The Anglo-Germanic Dynamic: Politics and Trade from Charlemagne to Carta Mercatoria

Daniel Foote

History 3373

Professor Johnson

November 29, 2010

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The Anglo-Germanic Dynamic: Politics and Trade from Charlemagne to Carta Mercatoria

Cannon Street Station, on the north side of the Thames and less than a mile west of the London

Bridge, is a terminal for above-ground rail transit in London. (See Appendix: Figure1)The exits out of the

west side of the station are on a small street called Dowgate Hill which, going south towards the Thames,

passes under Upper Thames Street and becomes Cousin Lane. The street ends with some steps up to the

river bank, but to the left, east, is a walkway that passes under the station to the next street, Allhallows

Lane. This walkway is called the Steelyard Passage. This walkway is part of the Riverside Walk, a scenic

section along the banks of the Thames through London. The next section eastward towards the London

Bridge was recently renamed the Hanseatic Walk. However, turning north immediately after coming out

of the Steelyard Passage and walking along the east side of the Cannon Street Station, one comes to a

plaque on the wall of the station,1 at the top of which is a crest with a double-headed eagle surrounded by

the words “SI:MERCAT:HANSE:THEUTONIS:LOND:IN:REGNO:ANG:RESIDEN.”2 The rest of the

plaque reads:

To celebrate sixty years of peace between the peoples of Britain and Germany

&

To commemorate six hundred years during which some 400 Hanseatic merchants inhabited

peaceably in the City of London from the XIIIth to XIXth Centuries

a German self-governing enclave on this site known as the Steelyard, Stilliarde or Stalhof

[…] this plaque was unveiled […] on 26th September 2005 […]3

1 Alison Gowman. “News - June 2009 update” Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun09.htm (accessed November 20, 2010); Alison Gowman. “Dowgate Ward - then and now,” Vintry and Dowgate Wards Club, http://www.vintryanddowgate.org.uk/Dowgate%20History.htm (accessed November 20, 2010); Alison Gowman. “News - June 2010 update,” Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun10.htm, ; Riverside Walk Enhancement Strategy, December 2005. Corporation of London, Department of Planning & Transportation, http://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/NR/rdonlyres/9EDC9E6F-BD01-4FE5-9FCB-5D2BA45AFCC4/0/DP_PL_SS_CoLriversidewalkstrategyPart2.pdf2 See Appendix: Figure 2.3 http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/6/61/IMG_3412.jpg

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Those 600 years were actually less a time of peaceable inhabitance than they were of frequent bickering,

but this small plot along the Thames witnessed the long and substantial presence of German merchants in

England. The evolution of Anglo-Germanic commerce, from the moment that merchants from various

Germanic lands appeared on British shores to the time when England would conduct diplomacy not with

one German nation nor a group of nations but with a confederation of Northern European cities as a

single political entity, is exemplified in the status of such merchants residing in England throughout

history. The trajectory of German merchants in England parallels, reflects, and is interconnected with the

trajectory of English commerce and politics both foreign and domestic, as well as the trajectory of the

German Hanse. The direction of the English path would by turns align with the crown, the nobles,

parliament, or merchants, while that of the Hanseatic League would align with the various cities and

regions.

The term ‘Hanseatic League’ is a modern and English term. Rather, ‘German Hanse’ would be

the proper translation of the phrases used by the group and those they had business with.4 The Germanic

word hanse originally had a general meaning denoting a merchant guild, occasionally narrowed to one

that travelled, or the entry fee or periodic dues paid to such a guild.5 This meaning was used in England,

referring to guilds of English merchants in various towns, from about 1130 to 1200 and then lost use at

the same time that the word became exclusive to the association of cities and merchants of Northern

Europe around 1250.6 T. H. Lloyd has placed the beginning of the German Hanse in the Baltic Sea trade.7

However, it was the German towns on the North Sea coast, in the Rhineland or Westphalia, which first

gained official recognition and privileges in England.

4 “Hansa Teutonicorum, dudesche Hense.” T.H. Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 1157-1611: A Study of Their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy (Cambrige, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1. 5 Ibid., 1; Helen Zimmern mentions its use by Ulfila in his Gothic Bible as the armed group of men sent to arrest Jesus; cf., Helen Zimmern, The Hansa Towns (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1889), 46; cf. “Hansa,” Dictionary.com. Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged 10th Edition. HarperCollins Publishers. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/Hansa (accessed: November 27, 2010): “compare Old High German hansa, Old English hōs  troop,” and “Hanseatic,” Dictionary.com. Online Etymology Dictionary. Douglas Harper, Historian. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/Hanseatic (accessed: November 27, 2010): “from M.L.G. hanse "fellowship, merchants' guild," from O.H.G. hansa "military troop, band, company." M.E. borrowed hanse from O.Fr. hanse,  M.L. hansa  (both from O.H.G.) in sense of "a company of merchants" (1199).”6 Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 1-2.7 Ibid., 3.

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By the late seventh century England exported cloth, which was called ‘Frisian’ by those who

bought it, because it was sold by Frisians. Evidence of English cloth exports, and of somewhat robust

level of interaction between the island and the continent, are found in a letter8 from Charlemagne to King

Offa of Mercia (r. 757-796), in which Charlemagne comments on the poor quality of English cloth in his

soldiers’ uniforms. However, Charlemagne agrees to reciprocal protection of merchants and pilgrims in

each other’s realm. Offa is also alleged to have proposed an embargo on English commerce because of

Charlemagne’s failure to carry out a dynastic marriage. Most active in the trade from the sixth to eighth

centuries were the Frisians, who are reported in London and York.9 Frisian dominance in English trade

came to an end with the Scandinavian invasions and Danes and other Scandinavians are mentioned in

England in the tenth century.10 Specific and concrete evidence of Germanic merchants in England only

appear around the year 1000 in a collection of laws and codes, called the “Institutes of London”,

attributed to King Aethelred II (The Unready). These codes set the tolls merchants had to pay when

docking at Billingsgate (see Appendix: Figures 3, 9 & 10).11 Along with merchants from Flanders, Poitou,

Normandy, France, Huy, Liege, and Nivelles,12 there are “homines imperatoris qui veniebant in navibus

suis,” i.e. “men of the Emperor who came in their ships.” Most scholars mention at least Cologne as their

origin, along with other cities.13 From the wording of the document, these merchants enjoyed rights as if

they were English subjects.

