the cambridge history of russia. vol. 1, from early rus' to 1689by maureen perrie
TRANSCRIPT
The Cambridge History of Russia. Vol. 1, From Early Rus' to 1689 by Maureen PerrieReview by: Paul BushkovitchSlavic Review, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Spring, 2008), pp. 228-229Published by:Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27652807 .
Accessed: 17/06/2014 04:22
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserveand extend access to Slavic Review.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 91.229.229.44 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 04:22:35 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
228 Slavic Review
gr?s; and second, the difference between Russians and Russophones sometimes becomes
very noticeable when possible directions of outmigration are at stake. Thus, Russophone
Germans and Jews have more choice in this regard than do ethnic Russians, since they can
emigrate, not only to Russia, but also to Germany and Israel, respectively. It is not surpris
ing that most of them have already left Central Asia.
Only the future can reveal whether the majority of Russians in Kyrgyzstan and other
Central Asian countries will eventually emigrate or not, and it is useless to embark on idle
speculations. Kosmarskaia has described the situation as it is at the moment, and she has
done this in a sophisticated and convincing way. Her book should be read by everyone who
studies Russian minorities in Central Asia.
Anatoly M. Khazanov
University of Wisconsin, Madison
The Cambridge History of Russia. Vol. 1, From Early Rus' to 1689. Ed. Maureen Perrie. Cam
bridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 2006. xxii, 777 pp. Notes. Bibliography.
Chronology. Glossary. Index. Plates. Figures. Maps. $185.00, hard bound.
Works of reference designed to survey the whole history of a country and provide an
introduction for the nonspecialist reader seem to fall into two types. One is the tightly edited volume presenting the subject
as currently understood. The other is a collection of
essays in which the authors present their own points of view on
subjects of their particular
expertise. The first volume of the Cambridge history of Russia falls into the latter camp, the points of view being those of Anglo-American and a few Russian historians of Russia.
There are many fine chapters here, but there is also much overlap and mutual disagree ment, enough to make using it difficult for the nonspecialist.
The first two hundred pages take the story from the beginnings of Rus' to the middle of the fifteenth century. A rather skimpy account of the geography (Denis J. B. Shaw) and a somewhat idiosyncratic chapter on
early Rus' (Jonathan Shepard) make for a slow start, but Simon Franklin's superb account of the eleventh-century state and society makes up for it. Martin Dimnik and Janet Martin's relentlessly dynastic history of the Rus' principali ties and the rise of Moscow provide
a reliable summary of events but not much analysis.
Especially regrettable is the absence of the economic and social history of these centuries, in spite of V. L. Ianin's brief but excellent description of medieval Novgorod. The nonspe cialist reader will be better served for almost all of these topics by Martin's own Medieval
Russia, 980-1584(1995). To some extent the weakness of the earlier chapters reflects the predominant con
centration of Anglo-American historians on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. For
the same reasons, the rest of the volume offers a thorough account of politics, society, and
culture in those centuries. Chapters by Donald Ostrowski, Sergei Bogatyrev, A. P. Pavlov, and Maureen Perrie cover
political history from 1462 to 1613. There is no narrative of
political events for the seventeenth century, but Marshall Poe describes the political insti
tutions for that period and Brian Davies covers local administration and warfare. Culture
and the church, including the schism, are not neglected (David B. Miller and Robert O.
Crummey). Michael S. Flier's succinct account of political ideas and rituals is one of the best chapters in the volume, with emphasis properly on the idea of Moscow as the New
Jerusalem and not the marginal Third Rome. Lindsey Hughes concludes the volume with a
quick survey of art and architecture, poetry, and other arts within the continued domi nance of religious culture.
Perhaps the most welcome innovation over previous surveys of earlier Russian his
tory are the chapters on the peasantry and serfdom (Richard Hellie), on towns and trade
(Shaw and Hellie), law (Hellie and Nancy Shields Kollmann), popular revolts (Perrie), and Michael Khodarkovsky's two chapters
on the various non-Russian peoples. Taken to
gether they provide a picture of a much more
complex society and state than existing accounts.
