tense and mood in conditional sentences conditional sentences conditionals are modal statements....

Tense and Moodin conditional sentences

Katrin Schulz

ILLC/University of Amsterdam

[email protected]

1

1. Introduction

2

1. Introduction

Aim of the research:

3

1. Introduction


• A compositional semantics for (English) conditional

sentences

4

1. Introduction


• A compositional semantics for (English) conditional

sentences

– explain fake tense

– explain fake aspect

– explain Ippolito’s presupposition puzzle

5

1. Introduction

Central claims:

6

1. Introduction

Central claims:

• A theory of English conditionals

7

1. Introduction

Central claims:


– IF-sentences are aboutness topics

(Ebert et. al)

8

1. Introduction

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)

• A theory of the English Mood

9

1. Introduction

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)


– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.

10

1. Introduction

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)



– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection

of the finite verb.

11

1. Introduction

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)



– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection

of the finite verb.

– Semantics: The mood expresses an attitude to-

wards the informational content.

12

2. The Problems

Fake tense

In English subjunctive conditionals the simple

past, and also the past perfect, appear not to be

interpreted as semantic past tense and past perfect.

(1) a. If Peter left in time, he will be

in Amsterdam this evening.

b. If Peter left in time, he would be

in Amsterdam this evening.

c. If Peter had left in time, he

would have been in Amsterdam

this evening.

indicative

conditional

would

conditional

would have

conditional

13

2. The Problems

The puzzle of presupposition projection

English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-

factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.

John died last summer.

(2) a. *If John ran the Boston marathon next spring, he

would win.

Presupposition of the antecedent: John is alive

b. If John had run de the Boston marathon next

spring, he would have won.

Presupposition of the antecedent: John is alive

c. If John were still alive, he would run the Boston

marathon next spring.

14

2. The Problems

Fake tense

Past-as-past Approaches

- Tedeschi 1981

- Crouch 1993

- Ippolito 2003, 2006

- (Condoravdi 2002)

Past-as-modal Approaches

- Palmer 1986

- Fleischman 1989

- Dahl 1997

- Iatridou 2000

- and many more

��

��)

PP

PPPq

15

2. The Problems

Fake tense


- Tedeschi 1981

- Crouch 1993

- Ippolito 2003, 2006

- (Condoravdi 2002)

counterarguments

- Abusch 2007

- Schulz 2007


- Palmer 1986

- Fleischman 1989

- Dahl 1997

- Iatridou 2000

- and many more

��

��)

PP

PPPq

16

2. The Problems

Fake tense


- Tedeschi 1981

- Crouch 1993

- Ippolito 2003, 2006

- (Condoravdi 2002)

counterarguments

- Abusch 2007

- Schulz 2007


- Palmer 1986

- Fleischman 1989

- Dahl 1997

- Iatridou 2000

- and many more

this talk:

propose a formally precise

past-as-modal approach

��

��)

PP

PPPq

17

3. The Proposal

18

3. The Proposal

3.1 A theory of conditional sentences

19

3. The Proposal

3.1 A theory of conditional sentences

3.2 A theory of the English Mood

20

3. The Proposal

3.1 Conditional sentences

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3. The Proposal


Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)

22

3. The Proposal



LF: S

ModalB,≤ Antecedent Consequent

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3. The Proposal



LF: S

ModalB,≤ Antecedent Consequent

Semantic: [[If A, C]] = [[WOLLB,≤(A)(C)]]

= λw.∀w′ : w′∈ SimB,≤(w, [[A]]) → w′

∈ [[C]]

24

3. The Proposal



Problems:

25

3. The Proposal



Problems:

• not convincing from a syntactic point of view (see Bhatt &

Pancheva)

26

3. The Proposal



Problems:


Pancheva)

• morphological markings in the antecedent become semantically

vacuous

27

3. The Proposal



Problems:


Pancheva)

• morphological markings in the antecedent become semantically

vacuous

• languages without or no obligatory modal

28

3. The Proposal


29

3. The Proposal


IF-sentences are aboutness topics. (Ebert et. al)

30

3. The Proposal



Syntax: (Rizzi 1997) TP

SpecT CP

If A (Then) C

31

3. The Proposal



Syntax: (Rizzi 1997) TP

SpecT CP

If A (Then) C

Semantics: REFc(ιwc.[SimB,≤(w, A)]) & ASSERT [C(c)]

introduce topic: comment on topic:

a hypothetical context c statement about c

32

3. The Proposal

33

3. The Proposal


34

3. The Proposal


English sentences obligatorily carry mood.