8 Places where Charlemagne’s letter can be found are indicated in A. Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse Between England and Germany.” Economica 5 (1922): 127n1. http://www.jstor.org.9 M. M. Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society: An Economic History of Britain, 1100-1500. (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), 186. Huffman includes pilgrims, 9n1.10 Postan, Medieval Economy and Society,188.11 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 127.12 Norman Scott Brien Gras, The Early English Customs System: A Documentary Study of the Institutional and Economic History of the Customs From the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1918), 154, GoogleBooks, http://books.google.com/books?id=RUHkq8jvZ7AC.13 As Joseph Huffman relates, “with others from the Westphalian cities of Dortmund, Soest, and Münster,” or with “Itel, Deventer, and Utrecht,” or with “Tiel, and Bremen.” Cf. Joseph P. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German emigrants, c. 1000-1300 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 9-10.

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Archaeology has proved that the Dowgate dock (see Appendix: Figure3) was occupied by Rouen

wine merchants before the Norman Conquest,14 and trade with Bremen appears to have occurred both

before and after.15 Much later, merchants from Cologne would claim privileges dating to William the

Conqueror who, according to tradition, was assisted by the Archbishop of Cologne, Anno II (1056-75).16

The Norman Conquest reoriented trade southwards and westwards.17 One result was that Flanders rose in

prominence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Another factor was that their population had outgrown

the available agricultural occupations and so industrial occupations grew, particularly in cloth-making.

England was close and was a major producer of wool.18 William of Malmesbury, in his De gestis

pontificum Anglorum of 1125, reports German merchants as the majority of foreign merchants in London

and York at that time, but gives no indication of the cities they came from, nor does another

contemporary source, the Ley as Lorengs or Law of the Lorrainers, from about 1130. However, Lower

Lorraine included a region near Cologne,19 and the Ley appears to be based on Aethelred, as it refers to

Lorrainers as ‘men of the emperor’.20

It’s no coincidence that the continental locations so far hinted at include Flanders and Cologne or

Bremen, as the first two are along the Rhine river, and Bremen on the Weser only about 100 miles to the

east. But the Rhineland was most favorably oriented for trade with Britain. The mouths of the Rhine and

the Thames are nearly the same latitude, allowing a simple and straight east-west route. And the men of

the Emperor had not only the ambition, but also the ships and capital, which Britain lacked.21 At this time

Cologne supplied “Rhenish wine, weaponry and metalwork, luxury cloth and linen, precious gold and

silver objects, spices, wax, fustian, and grain in exchange for wool, raw metals like tin, and commodities

like lard and bacon.”22

14 Ibid., 12.15 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 127.16 Ibid., 133.17Ibid.,127; Postan, Medieval Economy and Society,190.18Ibid.,190. 19 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 12; original Latin passage, 12n21.20 Ibid., 13; translation of relevant paragraph, 13n25.21 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse, 127; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 11-12.22 Ibid., 12.

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It is the city of Cologne which first dominates the German trade with England. In addition to its

favorable geographical location, the politics and government of the area developed a friendly disposition

toward England. One powerful role was played by the Cologne archbishops, many of whom were also

lords and imperial chancellors who performed the function of crowing the German king-elect at Aachen.

They would eventually develop strong connections to the English royalty and were often the diplomatic

mediators between England and the Empire.23

The period following William the Conqueror would see two relatively nondescript reigns, but

these were followed by a contested reign that saw armed conflict in both England and Normandy and was

handled incompetently. Henry II, the product of the Anglo-Norman line and the County of Anjou, took

the throne in 1154 as the first of the House of Plantagenet.24 It is now that the development of Anglo-

Germanic commerce begins apace, and the historical record blooms as well. The Great Schism of the

Catholic Church occurred at this time, and the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick Barbarossa,25 with the

encouragement of the Archbishop of Cologne, took the side against Pope Alexander, and sought to be

joined by Henry II of England, who had his own conflict with the Pope regarding Archbishop Becket of

Canterbury.26 In 1157 Henry II sent a letter to the emperor, declining to return a relic Henry’s mother had

brought to England and the Emperor wanted back, but, more importantly, Henry indicates the mutual

desire and importance of safe trade between Germany and England.27 Most of the trading privileges

granted by England that follow are in the context of Anglo-German diplomacy. This context helps explain

the support and allegiance Cologne gave to Otto IV, of the Welf (Guelph) House, nephew to Henry II’s

children, and who sought and obtained the imperial throne for a time, as well as the support for Otto’s

23 Ibid., 1-4.24 C. Warren Holister, Robert C. Stacey and Robin Chapman Stacey. The Making of England to 1399, 8th Ed. (Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.: 2001), 154-178.25 He had been crowned by the Germans as King of the Romans in 1152, then Emperor by the Pope in 1155.26 Travers Twiss. “On the Early Charters Granted by the Kings of England to the Merchants of Cologne.” Report of the Ninth Annual Conference, held at Cologne, August 16th – 19th, 1881. London: William Cowes and Sons, Ltd, 1882. GoogleBooks, 15.27 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 15; original quoted 15n36. “Frederick Barbarossa[‘s] political difficulties compelled him to maintain a close friendship with Henry II,” Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,”129; Henry’s so-called ‘submissive letter’ quoted 129n4.

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successor and rival of the Hohenstaufen line, Frederick II, who would marry Isabella, daughter of King

John, in 1235.28

During the years 1173 to 1175, Henry II issued two charters to the merchants of Cologne in

England, and in July of 1175 extended their protection to the continental lands of his jurisdiction.29

Even though by this time Henry II had gotten past the major consequences of Thomas Becket’s murder

and had reconciled with Pope Alexander III, he was also facing a French threat that would spark family

troubles. Henry’s marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine had increased the Angevin lands, which now dwarfed

the Kingdom of France, but French nobles in and out of his jurisdiction, encouraged by their King Louis

VII, were resentful and increasingly disregarded the over-extended English throne. One factor

undoubtedly was that Eleanor had been Louis’ wife before divorcing. Added to this was the fact that he

was joining with Emperor Frederick Barbarossa in efforts to end the papal schism, and had a part in

stirring up the rebellion of Henry’s sons who, as teenagers, were probably led by Eleanor herself.30 Thus,

good relations with someone would help, and these included the marriage of his daughter Matilda in 1168

to Duke Henry the Lion of Saxony, of the House of Guelph, and the creation of more robust ties with the

merchants of Cologne.31

28 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 13-14.29 Ibid., 14; former charter quoted in full, 14n29, the latter, 14n30. These charters have been the subject of an interesting dating debate. Although Huffman and Twiss discuss the first two in different order, there is no indication of their specific chronology, nor that either order has any significance; cf. Huffman, 14-18 and Twiss, 17.30 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 179-197.31 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 16.

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Of course, the Cologne charters don’t explicitly recognize the political contexts, and are

obviously aimed at encouraging trade between the England and Cologne.32 One of the charters, both of

which are dated to around 1173 to 1175, orders the bailiffs and sheriffs of London, and all other royal

officers in England, to give perpetual protection to the “men and citizens of Cologne, just like men of my

own and friends,” and to their property and merchandise. As long as these merchants pay the traditional

dues, no new taxes or fees can be required of them without their consent.33 More importantly, there is the

first mention, in terms that don’t suggest a new development, of Cologners having some type of building

of their own in London (domo sua Londonensi),34 which, along with their property, shall not suffer “any

injury or insult.”35 The next charter is shorter and, besides the standard statement of protection, permits

the Cologne merchants to sell their wine at the same place as the French Rouen merchants and for the

same price.36 Very near the time these two charters were issued, Henry expanded their application to all

areas “owing fealty to the King, both French and English.”37

Louis VII of France died in 1180, and his son, Philipp II “Augustus” would conspire with

Richard and John to rebel against their father, Henry II. They invaded Henry’s lands in Anjou in 1189 and

defeated him. Henry was already old and ill and died almost immediately afterwards, and Richard was

crowned, only to leave in 1190 on a Crusade to the Holy Land, along with Philipp II and Frederick

Barbarossa. Richard’s adventure was very unlucky. On the way, Frederick Barbarossa drowned crossing

a river and Richard and Philip butted heads so much that Philip went home forming plots against the

Angevins. Richard was unable to take back Jerusalem and left for home, only to be captured in January

1192 by the Duke of Austria and handed over to the Frederick Barbarossa’s heir, Emperor Henry VI.38

32 Ibid., 16-17.33 “homines et cives Colonienses sicut homines meos et amicos,” ibid., 1734 glossed by a later hand as gildhalla sua, Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 15.35 Twiss, “Early Charters,” 17, has an excellent paraphrase of the charter.36 Twiss: “a sextary for three pennies;” Huffman: “3 pence for a pint.” Twiss, “Early Charters,” 15, also well paraphrased; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion,18.37 Twiss, “Early Charters,” 20, with good paraphrase. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 19; full quote of original, 19n45.38 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 197-200.

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The next development of Anglo-Cologne commercial relations was a result of the outcome of

Richard’s ordeal. The Emperor demanded that he receive overlordship of England, by which Richard

would hold the kingdom as a fief of the Empire, and an enormous ransom of 150,000 Cologne marks (£

100,000), which was ultimately raised through harsh taxation on the English.39 Interestingly, this ransom

sum was calculated according to a levy on 50,000 sacks of wool, and paid in English sterling silver and

bullion, a major source of English coinage circulating in northern Germany and the Low Countries in the

twelfth and thirteenth centuries.40 The negotiations and final release of Richard by the Emperor involved

the Archbishops of Mainz and Cologne as well as other Archbishops and German princes, among them

Duke Henry the Warrior of Louvain, Richard’s cousin, to all of whom Richard had promised feudal rents

in England as reward for their help. The Archbishop of Cologne accompanied Richard until his departure

from the Continent and performed a mass in Cologne celebrating Richard’s release. Then, at Louvain,

Richard issued the most favorable charter yet to Cologne. By this charter, the merchants of Cologne were

exempted from their yearly payment of 2 shillings for their guildhall (de Gildhalla sua Londoniensi),

from paying any other local fees wherever they went in England, given the right to attend all fairs, buy

and sell anywhere, and exercise their traditional customs. 41

39 Ibid., 199-200; Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 55.40 Ibid., 55; Postan, Medieval Economy and Society, 190.41 Twiss, “Early Charters,” 23; charter of Richard Lionheart translated in full, 21-22. Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 19-20; full quote of original, 20n47.

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This charter of Richard’s is the first time that the residence of the Cologne merchants in London

is officially called a guildhall. This guildhall soon became the headquarters of the German merchants,

although monopolized by Cologne for over a century. Merchants from Westphalia and the Rhineland

joined in order to enjoy the same privileges, but the Cologners had the right to charge the guild entrance

fee. The guildhall was unique in England, recognized by the Crown as a legal organization in itself. As a

guild, they had their own alderman, whose external role was to be the merchants’ representative in

negotiations with London or higher courts.42 As mentioned earlier, the guildhall of the Cologners was on

the Thames, on the east side of Dowgate. (See Appendix: Figure 3) This must have been an appropriate

place, perhaps tracing back to Colonge’s trade in wine, as the wine merchants of Rouen were on the west

side of Dowgate, an area which would soon be called the Vintry. (See Appendix: Figures 12 & 13)

Archaeological excavations provide a picture of what this building was like. 10.3 meters wide, east to

west, and roughly 30 meters north to south, the guildhall’s interior was divided into a section 3 meters

wide and one 6.4 by an arcade situated north to south. This arcade was supported by “square bases with a

plain chamfer […] built out of skillfully cut stone from Caen and Surrey, and measured 0.9 meters on

each side.” Stone from Caen had been imported and used since the eleventh century for royal buildings,

an indication of the value of the residence and the wealth of its members. The outer walls were chalk and

gravel, except for the upper portion, made from stone brought in from Kent. There were places for

storage, as well as residential and general living areas on the first floor.43

42 Ibid., 17.43 Ibid., 18.

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Around this period, some general statements can be made about the direction and content of

Anglo-German trade. Grain imports by Germans were significant, especially during times of famine or

scarcity,44 and the Germans supplied fish as well. From the Slavic and Nordic lands farther east, the

Germans imported hardwoods and especially softwoods, which were scarce in England after the period of

internal agricultural land conversion: “Much of the timber arrived already made up into boards, beams,

rafters; masts, spars, oars; barrel staves, dishes and trenchers; and increasingly, as time went on,

wainscoting and furniture of all kinds.”45 Also provided by the eastern forests were materials such as

“potash, […] needed, especially for dyeing, pitch and tar, especially for shipbuilding, and wax for the

candle makers.” From the Baltic came hemp for ropes and canvas for sails, both sometimes ready-made.