The price of these riches is that contradictory accounts are provided of the same
This content downloaded from 91.229.229.44 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 04:22:35 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Book Reviews 229
events and some phenomena are neither explained nor satisfactorily placed in any larger framework. The volume includes at least four irreconcilable views on the nature of the
Russian state. Ostrowski tells us that the basis of the state structure was Mongol (a view not
widely accepted) and that the system rested on the consensus of the elite with a weak ruler
("the grand prince of Muscovy ruled with sharply circumscribed powers," 215). Hellie, in his various chapters, prefers to think of the state as "hypertrophie" (364), with an au
tocratic ruler who followed the sixth-century Byzantine deacon Agapetus in thinking he
was God's vicegerent on earth. Poe, who sees basic continuity across the two centuries,
believes that the ruling elite was greedy and power-hungry and the tsar was one of them,
perhaps putting him in the middle between Hellie and Ostrowski. Bogatyrev and Pavlov
see a complex balance of powerful tsar, powerful councilors, and continual back and forth
among them. The uninitiated reader is left to navigate among these viewpoints with no
real guide, for the editor's brief remarks on historiography in the introduction focus on
meta-issues like Marxism and not on the disagreements among the authors in the volume.
To make things worse, the reader has no indication that, for example, Ostrowski and
Hellie present rather extreme formulations of views that also exist in less idiosyncratic forms. The same is true of the chapters
on law and society. Hellie's views of the towns
are hard to fit with Shaw's, and Kollmann offers a quite different conception of law and
society than Hellie. How is the uninitiated reader to reconcile Hellie's statement that
85 percent of the population were serfs with Kollmann's that large areas of Russia did not
know serfdom?
To add to the confusion, there is considerable overlap among the chapters. Shaw and
Hellie cover much the same ground, even though their views sharply conflict. In some
cases the reverse is the problem: Khodarkovsky's account of non-Russians in the seven
teenth century omits the Ukrainian Hetmanate, arguably the most important of Russia's
acquisitions since Siberia in the 1580s. Davies tells the story of the Ukrainian Cossacks and
their acceptance of Tsar Alexei's overlordship, but in the context of military history. Thus
the story of the Hetmanate and Russia after 1667 is absent from the volume, yet it is surely as
important as that of Siberia.
The editor introduces her volume as "authoritative and reliable." The latter, some au
thorial quirkiness aside, is mostly true, but an authoritative volume needs to be consistent,
or if that cannot be achieved, it must explain the place of the various voices. As it is, the
result is more a collection of (mostly excellent) articles than a book of reference.
Paul Bushkovitch
Yale University
The Cambridge History of Russia. Vol. 2, Imperial Russia, 1689-1917. Ed. Dominic Lieven.
Cambridge, Eng.: University of Cambridge Press, 2006. xxviii, 765 pp. Notes. Bibliog
raphy. Chronology. Index. Plates. Tables. Maps. $185.00, hard bound.
This book is the second of three that together aspire?as the jacket states?to present "a
definitive new history of Russia from early Rus' to the [Soviet Union's] successor states."
The volumes are edited by well-known specialists who have commissioned contributions
from scholars primarily from the Anglophone world but also from continental Europe. Al
though the promises of a book jacket should not be taken too literally, projects of this sort
inevitably raise questions. What is the purpose and target readership of these volumes? Are
they intended to be a reference work, consulted for their individual articles, or an actual
history, contributing to contemporary scholarship? These aims are not mutually exclusive,
but they do mark two poles of a continuum, each requiring a rather different kind of read
ing. Indeed, the title of the series evokes the second pole, in noteworthy contrast to its
predecessor, the Cambridge Encyclopedia of Russia and the Soviet Union (1982; rev. ed., 1994).
In sum, how well does this series juggle encyclopedic coverage with historical narrative?
The time frame for this middle volume is appropriate, if conventional: the reign of
Peter the Great to the February Revolution of 1917. The editor, Dominic Lieven, who
has written extensively on the political history of imperial Russia, has given primacy to
This content downloaded from 91.229.229.44 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 04:22:35 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions