23 September 2007 in occasion of the then-Taiwanese president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) visit to Guatemala to sign a Free Trade Agreement (FTA)ldquoelPerioacutedicordquo published an article about former Guatemalan President Portillorsquoscase of embezzling Taiwanese funds for private usage as well as other CentralAmerican Presidents accepting funds from Taiwan for unofficial purposesFrom these two examples it can be seen that those newspapers kept a watchfuleye on the actors and their conducts connected to unofficial actions within thediplomatic relations As the diplomatic shift of Costa Rica had not beentransparent it received special coverage from several Central American andinternational press (cf References) Consequently it attracted our interests toexplore the features of the press coverage on the Costa Rican diplomatic shiftTwo questions are proposed to examine Latin Americarsquos news coverage of thisevent First ldquohow is the process of the Costa Ricarsquos diplomatic shift framedrdquo









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Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)






VI Analysis

Corpus


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geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit De gemaakte PDF-documenten kunnen worden geopend met Acrobat en Adobe Reader 50 en hoger) NOR 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 PTB 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 SVE 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9 1 2013148









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Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)






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9 1 2013150













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9 1 2013154

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Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)






VI Analysis

Corpus


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9 1 2013152

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9 1 2013154

V Instrument



Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)






VI Analysis

Corpus


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9 1 2013178


























9 1 2013154

V Instrument



Sources Bell (1991 171 1998 61)






VI Analysis

Corpus


9 1 2013156











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9 1 2013164






















9 1 2013166



















9 1 2013168

















9 1 2013170












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9 1 2013176























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VI Analysis

Corpus


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taiwan, china and central american allies: a discourse ... · pdf filethe research questions...

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