the african-centred worldview: developing a …...br. j. social wk. (1999) 29, 251-267 the...

Br. J. Social Wk. (1999) 29, 251-267

The African-Centred Worldview:Developing a Paradigm for Social Work

MEKADA J. GRAHAM

Mekada J. Graham is a freelance social worker/consultant and holds a Master's degree in SocialWork from the University of Hertfordshire, England. She has considerable experience andexpertise in social work education, consultancy and practice and has worked with the Universityof the West Indies and various voluntary agencies throughout the Eastern Caribbean in the areaof child protection. She is currently writing a book on African centred paradigms for social workpractice that chronicles the African heritage in the development social work and social welfarein Britain.

SUMMARY

This article raises concerns about the ethnocentric nature of existing paradigms within the socialsciences that form the basis for social work theory and practice with Wack families and children. Inaddition, it highlights the theoretical deficits within existing social work models that do not reflectthe worldviews of diverse communities in British society. Can existing social work models continueto express ethnocentric value systems as the universal way to explain human behaviour in the lightof growing demands for pluralism not only between groups but also between epistemologies andworldviews? The author argues for an alternative paradigm that is grounded in the cultural andhistorical reality of the black experience.

A broad base of information and discussion of the African-centred worldview and the develop-ment of African-centred perspectives in social work is explored. African-centred perspectives insocial work challenge the profession to express its core principles of equality, social justice andself-determination in embracing alternative worldviews and paradigms as legitimate and validbases for social work theory and practice.

Social work interventions with black1 families and children have been thesource of controversy, conflict and disquiet for many decades. Research evi-dence continues to indicate that black communities are over-represented inthose services that involve social control functions, for example, the juvenilejustice system in its dealings with young black people, compulsory admis-sions to psychiatric units, and child protection. Black families are under-

1 African and black are terms used interchangeably in this paper to refer to people of Africa andof African descent throughout the world.Correspondence to Mekada J. Graham, c/o 97 Acton Lane, London NW10 8UT, UK. E-mail:[email protected]

© 1999 British Association of Social Workers

252 MEKADA J. GRAHAM

represented in receiving preventative and supportive aspects of servicedelivery (Lambert and Rowe, 1982; Skellington with Morris, 1992; Bam,1993; Clarke et al., 1993; Roys, 1993). Black communities and black profes-sionals in the field continue to voice their general dissatisfaction with socialwork interventions and with the disabling effects of the social work process(Harris, 1991).

The Association of Black Social Workers and Allied Professions(ABSWAP) provided compelling evidence to the House of Commons SocialServices Committee in 1983 highlighting the plight of black children in thecare system and was active in identifying the need for a legislative frameworkwhich addressed race, culture and language in the provision and delivery ofservices (ABSWAP, 1983). Despite the introduction of the 1989 ChildrenAct, and in particular of Section 22(5)(c) which clearly requires local author-ities to give due consideration to 'the child's religious persuasion, racialorigin and cultural and linguistic background' in the provision of servicesand service delivery, black children of all ages and both sexes continue to beover-represented in the public care system (and the statistics for the over-representation of black children in the public care system refer to children ofAfrican Caribbean origin and African children of mixed origin) (Lambert andRowe, 1982; Rowe et al., 1989; Bam, 1993; Bam et al., 1997). Researchevidence suggests that the lack of appropriate preventative support servicesand a lack of understanding of the cultural orientation of black families oftenresults in social work operating against the interests of black children(MacDonald, 1992; Bam, 1993).

Institutional racism has been identified as one of the key factors in thecontinued oppression of black families within society, its effects compoundedby 'the system' of social welfare (Mercer, 1984). Dominelli (1988) andAhmad (1990) have provided a well-documented exposition of racism insocial work and of the continuing need to construct anti-racist strategies thatare incorporated into social work practice rather than merely offering anunderstanding of the nuances of racism in the wider society.

The main thesis of this article examines the ethnocentric nature of socialwork designs that purport to address the physical, intellectual, psychological,emotional, spiritual and social needs of black people. It is argued, moreover,that the theoretical foundations of established social work practice models donot reflect the diversity of worldviews and cultural values found in Britaintoday. My concern in this article centres upon the core principles of socialwork—social justice, equality and self-determination—essential ingredientsof all social work interventions yet values which, it is argued, cannot beactualized when the social work knowledge base is dominated by a Eurocent-ric worldview.

The African-centred worldview challenges social work to expand its philo-sophical and intellectual base to embrace humanity; to release the domination

AN AFRICAN-CENTRED PARADIGM FOR SOCIAL WORK 253

of the Eurocentric worldview over the psyche of African peoples, and openthe way for the transformation, creativity and unlimited potential that isembedded within authenticity.

THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS THAT INFORMSOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH AFRICAN FAMILIES

In response to the growing awareness that traditional social work models havebeen ineffective and oppressive in addressing the needs of African people,anti-discriminatory practice (which now incorporates anti-racist practice) inthe UK and ethnic sensitive social work practice in the USA have been pro-posed as the way forward in providing the 'blueprint' for good social workpractice with black people. It has been defined as 'a term used widely insocial and probation work, and in social work training, to describe howworkers take account of structural disadvantage and seek to reduce individualand institutional discrimination particularly on grounds of race, gender, disab-ility, social class and sexual orientation' (Thompson and Pierson, 1995,p. 16).

Anti-discriminatory practice is predicated upon theories drawn from thesociology of race relations to provide an understanding of the source andimpact of different kinds of inequality and oppression. Anti-discriminatorypractice has as its core meaning social work practice that is working againstall forms of discrimination and oppression (Thompson, 1993).

The anti-discriminatory practice focus and parameters of this model areexpressed as follows:

• understanding how racism, oppression and discrimination have createdbarriers to opportunities in the wider society, agencies and structures;

• social worker awareness of personal biases, attitudes and stereotypes;challenges to racism within others and institutions (Thompson, 1993;Schiele, 1994).

Anti-discriminatory practice is concerned with limiting the damage withinsocial work practice that preaches the worth of every individual yet supportsinstitutional and cultural racism at all levels. In effect, anti-discriminatorypractice tries to put social work's 'house in order' by attempting to combatracism in the system and within the 'professional' subjective judgements ofsocial workers. Its underlying knowledge base is confined within the para-meters of this essentially reactive stance against racism and oppression. Anti-discriminatory practice does not provide social work models that seek tosupport, nurture or understand the emotional, spiritual and developmentalneeds of black families to advance the collective interests of African people.

Instead, this social work model promotes damage limitation by infusing a


'black perspective/experience' articulated as an adaptation or modification ofexisting theoretical frameworks that serves to mask more fundamental theor-etical deficits inherent within the ethnocentric nature of social work. Con-sequently, this model falls short of creating a social work that mirrors theworldview and cultural values of those who are heavily in receipt of socialwork interventions. Moreover, as Karenga (1997, p. 34) writes, 'a peoplewhose paradigms of thought and practice are borrowed from its oppressorclearly have limited human possibilities'. Creativity and transformation areavailable only when the individual is connected to his or her authenticity.

Anti-discriminatory practice offers the potential of a response that is 'free'from discrimination on several levels but falls short of providing a knowledgebase for social work that is engaged in the collective development of theblack community. The ethnocentric nature of the underlying knowledge baseof social work continues to assume that this knowledge has universal applica-tion, that is, that one theory, worldview or paradigm can be used to explainhuman behaviour among all people and in every culture. Consequently, anti-discriminatory practice inherently promotes existing social work interven-tions by calling for a form of change, adaptation and assimilation that inevit-ably supports the collective interests of the dominant culture.

ETHNIC SENSITIVE SOCIAL WORK—AN EXPRESSIONOF CULTURAL OPPRESSION?

The ethnic sensitive model (Devore and Schlesinger, 1991; Schiele, 1997)proposes the need for 'sensitivity' to cultural differences, together with anunderstanding and appreciation of racial, cultural and social diversity. Themodel provides specific strategies that include:

• awareness of and sensitivity to cultural differences and value systems ofethnic and cultural groups;

• adaptation of practice skills in response to differing family patterns andlife styles;

• an understanding of how cultural traditions and values influence familyfunctioning and consideration of these nuances in planning social workinterventions.

The concept of 'ethnic reality' is, again, placed within a social work know-ledge base which is inherently ethnocentric: 'theory builds a series of proposi-tions about reality; that is it provides us with models of reality and helps usto understand what is possible and how we can attain it' (Turner, 1986, p. 2).In other words, the 'reality' of black people is placed within the realities ofothers who have constructed their own theories and models of practice as thebasis for solving people's problems. Somehow, it is assumed that these will


provide the principal remedies for black oppression and for problems withinblack families and communities. Once again, Asante (1987, p. 165) asks thepoignant question: 'how can the oppressed use the same theories as theoppressors?'

The levels of adaptation of prevailing models of social work practice tothe infusion of ethnic reality is the key theme in the social work literature;the fact that the prevailing models of social work practice are an expressionof the hegemony of Eurocentric knowledge is ignored. The ethnic sensitiveapproach reveals several flaws that contribute to a projected image of 'univer-sality' of existing social work paradigms and, more importantly, the establish-ment of the social work knowledge base as the norm. This model maintainsa subtle form of cultural oppression in negating the legitimacy of otherworldviews as the basis for social work theory and practice.

Young (1990, p. 59) defines cultural oppression as 'the univeralism of adominant group's experience and culture, and its establishment as the norm'.Why are the social work theories and methods of intervention, developedprincipally by the dominant culture, seen as the only legitimate social workdesigns for black people? The question must be asked, are theory and practicedevoid of cultural and philosophical contours? Why does the dominantworldview—the existing social work knowledge base—insist that this is theonly way, the only worldview upon which social work can be based?

This expression of cultural oppression in social work promotes the beliefthat black people lack the skills and abilities to develop social work designsthemselves. Social work, consciously and unconsciously, has become aninstrument of the Eurocentric worldview.

THE CORE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL WORK

The core foundations of social work embrace a commitment to equality,social justice and the promotion of humanitarian values as an integral part ofits professional ethos (Schiele, 1994; Banks, 1995). Moreover, the value baseof social work emanates from a belief in the inherent worth and dignity ofall people and the 'repudiation of all forms of negative discrimination'(CCETSW, 1995).

These are honourable principles which cannot, however, be achieved whenthe hegemony of the social work knowledge base supports the continuedoppression of black people inherent in existing social patterns and structures.Indeed, an ethnocentric knowledge base places limitations on the develop-ment of social work and calls into question the integrity and legitimacy ofthe profession.

Howe (1997, p. 175) considers how the 'politically defined purposes ofsocial work influence also the psychological and sociological theories chosen


by practitioners to help them "make sense" and practise'. Given that socialwork in the main operates within state institutions in the UK and that, asoutlined by Howe (1997, p. 174), 'in the broadest sense, the purposes ofsocial work are determined by the prevailing political values', little or noroom remains for alternative theory and practice.

Epistemologies—sources of knowledge—are intrinsically bound by histor-ical period, culture and ideology; the questions we ask about the world andhuman behaviour reflect our life experiences, our culture and our historicaldevelopment. The existing knowledge base for social work has emerged fromepistemologies that are an expression of European historical and culturaldevelopment. These philosophical assumptions that underlie our ways ofknowing inform our understanding of the world and human behaviour. Ques-tions concerning the sources of knowledge and the expansion of the philo-sophical base of social work (an expression of the core principle of equalityand self-determination) are rarely discussed, yet our ways of knowing are atthe very core of the socially constructed activity of social work. How canequality be achieved by social work interventions in the wider society whensocial work itself is an expression of the dominant culture and worldview?

As Turner (1991, p. 36) contends, 'all theories, models and paradigms ofhuman behaviour are inherently culturally biased or ethnocentric, they arebound by the culture, historical time, life experiences and knowledge base oftheir proponents'. The challenge facing social work in the 1990s centres uponwhether the principles and humanitarian values of social work can be trans-lated by the profession into embracing equally valid worldviews that sharediverse human realities and experiences as the basis for social work practiceon equal terms.

HONOURING SOCIAL WORK PRINCIPLES BYEXPANDING THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASE OF SOCIAL

WORK: THE AFRICAN-CENTRED WORLDVIEW

For many decades, black scholars and researchers (Baldwin, 1980; Akbar,1985; Nobles, 1985; Asante, 1987; Schiele, 1994) have argued for an alternat-ive social science paradigm that is grounded in the cultural background andthe reality of the black experience. Asante, for example, a leading exponentof Afrocentricity, argues

when we centre each ethnic group in their own historical and cultural experiences,we expand our knowledge of and appreciation of the human experience. Afrocentriceducation enriches and humanises our world. It is not about cultural separation orracial chauvinism. This perspective seeks no advantage, no self aggrandisement, nohegemony in its relation to others, thus it humanises our world by fostering mutualdignity and respect (Asante, 1993, quoted in Hill, 1995, p. 4).


The African-centred worldview has emerged amidst growing demands for ashift from the hegemony of ethnocentric paradigms of human knowledge toa culturally pluralistic one.

[T]he postmodern age is in the throes of shifting from a European univeTsalist para-digm of human knowledge to a cultural pluralist one, with the Afrocentric perspectiverepresenting one of many in the new paradigm, each with equal value (Van Dyk,1995, p. 6).

Over the past 200 years, eminent black scholars (Diop, Obenga, Dubois,Asante, Fanon, Nobles, Rodney, Blyden, Garvey) and a long line of activistshave been instrumental in defining an African-centred intellectual school ofthought Black scholars—notably, Asante, Akbar, Nobles, Hilliard, Diop,T'Shaka, Karenga, Clarke, and Ani—have been engaged in a process ofreclaiming ancient African philosophical systems to interpret a distinctiveAfrican school of thought

The African-centred worldview has a core philosophical foundationderived from the classic African civilizations of Kemet, Nubia, Kush andAxum as its baseline for conceptions of human beings and the universe (Diop,1978; Hilliard, 1985; Williams, 1987; Asante, 1988; Abarry and Asante,1995). The African-centred perspective postulates that African epistemo-logies, ideals and values must be at the centre of any analysis involvingAfrican black peoples. (It also embraces the Pan-African construct of theunity and oneness of African people on the continent of Africa and of theirdescendants throughout the world.)

Nobles notes that:

'Afrocentric', 'Africentric', or 'African-centred' are interchangeable terms repres-enting the concept which categorises a quality of thought and practice which is rootedin the cultural image and interest of African people and which represents and reflectsthe life experiences, history and traditions of African people as the centre of analyses.It is therein, the intellectual and philosophical foundations upon which African peopleshould create their own scientific criterion for authenticating human reality (Nobles,1990, quoted in Hill, 1995, p. 4).

The term 'African-centred worldview' or 'Afrocentric/Africentric worldview'has been used to describe the cultural values of people of African origin andAfrican descent throughout the world. Mbiti (1970) has argued that there arecultural values that are common throughout the continent of Africa.

The traditional African philosophical assumptions—keys ways of under-standing the world and ourselves—continued to be a major part of Africanpeople's ethos and value system throughout the Diaspora, despite the devas-tating experience of 400 years of enslavement and the continuing culturaldefamation of African people in Western societies. Mbiti (1970) asserts that,although there are cultural variations among African people on the continent


of Africa, there are underlying commonalties and affinities in the thoughtsystems of all African (black) peoples.

Critics of African-centred perspectives have challenged the assumptionsthat black people possess ideals and values that are different from otherhuman cultures (Okafor, 1996). However, Ohaegbulan retorts that:

they also share some common values, aspirations, hopes, pain, suffering, death andthoughts of life after death with other human inhabitants of the planet earth. However,their experience—the totality of the events and facts that make up their life and con-scious past—is in many respects unique and clearly distinguishable from those of theother segments of humanity (1990, p. 22).

The African-centred worldview goes beyond the issues of historical oppres-sion and draws on historical sources to revise a collective text—the best ofAfrica—to develop social work approaches and patterns which support thephilosophical, cultural and historical heritage of African people throughoutthe world.

The African-centred worldview begins with a holistic conception of thehuman condition which spans the cosmological (an aspect of philosophy thatconsiders the nature and structure of the universe), ontological (the essenceof all things), and axiological (an area of philosophy that considers the natureof values and value preferences in a culture). African-centred philosophy isa holistic system based upon values and ways of living which are reinforcedthrough rituals—music, dance, storytelling, proverbs, metaphors—and thepromoting of family—rites of passage, naming ceremonies, child rearing,birth, death, elderhood—and values of governance. The principles and valuesthat underpin the African-centred worldview (Akbar, 1976; Asante, 1987;Myers, 1988; Asante, 1990; Schiele, 1997) are:

• the interconnectedness of all things;• the spiritual nature of human beings;• collective/individual identity and the collective/inclusive nature of family

structure;• oneness of mind, body and spirit;• the value of interpersonal relationships.

THE INTERCONNECTEDNESS OF ALL THINGS

Within the cosmological perspective of the African-centred worldview, allelements of the universe—people, animals and inanimate objects—areviewed as interconnected. Since they are dependent upon each other, theyare, in essence, considered as one (Mbiti, 1970; Nobles, 1985). Human realityis unified and we divide unity into parts only because of the limitations ofour present knowledge. Asante (1990, p. 83) expresses unification through a


statement credited to the Zulu peoples: 'I am river, I am mountain, I am tree,I am love, I am emotion, I am beauty, I am lake, I am cloud, I am sun, I amsky, I am mind, I am one with one'.

For Akbar (1976, p. 176), the unity of 'the African cosmos is like a spiderweb; its least element cannot be touched without making the whole vibrate.Everything is connected, interdependent.' These relationships provide indi-viduals with a sense of purpose and connection with families and community.Moreover, the maintenance of harmonious social relationships supports thedevelopment of positive self-esteem and social competence. Social problemsand human dysfunction arise when people become alienated and disconnectedfrom their independent human relationships.

The interconnectedness of all things sees no separation between the mat-erial and the spiritual; 'reality is at one and inseparably spiritual and material'(Meyers, 1988, p. 24) as all reality (universe) begins from a single principle.Human beings are perceived as an integral part of nature, and living in har-mony with the environment helps them to become one with all reality. Theconcept of oneness relates to those not yet born and those who have died—all human beings are linked spiritually across time and space. As Schiele(1994, p. 18) writes, 'The focus on interconnectedness recognises that peopleare spiritual (i.e. nonmaterial) beings who are connected with each otherthrough the spirit of the Creator'. The spiritual aspect of human beings tran-scends the spheres of time and space. The spiritual interconnectedness ofhuman beings is translated socially, so that the human being is never anisolated individual but always the person in the community. The communitydefines the person, as Mbiti (1970, p. 141) explains: 'I am, because we are;and since we are, therefore I am'. Self-knowledge is rooted 'on being centredin one's self, one's own experience, one's history' (Verharen, 1995, p. 65).To become aware of the cultural self is an important process that connects aperson spiritually to others within a culture. Furthermore, self-knowledgewithin the context of one's authenticity and connection with others providethe basis for transformation, spiritual development and well-being.

THE SPIRITUAL NATURE OF HUMAN BEINGS

Spirituality forms the cornerstone of the African-centred worldview and isthe essence of human beings. Spirituality has been defined as 'that invisiblesubstance that connects all human beings to each other and to a creator'(Schiele, 1994). The spiritual essence of human beings requires a shift inthinking towards valuing human beings above the social and economic statuswhich has been assigned to them. For example, who you are, your per-sonhood, comes about through your relationship with the community. AsKarenga (1997, p. 37) writes, 'personhood [is] a process of becoming rather


TABLE 1. The Nguzo Saba

Principle Description

Umoja (unity) To strive for and maintain unity in thefamily, community and nation.

Kujichagulia (self To define ourselves, name ourselves, create-determination) for ourselves and speak for ourselves.Ujima (collective work and To build and maintain our communityresponsibility) together, make our brothers' and sisters'

problems our problems and solve themtogether.

Ujamaa (co-operative Mutual financial interdependence; sharedeconomics) resources; balance.Nia (purpose) To make our collective vocation the building

and developing of our community and to bein harmony with our spiritual purpose.

Kuumba (creativity) To do always as much as we can, in the waythat we can, in order to leave our communitymore beautiful than we inherited it.

Imani (faith) To believe with all our hearts in our parents,our teachers and our people.

(Based on Phillips, 1996; Karenga, 1997)

than a simple state of being. Personhood . . . is achieved not simply by exist-ence but by successive stages of integration or incorporation in the commun-ity'. Life is a series of passages—a process whereby a person is accorded thechallenge to grow, change and develop to attain moral, intellectual and socialvirtues within the authenticity and context of community.

Working within the African-centred worldview, the concept and expressionof personhood has been developed as the basis of social work interventionsin the 'Rites of Passage' programmes for young black people in the USAand Britain (Graham, 1987; Hill, 1992; Obonna, 1996). Hill defines rites ofpassage as

those structures, rituals and ceremonies by which age class members or individualsin a group successfully come to know who they are and what they are about—thepurpose and meaning for their existence as they proceed from one clearly definedstate of existence to the next state or passage in their lives (1992, p. 62).

The transition of young black people into adulthood is particularly fraughtwithin British society. African elders and adults have been conscious of theneed for an orderly process of maturation to prepare young people for adult-hood. Many young black people have been indoctrinated by the 'street cul-ture' (encouraged by the media and viewed by society as 'black' culture),racist propaganda and racist images. The Rites of Passage programme offers

AN AFRICAN-CENTRED PARADIGM FOR SOCIAL WORK 2 6 l

an alternative, positive development for young African people that addressestheir needs in a way which is grounded within the African-centred worldview.

The African-centred worldview has been articulated within the programmethrough the seven principles forming the value system, 'Nguzo Saba' (seeTable 1) (Karenga,1977; Perkins, 1985; Karenga, 1997).

COLLECTIVE/INDIVIDUAL IDENTITY ANDCOLLECTIVE/INCLUSIVE NATURE OF THE

TWINLINEAL FAMILY STRUCTURE

The individual cannot be understood separately from other people (Meyers,1988). The collective nature of identity is expressed in the African proverb'I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am' (Mbiti, 1970, p. 141).These philosophical assumptions transmit to the psyche a sense of belongingto the collective and of being part of the whole.

From these assumptions of collective identity follows the emphasis uponhuman similarities or commonalities rather than upon individual differences.The collective nature of human beings entails collective responsibility forwhat happens to individuals. 'Whatever happens to the individual happens tothe whole group and whatever happens to the whole group happens to theindividual' (Mbiti, 1970, p. 141).

The collective identity of human beings links with the conception of thefamily and its structures and functioning. The family structure is based upontwinlineal2 systems incorporating the lineage both of the mother and thefather, and also includes members who are not biologically related and anextensive network of cousins (T'Shaka, 1995). This has immediate implica-tions for social work: 'social workers have found themselves utterly confusedwhen they have attempted to list, define or describe black families utilisingthe guidelines which have grown from their own experiences' (Akbar, 1976,p. 180).