35

3. The Proposal


English sentences obligatorily carry mood.

Syntax: explain how we get from the surface of English sen-

tences to a logical form where mood is present.

Semantics: provide a semantic theory for the logical forms of

sentences, in particular, assign interpretations to the

mood operators.

36

3. The Proposal

3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax

37

3. The Proposal


• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.

38

3. The Proposal



• Three moods have to be distinguished

- indicative mood IND

- subjunctive mood SUBJ

- counterfactual mood COUNT

39

3. The Proposal







• The mood is expressed by the inflection of the finite verb.

40

3. The Proposal







• The mood is expressed by the inflection of the finite verb.

• The form of the simple past and the perfect are ambiguous in

their formal features.

41

3. The Proposal


Lexicon

phon. feat. formal feat. semantic feat.

was [upast, uind] BE

was [usubj, upres] BE

had [iperf, upast, uind] PERF

had [iperf, usubj, upres] PERF

had [ucount, usubj] ∅

∅ [ipres] PRES

∅ [ipast] PAST

∅ [iind] IND

∅ [isubj] SUBJ

∅ [icount, isubj] COUNT

42

3. The Proposal


Example 1: Paul was in Amsterdam.

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3. The Proposal



CP

Mood TP

Tense VP

‘Paul was in A’dam’

[iind] [ipast] [uind, upast]

IND (PAST (P ))

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3. The Proposal



CP

Mood TP

Tense VP

‘Paul was in A’dam’

[isubj] [ipres] [usubj, upres]

SUBJ (PRES (P ))

45

3. The Proposal


46

3. The Proposal

3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics

47

3. The Proposal


The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational

content of the formula in scope of the mood.

48

3. The Proposal




Subjunctive:

• content is expected to be false in the utterance situation.

(Iatridou (2000) and many others)

49

3. The Proposal




Subjunctive:



• [[SUBJ (φ)]] = λw.UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)

50

3. The Proposal




Subjunctive:




Counterfactual:

• content is inconsistent with the utterance situation.

51

3. The Proposal




Subjunctive:




Counterfactual:

• content is inconsistent with the utterance situation.

• [[COUNT (φ)]] = λw. INCONS (φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)

52

3. The Proposal


Expectations

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3. The Proposal


Expectations

• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.

54

3. The Proposal


Expectations


• The expectations of a possibility 〈w, t〉 are those facts that you

can derive from the past and the present of world w at time t

together with general laws (see Schulz 2007).

55

3. The Proposal


Expectations





• M, w, t |≈ ϕ iff ϕ is an expectation of 〈w, t〉 in this sense.

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3. The Proposal


Expectations






• UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff M, w, t |≈ ¬φ.

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3. The Proposal


Expectations






• UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff M, w, t |≈ ¬φ.

• (Alternative: define directly or indirectly an preference

relation on t0-metaphysical alternatives of w at t and define

UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff some ¬φ alternative is preferred to all φ

alternatives.)

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3. The Proposal

3.3 Bringing everything together

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3. The Proposal


(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.

60

3. The Proposal



Logical Form

REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0

(SUBJ (PRES (P )))]) & ASS[SUBJ (PRES(WOLL(Q)))(c)]

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3. The Proposal



Logical Form

REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0


⇒ all surface morphology is interpreted!

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3. The Proposal



Logical Form

REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0


⇒ all surface morphology is interpreted!

⇒ everything stays in situ!

63

3. The Proposal


64

3. The Proposal


Fake tense

In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and

also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-

mantic past tense and past perfect.

65

3. The Proposal


Fake tense




The solution

66

3. The Proposal


Fake tense




The solution


67

3. The Proposal


Fake tense




The solution


• The simple past and the past perfect are ambiguous

between a temporal/aspectual meaning and a mood

meaning.

68

3. The Proposal


Fake tense




The solution


• The simple past and the past perfect are ambiguous

between a temporal/aspectual meaning and a mood

meaning.

• In subjunctive conditionals the simple past and the past

perfect are interpreted as mood markers.

69

3. The Proposal


Indicative Conditional:

(1a) If Peter left in time, he will be in Amsterdam this evening.

CP

Mood TP

Tense VP

‘Peter left in time’

[iind] [ipast] [uind, upast]

IND (PAST (P ))

70

3. The Proposal


Subjunctive Conditional:


CP

Mood TP

Tense VP

‘Peter left in time’

[isubj] [ipres] [usubj, upres]

SUBJ (PRES (P ))

71

3. The Proposal





72

3. The Proposal





The solution:

73

3. The Proposal





The solution: would conditionals

74

3. The Proposal






• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-

tional content.

75

3. The Proposal







tional content.

• The subjunctive mood expresses that content is

expected to be false in the utterance situation:

UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0)) iff M, w0, t0 |≈ ¬φ.

76

3. The Proposal







tional content.

• The subjunctive mood expresses that content is

expected to be false in the utterance situation:

UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0)) iff M, w0, t0 |≈ ¬φ.

• It follows that the presuppositions of ¬φ and thus of φ

have to be possibly true in w0.

77

3. The Proposal





The solution: would have conditionals

78

3. The Proposal







tional content.

79

3. The Proposal







tional content.

• The counterfactual mood expresses that the content is

inconsistent with the utterance situation: φ is not true

in 〈w0, t0〉 and also cannot become true.

80

3. The Proposal







tional content.

• The counterfactual mood expresses that the content is

inconsistent with the utterance situation: φ is not true

in 〈w0, t0〉 and also cannot become true.

• It follows that the presuppositions of φ can be violated

in w0.

81

4. Discussion

82

4. Discussion

Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the

past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-

ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,

why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-

ing is chosen?

83

4. Discussion





ing is chosen?

Answer: Simple sentences about the actual world that

carry the subjunctive or counterfactual mood

are semantically anomalous.

84

4. Discussion





ing is chosen?

Answer: Peter left in time.

85

4. Discussion





ing is chosen?


LF 1: IND(PAST (P ))

LF 2: SUBJ (PRES (P ))

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4. Discussion





ing is chosen?


LF 1: IND(PAST (P ))

LF 2: SUBJ (PRES (P ))

LF 2: semantically anomalous

[[SUBJ(PRES(P ))]]M,w0,t0 = [[UNEXP(PRES(P ))&PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1

iff [[PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1 & [[¬PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1

87

4. Discussion

Question 2: What about fake aspect?

88

4. Discussion


In languages that distinguish prefect and imperfect morphology the

obligatorily imperfect morphology in subjunctive conditionals

appears not to be interpreted. (Iatridou 2000 for Greek, Chaudal

2008 for French)

(3) a. Si Yann ventait, Mona partirait. (‘If Yann came-IMPF,

Mona would leave.’

b. *Si Yann vint, on mangerait des crepes. (‘If Yann came-PS,

we would eat pancakes.’)

c. *Si Yann a quitte son bureau, Mona partirait aussi. (‘If

Yann left-PERF his office, Mona would leave too.’)

89

4. Discussion


Answer: In case the mood of the sentence is not the

indicative the aspectual marking refers to the

attitude expressed by the mood.

The imperfect expresses that this attitude

(state) is on-going at the utterance time.

The eventuality described in scope of the

mood is underspecified for aspect.

(see also Bittner 2008, Chaudal 2008)

90

4. Discussion

91

4. Discussion

• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences

counterfactual by semantics.

• Among them are the would have conditionals:

If had been P , would have been Q.

92

4. Discussion





Question 3: Isn’t counterfactuality a pragmatic inference

of would have conditionals?

93

4. Discussion







Answer:

94

4. Discussion







Answer: • For some would have conditionals counter-

factuality is not just a pragmatic inference.

95

4. Discussion







Answer: • For some would have conditionals counter-

factuality is not just a pragmatic inference.

• This approach correctly distinguishes be-

tween would have conditionals that are coun-

terfactual by semantics and those that aren’t.

96

5. Conclusions

97

5. Conclusions

Central claims:

98

5. Conclusions

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)

99

5. Conclusions

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)



100

5. Conclusions

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)



– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection of the

finite verb.

101

5. Conclusions

Central claims:



(Ebert et. al)



– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection of the

finite verb.

– Semantics: The mood expresses an attitude towards the

informational content.

102

5. Conclusions

Achievements:

103

5. Conclusions

Achievements:

• formally worked out compositional semantics of English

conditionals

104

5. Conclusions

Achievements:


conditionals

• accounts for

105

5. Conclusions

Achievements:


conditionals

• accounts for

– fake tense

106

5. Conclusions

Achievements:


conditionals

• accounts for

– fake tense

– fake aspect

107

5. Conclusions

Achievements:


conditionals

• accounts for

– fake tense

– fake aspect

– Ippolito’s presupposition puzzle

108

5. Conclusions

Open questions:

109

5. Conclusions

Open questions:

• many ...

110

5. Conclusions

Open questions:

• Fake tense occurs in many languages from different language

families.

English, French, Latin, Classic Greek, Russian, and Old Irish

(Indo-European), Cree (Algonquian), Tonga and Haya

(Bantu), Chipewyan (Athabascan), Garo (Tibeto Burman),

Nitinaht (Wakashan), and Proto-Uto-Aztecan (in the

reconstruction of Steele). [James 1982]

Can we account for this cross-linguistic pattern?

111

6. Literature

• Abusch (2007) ‘Temporal and circumstantial dependence in counterfactual

modals’. Proceedings of the 16th Amsterdam Colloquium. Amsterdam.

• Bittner (2008) ‘Indicative counterfactuals’. Handout of the mini-workshop

on causality, IMS, University of Stuttgart.

• Chaudal (2008) ‘On the role of aspect within conditional structures’.

Proceedings JSM’08. Toulouse.

• Ebert et. al (2008) ‘ A unified analysis of indicative and Biscuit

conditionals as topics’. Handout of SALT 18. Amherst, Massachusetts.

• Iatridou (2000) ‘The grammatical ingredients of counterfactuality’.

Linguistic Inquiry, 31(2):231-270.

• Ippolito (2006) ‘Semantic composition and presupposition projection in

subjunctive conditionals’. Linguistics and Philosophy, 29:631-672.

• James (1982) ‘Past tense and the hypothetical: A cross-linguistic study.

Studies in Language, 6: 375-403.

• Schulz (2007) Minimal models in Semantics and Pragmatics: Free Choice,

Exhaustivity and Conditionals. Dissertation, University of Amsterdam.

112

7. Additional Material

The past-as-past approach

• The simple past and the perfect carry their standard

meanings in subjunctive conditionals.

• The logical form of subjunctive conditionals does not

match surface appearance.

Not: PAST (antecedent) > PAST (MODAL(consequent))

But: PAST (antecedent > MODAL(consequent))

Interpretation rule for conditionals

A subjunctive conditional with antecedent A and conse-

quent C is true in world w0 at time t0 if

∃t < t0∀w ∼=t w0 : antecedent(w) ⇒ consequent(w).

113

7. Additional Material

A problem of the past-as-past approach

Identity of the past is not sufficient to model the

truth conditions of conditionals.

Counterexample

A coin is going to the thrown and you have bet $5

on heads. Unfortunately, tails comes up and you

win. You say

(9) If I had bet on tails I would have won.

⇒ You need the alternative worlds to vary with respect to

whether you bet on heads or not, but to agree on the

later event that the coin comes up tails!

114

tense and mood in conditional sentences conditional sentences conditionals are modal statements....

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