Previously brought by Norwegians before the late 13th century were furs of sable, ermine and the Arctic

squirrel, sold to London skinners who had monopoly on supplying the royal household. Arctic squirrels

seem to have been particularly popular with the royal households. Edward I purchased an average of

120,000 skins a year, while Richard II purchased 350,000 in one year. Even local figures indulged in

luxury clothing, such as a fourteenth century Mayor of London who had 18 robes.46

44 Eleanora Carus-Wilson, “The Medieval Trade of the Ports of the Wash.” Medieval Archaeology. 6-7, (1962-63):14, http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-769-1/ahds/dissemination/pdf/vol06-07/6_182_201.pdf.45 Ibid., 15.46 Ibid., 15-16.

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The relationship between Cologne and England would play a large role from 1198 to 1215 in the

competition for the German throne between candidates of the Houses of Welf and Staufen as well as the

attempt to keep Angevin territory out of French hands. The Welf candidate, Otto IV, was the son of Welf

Duke Henry the Lion, married to Richard’s sister, Matilda. Richard also allied himself with Count

Baldwin IX of Flanders and others against Phillip Augustus. Count Baldwin’s son-in-law, the succeeding

Count of Flanders, Ferdinand, would continue the fight against France with John.47 Richard, together with

Archbishop Adolf of Cologne, was able to secure Otto’s election in 1198, and after Richard died fighting

for the Angevin lands, John continued this policy. At first, John hesitated to support Otto because of

treaties, but when the war with Philip II flared up again in 1202 over Aquitaine, he wholeheartedly gave

his support to Otto, who was having success defending his title. John hoped his aid would encourage Otto

to reciprocate and help England against France, and he sent the town of Cologne a letter thanking them

for supporting Otto and exhorting them to continue.48

47 Huffman. Family, Commerce and Religion, 20., 20n49.48 Ibid., 21.

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By 1204, however, Otto had lost support of the archbishop and others. John then sought to

improve the situation by confirming Cologne’s privileges in England, although not renewing the

exemption from customary dues. A complete royal charter of confirmation was issued later that year, still

requiring customary dues, but all privileges were contingent on continued support of Otto.49 Another

supporter of Otto was the Count of Flanders who was also aiding John against Philip in France. Pope

Innocent III had attempted to have the Welf and Staufen Houses make peace, but Otto refused Philip’s

demands. The struggle was about to start again when Philip was murdered in 1208, and Otto married

Philip’s daughter. By promising not to attempt hereditary succession if he were Holy Roman Emperor,

Otto was also reconciled with the Pope, who finally crowned Otto at Rome in 1209. However, a quarrel

broke out yet again with the Pope, who then gave his support to the Hohenstaufen line, in the person of

Frederick II. Strengthened by such support, Frederick went to Germany and was crowned King of the

Germans at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1212.50 Not until 1213, when Frederick II Hohenstaufen had been made

Emperor in Mainz and John and Otto were under Papal interdict for their opposition, did John fully

confirm Richard’s charter as long as its privileges did not contradict those of London. At this point,

France was still threatening invasion and Otto was now trying to at least hold on to his ancestral lands in

Lüneburg and Brunswick. Support of Cologne for both was crucial.51 Bremen had also remained loyal to

Otto, though not so steadfastly as Cologne, and John issued privileges in 1213 to Bremen merchants who

had supported Otto.52

49 Ibid., 21. Full quote of original Latin.21n51.50 Twiss, “Early Charters, 26-27. Full Latin text of the five charters reproduced 28-30, based on previous publication by others.51 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 21-22; full quote of 1213 charter in original Latin, 22n52.52 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse ,”134.

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Although the alliances of Henry II and, later, his sons with their Brunswick relatives would suffer

utter defeat at Bouvines in 1214, the merchants of Cologne reaped enormous benefits.53 John’s defeat, the

losses of all the French lands, and the toll of heavy taxes raised to fund such a defeat led to the

insurrection of barons against John. John was quickly forced to accept the terms of that well-known Great

Charter54, but when John obtained Papal absolution from his oath to the barons, the barons appealed to

Philip II, who sent his son, Prince Louis. This was the beginning of what would be called the 1st Baron’s

War. After John died of dysentery trying to flee to safety and his nine-year-old son, Henry III was

crowned, and when Prince Louis occupied London and claimed the right to the throne, the barons quickly

ended their rebellion and threw their support to their English king.55 The individuals in charge of Henry

III’s regency understandably sought a safe and conciliatory trade policy. Less than three months after

Prince Louis agreed to peace in 1217, letters of safe-conduct were issued to some Bremen merchants.

Later, during the occasional disputes with Flanders or France, English ports that had been closed were

specifically told to keep on good terms with German merchants.56 Increasingly, more charters and letters

were for protection at inland fairs. English embargoes on French and Poitevin vessels gave an advantage

to the vessels from central and northern Europe.57

53 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 22.54 Even England’s barons recognized Richard and John’s development of trade relations as essential for the nation, and included demands for merchant protection in their Magna Carta. Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 133.55 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 208-212, 25956 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 134.57 Ibid., 135.

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Cologne’s privileged position gradually eroded during Henry III’s reign. The rising development

of the “Easterlings” in the Baltic Sea, beginning in the early 1200s primarily from Lübeck, soon

overshadowed Cologne by 1300. Lübeck had only been founded in 1159 by Germans from the west, and

initially the Baltic towns, which included Visby, Rostock, Stralsund, Elbing, and Riga and led de facto by

Lübeck, did not sail around the peninsula of Jutland. Instead, they would crossed the area of Schleswig

west to Hamburg and then to Flanders or England.58 But around 1250 a new type of ship called a cog was

developed that was superior to the Scandinavian or Slavic ships, more stable, and could carry two to three

times as much weight (200-300 tons).59 The Hanse merchants soon dominated the route through the

Sound between Denmark and Sweden, around Denmark and back down to the North Sea coastal towns.60

To return, the privileges of the Cologners already seem to be vulnerable in 1220. A Pipe Roll

entry for this year shows that they paid a fee in order to retain seisin of their guildhall in London.61 It

seems that the Cologners were mistreating the new Baltic merchants, as Lübeck obtained a charter from

Emperor Frederick II to stop the Cologne merchants from charging them their own fees.62 The Cologners

must have felt the need to reassert their exclusive privileges in the face of this threat, and were promised

royal protection from Henry III in 1231.63

58 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 23.59 David Gaimster, “A Parallel History: The Archaeology of Hanseatic Urban Culture in the Baltic c. 1200-1600,” World Archaeology 37, no. 3, Historical Archaeology (2005):412. http://www.jstor.org.60 Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, 4. For a good description of the development in the Baltic, cf. Lloyd 3-4.61 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 24. Full quote of original Latin, 24n3.62 Ibid., 24. Original Latin quoted in full, 24n2.63 Ibid., original Latin quoted in full, 24n6.

Foote 16

Interestingly, a year before, English favor toward the Germanic lands further expanded when

Henry II extended his royal protection to the merchants subject to Duke Otto of Brunswick, which

included Lübeck, as well as those subject to the County of Flanders.64 There was family history behind

this action. Duke Otto was the grandson of Duke Henry the Lion of Saxony, the husband of Henry III’s

aunt, Matilda, and the nephew of Otto IV.65 At the time, Ferdinand, son of the King of Portugal, had just

been released by the King of France. He had joined the side of Otto IV and John at the Battle of Bouvines

in 1214, only to be wounded and caught by the French while trying to flee. Countess Joan, whose mother

was a niece of Richard I and John, ruled alone until 1226, but in the meantime had become friendly with

John’s enemies, Philip Augustus and Louis VIII.66 In 1235, another international connection was made

through the marriage of Henry’s sister, Isabella, to Emperor Frederick II. Henry III renewed Cologne’s

charters of Richard I and John, freeing them from paying a fee for their guildhall, probably as a reward to

the Cologne Archbishop for escorting Isabella to Germany, and on the same day declared the Cologne

privileges at Hoyland market.67

64 Ibid., 24.65 Charles Cawley, “Brunswick,” Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/BRUNSWICK.htm#_Toc121385850 (accessed November 28, 2010).66 Charles Cawley, “BAUDOUIN de Hainaut,” Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/FLANDERS,%20HAINAUT.htm#BaudouinIXdied1205B67 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 25, both in full original Latin, 25nn7 and 8. Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 137.

Foote 17

In the 1230s, Henry prepared to assert himself on the continent and fight France for the lands

John had lost. The ports were closed to French vessels and the Eastern German merchants, as German

merchants did in the previous reign, took the place of intermediaries between the King of England and his

allies on the continent, as well as assisting in financing his efforts.68 In 1234, the German merchants were

still identified by England as two distinct groups, those of the land of the German king and those subject

to the Archbishop of Cologne. The guildhall in London was still identified with the Cologners in 1244.

But in 1237, the German merchants of Visby, Gotland, received their own charter of privileges, and there

is evidence that the traditional privileges of the western Germans were extended to the Easterlings. In

1252, Hamburg received its own privileges and protection from the king. 69 During the 1240s and 50s,

novel commodities appeared and larger amounts of money were involved. The King was possibly the best

customer, and interceded when his officials overstepped their boundaries. This is evidenced by the many

orders sent to the bailiffs and sheriffs of the ports to release ships, goods, and even merchants.70

The next two decades were a major turning point in the emergence of a league of Hanseatic cities.

In 1241, Lübeck and Hamburg formed a confederation to protect the territory between the Elbe and Rave

rivers from bandits. 71 Some scholars have taken this policing treaty, added it to the trading privileges they

both had, and deemed the product the “nucleus” of the Hanseatic League.72 However, in 1250 is the first

record of the three principal cities acting together, in this instance on behalf of a London accusation

against Lübeck, and the first mention of their alderman in 1251.73 In 1258, Cologne formed a treaty with

Bremen,74 and in 1259, a treaty was formed between Hamburg and Bremen,75 and between Lübeck,

Rostock, and Wismar in order to unite against piracy.76

68 Ibid.69 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 26-27.70 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 140-141.71 Weiner confuses the documents and leaves one out, 140. Certification by Hamburg of promise to recognize the outlawry of Lübeckers, Hansisches Urkundenbuch, I, ed. Konstantin Höhlbaum (Halle: Weisenhauses, 1876), I, no. 303, http://books.google.com/books?id=r-8OAAAAYAAJ (accessed November 28, 2010), hereafter HUB, followed by volume and item number.; Certification by Lübeck vice versa, HUB, I, 304; actual treaty is HUB, I, 305.72 Cf. Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 140.73 Ibid., 141-142; Weiner’s date of1260 must be a typo.74 Ending a conflict, and setting conditions for which a Cologner can arrest a Bremener, HUB, I, 515.75 Each will not protect debtors of the other, HUB, I, 524.76 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 27.

Foote 18

In the middle of these moves towards confederation, the first mention of an “alderman of the

Germans” occurs in 1251. This was an Arnold fitz Tedmar (Arnaldo Thedmar).77 This alderman was

involved when the Hanse would extend their property, purchasing an adjacent plot called the Steelyard

(Stalhof), a name which would eventually be applied to the whole complex. 78 (See Appendix: Figures 4, 5

& 6) Around this time, there are also records describing the nature of the Steelyard society. The walled

and gated complex had a curfew of 8 P.M. in the winter and 9 in the summer. By the river was their

wharf, fully equipped with a crane. The younger Germans, ‘factors’ and apprentices of home-based firms

had to abide by a strict system of discipline, including no fighting, fencing, ball-playing, or ‘loose

women.’ The Steelyard elected its own alderman, who sometimes had to be a citizen of London, and had

his own house within the Steelyard.79

More significant, however, is the entrance of King Henry III’s brother, Richard of Cornwall, into

the story. In 1257, Henry III granted a charter to the merchants of Lübeck at the request of his brother,

who had recently been elected King of the Romans and was in Germany for the first time. According to

this charter, similar privileges had been given to merchants of Brunswick and Denmark, contingent on

support of Richard,80 and Groningen received one in 1258 at Richard’s request as well.81

77 Ibid., 27.78 Carus-Wislon, “Medieval Trade,” 16.79 Ibid., 17.80 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 28; full quote in original Latin, 28n20.81 HUB, I, 507.

Foote 19

The charter of 126082 is also at the request of his brother King Richard of Germany but its language

reveals an extremely significant change. The privileges that were once given only to the merchants of

Cologne and their colleagues of Westphalia now apply to all merchants of the Kingdom of Germany

(regni Allemannie). Furthermore, the guildhall in London is no longer referred to as that of the Cologne

merchants, the gildhalla Teutonicorum.83 (See Appendix: Figure 4) A much later copy of this document

possessed by Cologne inserts phrasing that hints towards resentment of losing sole possession of the

guildhall, but the situation has definitely changed. In 1260, the alderman Arnold fitz Tedmar, along with

the members of the German merchants, purchased a rent from some land immediately to the east of the

guildhall, a sign of plans for expansion.84

In 1254, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, regent of England while Henry III was in France, ordered the

bailiffs of Yarmouth to seize the goods of merchants from Zealand and Holland after other men from

these areas had robbed merchants of Yarmouth.85 Although Henry III had suffered financial and political

setbacks, he still purchased the throne of Sicily for his second son, Edmund, and worked towards getting

Richard elected Holy Roman Emperor. Richard was elected in early 1257 and left for Germany in May.

Within a couple of weeks Henry issued his charter for Lübeck, which was contingent on their support of

Richard. The next year, the bishop of Lübeck announced to his city that Richard’s kingship was

everywhere recognized and he had been crowned at Aachen. Thus, the citizens of Lübeck should continue

to support him. That they did so is perhaps a strong reason why Henry issued his charter of 1260 that

encompassed all German merchants.86

82 Huffman. Family, Commerce and Religion, 28; full quote in original Latin, 28n21.83 Ibid., 29. Cornelius Walford, “An Outline History of the Hanseatic League, More Particularly in its Bearings upon English Commerce.” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (1881): 82-136. http://www.jstor.org, 88, describes the contents, yet under the very wrong date of 1232. Cf. HUB, I, 552.84 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 29; HUB, I, 540.85 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 142. Weiner describes the Germanic pirates as “certain men of the King of Germany,” failing to specify that they were from Zealand and Holland. These areas were on the frontier of such a king’s jurisdiction, and retaliation against merchants from the same area is thus not arbitrary; cf. HUB, I, 173.86 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 143.

Foote 20

However, all foreigners faced difficulty going about their business when the barons, soon under

the leadership of Simon de Montfort, began their campaign against foreigners.87 This was during what

would be called the 2nd Barons’ War, beginning in 1263 as discontent over “foreigners” who were favored

by the king and soon developed into military conflict against king Henry himself. This uprising ended

when the barons were defeated in 1265 at the Battle of Evesham, where Simon was killed, and was

formally ended by the October 31, 1266, Dictum of Kenilworth.88 Already at the end of 1260, the

officials of King Richard of Germany went before King Henry complaining that one Robert de

Beauchamp had been interfering in the Southampton market.89 During the end of 1264 and the beginning

of 1265, Henry received numerous reports of grievances from Margaret of Flanders and the towns of

Cologne and Hamburg.90 These were reports of damages done to their merchants in the towns of the

Cinque Ports, who were all on the side of the anti-foreign de Montfort. After de Monfort’s death, his loyal

barons only submitted to Henry when Prince Edward promised fair terms of punishment.91

87 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 29.88 Holister, et al., The Making of England, 274-279.89 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 144. Weiner’s citation of the HUB is a typo, and should be HUB, I, 556.90 HUB, I, 603, 604, 605, 606, 608, 612; apparently, Countess Margaret of Flanders had allowed retaliation in her land, HUB, I, 625.91 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 144-145.

Foote 21

Very soon after, foreigners were receiving new privileges. From Kenilworth, only nine days after

issuing the Dictum, Henry III granted Hamburg an independent Hansa.92 In the last week of the year, he

exempted Lübeck merchants from arrest for debts and the royal prise93 and at the beginning of January

they were also granted their own Hansa.94 Lübeck may have received these by still supporting Richard,95

but it seems that Duke Albrecht of Brunswick had the bigger role. All three actions by Henry had been at

the request of the Duke, son of Duke Otto previously mentioned, and thus a relative. More interestingly,

the day after the Dictum of Kenilworth, November 1, at Windsor, Duke Albrecht was married to

Adelheid, daughter of the Margrave Bonifacius of Montferrat, who was a relative of Henry III’s wife,

Eleanor.96

92 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31, grant quoted in full, 31n29.93 Ibid.,, 31, quoted 31n30. The royal prise can be understood as a tax on commerce, but one that is placed on sellers when they sell to royal officials for the royal household, court, etc. Additionally, there is evidence of officials taking advantage of being the middlemen, such as delinquency of payment, purchasing at extreme discounts, which hurt the merchant, or sometimes purchasing more than the king needed and then selling the extra for a profit, which obviously benefited their own pocket. cf. Meir Kohn , “Organized Markets in Pre-Industrial Europe,” Working paper, Dartmouth College Department of Economics, 2003, 7, http://www.dartmouth.edu/~mkohn/Papers/17.%20Markets.pdf94 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31, quoted 31n31.95 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 145-146.96 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion , 31; Latin quoted, 31n32; Spehr, “Albrecht I., Herzog von Braunschweig,“ Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 1 (1875), 257-261, http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/artikelADB_pnd122098919.html, which states that there was some sort of long-distance, proxy marriage of the two in 1262.

Foote 22

Eleanor also had a role to play in the Anglo-Hanseatic trade, particularly when these previous

royal privileges did not prevent some conflicts outside of London. Around 1267, there was a prohibition

on exporting wool, particularly to Flanders,97 which many German merchants were disregarding.98 In

1270, difficulties were reported to Hamburg by Germans in London, and Margaret of Flanders was again

appealing to the King for release of Flemish goods.99 Then, at the end of 1271 and beginning of 1272, the

merchants in Lynn reported threats to the rights of Lübeck merchants.100 It was at the request of Eleanor

that, just a few months before he died in 1272, Henry released merchants from Brunswick, Lübeck, and

Dortmund who had been arrested and had appealed to the queen. The statement of release definitely refers

to a prohibition on trading with Flanders.101 Eleanor was part of a family of international connections.

Besides being related to the Duke of Brunswick through her mother, and being Queen of England, one of

her sisters, Margaret, was Queen to Louis IX of France, another, Sanchia, Queen to Earl Richard of

Cornwall, King of the Romans,102 and another, Beatrice, Queen to Charles I, brother of Louis IX, at first

Count of Anjou and Provence, and eventually King of Sicily, Naples, and Albania, among other titles.103

97 Interestingly, in 1262, Henry granted some shipping privileges to Aardenburg (Rodenburgh) in Zeeland and Ardenaarde in Flanders, HUB, I, 576 & 576. Apparently, these were based on the charter given to Brugges in 1260, HUB, I, 547, which in turn was based on one for Ghent the previous year, HUB, I, 528.98 Weiner, “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 147. HUB99 HUB, I, 673, 684.100 HUB, I, 700 & 701.101 HUB, I, 705, 707.102 Luigi Tosti, History of Pope Boniface VIII and His Times. Eugene Donnelley, trans. (New York: Christian Press Association Publishing, 1911), 40, http://books.google.com/books?id=i0oQAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA40103 Encyclopedia Britannica 11th ed., s.v. "Charles I [Naples]."

Foote 23

Prior to 1260, it seems that three Hansas existed within the same guildhall, and Lübeck might

have actually had one in Lynn.104 According to the various meanings of the term hanse, scholars have

understood that all three cities now had their own group to which fees were paid for the formation and for

maintenance and funding, and served as a concrete identification of their rights in England.105 But three

separate recognitions soon became a cause of confusion. In 1275, an investigation into who held

responsibility for maintaining and defending Bishopsgate (See Appendix: Figure 3, 9 & 10) produced

attributions of responsibility to Teutonici [the Germans], or Danorum [the Danes] of the

Dennishemanneshalle [the hall of the Danes]. There is evidence that Danish traders had previously been

responsible for Bishopsgate, and were replaced by Germans, but there is also the idea that the

“Easterlings” (of Lübeck or Hamburg) passed through the territory of Denmark on the way to England.

The confusion led to a second investigation into the dispute in 1279, where there is no longer mention of

any Danes, but the verdict placed responsibility on the Germans in general. The merchants of Cologne

would not have accepted this, as they had been exempted from any fees regarding upkeep of the city

walls, of which Bishopsgate was a part. Before the case was decided, Edward I, in November 1281,

confirmed Henry III’s charter of 1260 without distinction between the groups. Seven months later, the

mayor and merchants of London still claimed the Germans owed the duty, which they disputed, and at the

suggestion of the London group, in the presence of the Barons of the Exchequer, King Edward threatened

revocation of privileges. The Germans gave in and the negotiated settlement required them to maintain

and defend Bishopsgate with an initial repair fee, to pay one-third of the future cost for such expenses,

and reconfirmed their privileges in the city. Significantly, the German merchants were represented by

men from Dortmund, Hamburg, Münster, and Cologne. Thus, this event has been identified as the

moment when one Hanse emerged out of three. The Cologne merchants tried once more in 1290 to assert

their older particular privileges, but this only resulted in a reconfirmation of Henry III’s 1235 charter.106

Edward issued a special invitation to German merchants in 1293, while he was trying to build a coalition

104 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 31-32.105 Ibid., 31-32; Weiner “Early Commercial Intercourse,” 145.106 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 32-37.

Foote 24

with German princes against the French. 107 In 1299, after resolving a dispute that had ensued between the

Hanse and the sheriffs and mayor of London, Edward I renewed Henry III’s privileges, given now for the

gilda Teutonicorm and the haunca Alemannie. Although merchants from Cologne would be among the

leaders in London, the final seal of a single, unified Hansa of German merchants was made by Edward’s

Carta Mercatoria of 1303, which pertained to all merchants, foreign or native.108

Bibliography

Carus-Wilson, Eleanora. “The German Hanse in the Economy of Medieval England,” in Aspekte der deutsch-britischen Beziehungen im Laufe der Jahrhunderte : Ansprachen u. Vortrage zur Eroffnung d. Dt. Histor. Inst. London = Aspects of Anglo-German relations through the centuries. Edited by Paul Kluke and Peter Alter, 14-23. Stuttgart : Klett-Cotta, 1978.

Carus-Wilson, Eleanora. “The Medieval Trade of the Ports of the Wash.” Medieval Archaeology. 6-7, (1962-63): 182-201. http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-769-1/ahds/dissemination/pdf/vol06-07/6_182_201.pdf

Cawley, Charles. “Brunswick,” Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/BRUNSWICK.htm#_Toc121385850 (accessed November 28, 2010).

107 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 38, quoted in full, 38n55.108 Huffman, Family, Commerce and Religion, 38-39.

Foote 25

Cawley, Charles. “BAUDOUIN de Hainaut,” Medieval Lands: A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families. Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/FLANDERS,%20HAINAUT.htm#BaudouinIXdied1205B, (accessed November 28, 2010).

Gaimster, David. “A Parallel History: The Archaeology of Hanseatic Urban Culture in the Baltic c. 1200-1600,” World Archaeology 37, no. 3, Historical Archaeology, 2005: 408-423. . http://www.jstor.org.

Gowman, Alison. “News - June 2009 update” Alison Gowman, Alderman of Dowgate Ward, City of London, UK, http://www.alisongowman.org.uk/News%20jun09.htm . (accessed November 20, 2010).

Gowman, Alison. “Dowgate Ward - then and now,” Vintry and Dowgate Wards Club, http://www.vintryanddowgate.org.uk/Dowgate%20History.htm (accessed November 20, 2010).

Gras, Norman Scott Brien. The Early English Customs System: A Documentary Study of the Institutional and Economic History of the Customs From the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1918), GoogleBooks, http://books.google.com/books?id=RUHkq8jvZ7AC.

Hansisches Urkundenbuch, I, ed. Konstantin Höhlbaum (Halle: Weisenhauses, 1876), http://books.google.com/books?id=r-8OAAAAYAAJ (accessed November 28, 2010).

Holister, C. Warren, Robert C. Stacey and Robin Chapman Stacey. The Making of England to 1399, 8th Ed. Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.: 2001.

Huffman, Joseph P. Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German emigrants, c. 1000-c. 1300. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

Kohn, Meir. “Organized Markets in Pre-Industrial Europe,” Working paper, Dartmouth College Department of Economics, 2003, http://www.dartmouth.edu/~mkohn/Papers/17.%20Markets.pdf

Lloyd, T.H. England and the German Hanse, 1157-1611: A Study of Their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

Postan, M. M. Medieval Trade and Finance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973.

Postan, M. M. The Medieval Economy and Society: An Economic History of Britain, 1100-1500. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972.

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Schäfer, Dietrich. Die Hanse. Bielefeld & Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing, 1903.

Spehr, “Albrecht I., Herzog von Braunschweig,“ Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 1 (1875), 257-261, http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/artikelADB_pnd122098919.html (accessed November 28, 2010).

Foote 26

Tosti, Luigi, History of Pope Boniface VIII and His Times. Eugene Donnelley, trans. (New York: Christian Press Association Publishing, 1911), http://books.google.com/books?id=i0oQAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA40 (accessed November 28, 2010).

Twiss, Travers. “On the Early Charters Granted by the Kings of England to the Merchants of Cologne.” Report of the Ninth Annual Conference, held at Cologne, August 16th – 19th, 1881. London: William Cowes and Sons, Ltd, 1882. GoogleBooks.

Walford, Cornelius. “An Outline History of the Hanseatic League, More Particularly in its Bearings upon English Commerce.” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (1881): 82-136. http://www.jstor.org.

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Zimmern, Helen. The Hansa Towns. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1889.

Foote 27

Appendix

Figure 1

Adapted from screen shot of Google Maps.<http://maps.google.com/maps?q=51.511475,-0.090387&z=15>.

Foote 28

Figure 2 Ditchfield, Peter Hampson. Memorials of old London, Volume 1. Bemrose & sons, limited, 1908. 226.

GoogleBooks.http://books.google.com/books?id=RG4LAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA226#v=onepage&q&f=false

Foote 29

Figure 3“Plan of London about 1300,” "Historical Atlas" by William R. Shepherd, New York, Henry Holt and Company: 1926, 75.http://lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/history_shepherd_1923.html

Foote 30

Figure 4

“Detail of area about Poultry Street and Dowgate Hill,” Map of London and Westminster during the Reign of Henry VIII, Before the Dissolution of the Monasteries (pre 1530s).Compiled from Ancient Documents and Other Authentic Sources by William Newton in 1855.

134 Guilda Aula Theutonicorum

133 Steelyard

http://www.oldlondonmaps.com/oldenmappages/olden10d.html

Foote 31

Figure 5

London, 1653. “A guide for Cuntrey men In the famous Cittey of LONDON by the helpe of wich plot they shall be able to know how farr it is to any Street. As also to go unto the same without forder troble. Anno 1653.”

Detail, showing “The Stilliarde” http://www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/changlang/writtenword/london/londonmap.html

Foote 32

Figure 6 “A MAP of GROVNDPLOT of the Citty of London and the Suburbes thereof, that is to say, all which is within the Iurisdiction of the Lord Mayor or properlie calld’t Londo[n] by which is exactly demonstrated the present condition thereof, since the last sad accident of fire. The blanke space signifeing the burnt part & where the houses are exprest, those places yet standi[n]g.

Sould by Iohn Overton at the White horse in little Britteine, next doore to little S. Bartholomew gate. 1660.”

“i. Stiliard.”

<http://megapolislife.files.wordpress.com/2007/02/hollar_london_1666.jpg>.

Foote 33

Figure 7

[Plattegrond van de stad Londen]

It is not clear where this town plan of London was published. Judging by the double portrait at the top, the map was published after the accession to the English throne by William III and Mary Stuart. The map was composed by the famous designer and engraver from Prague Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677). He adopted, and excelled in, a style best suited to chorography or delineation of cities. He received instructions from Mattheus Merian (1593-1650) in Frankfurt and was active in several European towns. From 1652 until his death Hollar lived and worked in London.

http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/zoom/index/&language=en&i=http%3A%2F%2Fresolver.kb.nl%2Fresolve%3Furn%3Durn%3Agvn%3AKONB01%3A1049B11_020%26size%3Dlarge

Foote 34

Figure 8

Key for Holler Map, “This text explains the town plan of London by Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677).”

1049B11_020_1 (boekdruk, tekst ), Atlas Beudeker, British Library, Londen. Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague

http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/en/items/KONB01:135/&p=2&i=18&st=Londen&sc=%28Londen%29%20AND%20%28isPartOf%20any%20%22KONB01%22%20%29/

Foote 35

Figure 9Bishopsgate Detail, Holler Map, late 1600s

Foote 36

Figure 10 Ditchfield, Peter Hampson. Memorials of old London, Volume 1.Bemrose & sons, ltd, 1908. 20. GoogleBooks.

<http://books.google.com/books?id=RG4LAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA20#v=onepage&q&f=false>.

Foote 37

Figure 11"The Steel Yard and Neighbourhood in 1540" wood engraved print published in Old and New London, about 1878. Size 22 x 15 cms plus margins. Ref G352 <http://www.ancestryimages.com/proddetail.php?prod=g0352>.

Figure 12 George Unwin, The gilds and companies of London, London, Methuen & Co.: 1908, 185.

Foote 38

<http://books.google.com/books?&id=wOkJAAAAIAAJ#v=onepage&q&f=false>.

Figure 13George Unwin, The gilds and companies of London, London, Methuen & Co.: 1908, 120.<http://books.google.com/books?&id=wOkJAAAAIAAJ#v=onepage&q&f=false>.