The notion of half-siblings prevalent within social work theory and prac-tice, for example, is incomprehensible; it does not exist within an African-centred worldview. Ryan and Walker (1993) discuss the increase in familybreakdowns:

some of these relationships eventually end too. As the years progress, there may bea tangled network of full siblings, half-siblings and stepsiblings. It should be remem-bered that these family networks are neither abnormal nor unusual and it is importantfor children to understand this (Ryan and Walker, 1993, p. 28, emphasis added).

1 Twinlineal is a new term for African families. Twinlineal is defined as African family lineagesthat come from the mother and father rather than only the mother or father as in matrilineal andpatrilineal family systems (T'Shaka, 1995).


Ryan and Walker go on to describe a family network as follows:

Pete and Mary married in May 1980. Pete became Wayne's stepfather, Pete and Maryhad two children, Lisa and Alan. Mary told Wayne that Lisa and Alan were his 'half'brother and sister. Annie and Cheryl were Lisa and Alan's half-sisters and Wayne'sstepsisters (1993, p. 28).

The model is then illustrated to indicate complicated family ties, showingcircles that overlap each other to help a child understand how the familynetwork developed.

The underlying precept of 'half-sibling' becomes a value-based suppositionwithin social work practice that is manifested where contact arrangementswith 'half-siblings' may be viewed as less important than those with 'fullsiblings'. In my experience and that of many other professionals working inthe field of childcare, neither these concepts nor these assumptions reflectthe reality of black children. Thus the ethnocentric worldview constructs a'universalism' of social work practice and imposes a value system and con-struct which compromises the psychological well-being of black children.

For the same reason, the therapeutic tool of the ecomap in practice doesnot capture the reality of black families or of the network of cousins andother family members beyond the 'extended family'. This more complexpicture of families which include members who are not biologically relatedis reflected in developing African-centred designs for social work practicewhere there is an emphasis on being part of a group, spiritually as well asphysically, as an essential ingredient of identity. The failure of the socialwork profession to comprehend this critical proposition is one of the reasonswhy black professionals and the black community were so vociferouslyopposed to the one-way traffic of transracial placements. The children wereconsidered a loss to the whole community, not just physically but as a lossfelt spiritually by the collective—the whole community—worldwide.

The African-centred worldview regards children as the collective respons-ibility of the community. The African proverb ' it takes a village to raise achild" expresses the view that childrearing is a collective responsibility, ratherthan falling on individual nuclear families. Children are highly valued ingeneral, as 'of the community' and they cannot therefore be deemed illegitim-ate (Suda, 1997).

ONENESS OF MIND, BODY AND SPIRIT AND THEVALUE OF INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS

There is no division between mind, body and spirit in the African-centeredparadigm. They are each given equal value and are believed to be interrelated(Mbiti, 1970). The development and knowledge of self, mind, body and spirit


are the hallmark of human objectives to seek divinity through Ma'at (truth,justice, righteousness, harmony, balance, order, propriety, compassion andreciprocity) within the self and through reaching a state of optimal health(Chissell, 1994). To promote personhood, optimal health requires optimalemotional, physical, intellectual and spiritual health. It can be attained byachieving harmony with the forces of life as King (1994, p. 20) explains,'being in harmony with life means that one is living with life—co-operatingwith natural forces that influence events and experiences while simultan-eously taking responsibility for one's life by consciously choosing and nego-tiating the direction and paths one will follow'. Meyers (1988, p. 20) writes,'once we realise who we are, we understand that the process of learning moreabout ourselves becomes who we are, and external knowledge, per se losesmeaning'.

The African-centred worldview includes the concept of balance. The taskof all living things is to maintain balance in the face of adverse externalforces. When this inner peace is compromised, the psychological, social andphysical well-being of a person is threatened.

The attributes that underlie the African-centred worldview promote human-itarian values that are in accord with the core principles of social work. TheAfrican-centred worldview offers the opportunity to develop social workdesigns that are proactive rather than being reactively bound by the limita-tions of an ethnocentric knowledge base. This approach generatesempowerment, growth, transformation and development as the African isplaced at the centre of analysis in the context of his or her authenticity.

Afroccntricity is both particularistic and universalistic; it speaks to the specific libera-tion needs of people of African descent and to the spiritual and moral developmentof the world (Karenga, 1993, p. 36).

SOCIAL WORK IN THE AFRICAN COMMUNITY

The history of the African heritage in the development of social welfare andsocial work can be found deep in the recesses of British history but remainslargely unacknowledged and undocumented as social work continues to besteeped in the professional milieu of an existing ethnocentric knowledge baseand value system (Martin and Martin, 1995). For too long, the black historicalpresence at the beginnings of social work have reflected the 'invisible man'syndrome, prevalent in the mainstream texts of social work and social policyas well as the main texts on the history of Britain (Ellison, 1965).

Social work within the black community in Britain has emerged out ofconcerns about the well-being of individuals and families whose experienceof enslavement and servitude necessitated efforts to improve their life condi-tions. For example, black-led self-help groups were prevalent in London as


early as the 1700s, actively supporting and relieving hardship, poverty andthe ravages of the enslavement of African children and young people (Fryer,1984).

Social work activity within Pan African organizations in Britain dates fromthe end of the last century and continues to the present day, supporting par-ents organizing events, engaging in activities to support the collective devel-opment of African people, and offering specific programmes for children andyoung people. Social work activity also takes place within the Nation ofIslam, and includes community programmes for young black men, rehabilita-tion services for those young people involved in self-destructive behaviours,mentoring and counselling. Social work activity is well developed in blackchurches and youth groups, as well as in supporting elders in the community.

The African-centred perspective is now well articulated, its philosophicalassumptions and knowledge base providing social work designs which sup-port and nurture the cultural, philosophical, historical and collective develop-ment of African people throughout the world.

CONCLUSION

There has been renewed debate over the past few years about the efficacy oftraditional social work practice models in working with African families andchildren. The existing tools for social work practice are grounded withinethnocentric epistemologies and, as a the foundation for social work theoryand practice, are ill-equipped for the task of nurturing and developing Africanfamilies and their children, psychologically, socially or spiritually. This isevident, for example, in the sustained over-representation of black childrenin the care system and in the lack of supportive social work services designedto meet their needs.

Anti-discriminatory and anti-racist social work have developed practicemodels which are based upon the premise of limiting the damage, with anunderlying knowledge base confined to the parameters of racism and oppres-sion. Whilst these are, indeed, important areas that must be addressed, theyfall short of offering social work designs that reflect the worldview and cul-tural values of those who are sometimes most in receipt of social work inter-ventions. The infusion of the 'black perspective' into social work, though itmarks a step forward, has been articulated through challenging and changingexisting models. This represents an adaptation and modification rather than areflection of the best of Africa or a grounding within the philosophical, cul-tural, historical and value systems of African people and their descendants.

Existing social work theory and practice therefore express ethnocentricvalue systems as the only way, perhaps more accurately the universal way,to explain human behaviour and resolve problems. African-centred social


work, on the other hand, challenges the all-embracing universal nature of theethnocentric social science paradigms which have hitherto formed the basisof existing social work theory and practice. African-centred perspectives offerthe opportunity to transform and move beyond the limitations of oppressionto develop holistic social work models that not only seek to nurture anddevelop black families and their children but serve to advance the collectiveinterests of African people throughout the world.

The traditional hegemony of the existing ethnocentric knowledge base hasbeen challenged in recent years amidst a growing demand for pluralism, notonly between groups in society but between epistemologies and worldviews.Social work which embraces as its core foundation concepts of equality,social justice and self-determination is ideally placed to reflect and honourthese principles so that alternative worldviews and paradigms become a legit-imate and valid basis for social work theory and practice.

Accepted: March 1998

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