CHAPTER THREE

THE CHALLENGES OF CREDIBLE ELECTION IN WEST AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF GHANA 2008 AND NIGERIA 2011 ELECTIONSBYOKON ENOCH NDEM109084112A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES THROUGH THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCEOCTOBER, 2012CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that this project entitled The Challenges Of Credible Election In West Africa: A Case Study Of Ghana 2008 And Nigeria 2011 Elections is carried out by Okon Enoch Ndem, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Science, University of Lagos, Akoka-Yaba, Lagos under my supervision.______________________

___________________

DR. AUGUSTINE ENEANYA

DATE

PROJECT SUPERVISOR

____________________________

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PROF. SOLOMON AKINBOYE

DATE

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT

DEDICATION

This is dedicated to the loving memory of Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa (1941-1995) and members of the NYSC who died in the post-Elections violent of 2011 Elections.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am indebted to numerous contributors whose supports have seen the success of this project; but for short of space, I would not be able to mention all; to whom I apologized.

However, I am most grateful to Almighty God for his His protection, provision, direction, guidance and sustenance throughout the course of this work.

My sincere gratitude also goes to my family, Grace, Princeley, Praise and Peace for their support, cares and understanding.

I wish to acknowledge the contribution of my friends; Reverend Ikpeme Ene, Engr Idim Nsemo, Mr. Joseph Emmanuel, Edet Ante Kingsley Okugbe and Bankole Wahab.

Special thanks to Pastor Sunny Udo, his wife Doris and the children, as well as my Elder brother, Mr. Oscar Okokon Ndem for moral support and encouragement.

This acknowledgement will not be complete without the mention my diligent supervisor, Dr. Augustine Eneanya, who took pains in reading through, making observation and corrections. Your suggestions are instrumental to the timely completion of this work. Also worth mentioning is Miss Rebecca Oluwasegun who typed the manuscript.

I am also indebted to Professors Solomon Akinboye, Remi Anifowose; Drs. M. M. Fadakinte, Emma Onah, Rasheed Akinyemi, GSM Okeke, Sylvester Ugoh, Jide Oluwajuwitan and other teaching and non-teaching staff of the Department of Political Science. I am again grateful to all members of the University Community and the entire social system (no matter how imperfect it is) for giving me the opportunity to realize this dream.

ABBREVIATIONSAC

-Action Congress

ACN

-Action Congress of Nigeria

AD

-Alliance for Democratic

AG

-Action Group

ANPP

-All Nigeria People Party

APP

-All Peoples Party

AU -African Union

CNC

-Congress for National Consensus

CODEO-Coalition of Domestic Election Observers

CPC

-Congress for Progressive Change

CPP

-Convention Peoples Party

DPN

-Democratic Party of Nigeria

EC

-Electoral Commission

ECOWAS-Economic Council of West African States

EU EOM-European Union Election Observation Mission

EU

-European Union

GCPP-Great Consolidated Peoples Party

GDM

-Grassroot Democratic Movement

GNPP-Great Nigeria Peoples Party

IDEA -International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance

IEA

-Institute of Economic Affairs

INEC

-Independent National Electoral Commission

INEC

-Independent National Electoral Commission

ING

-Interim National Government

MDS

-Movement for Democratic of Substance

MNCs-Multinational Corporations

NAL

-National Alliance of Liberals

NAP

-Nigerian Advance Party

NCCE-National Commission for Civic Education

NCNC-National Council of Nigeria and Cameroun Citizen

NCNP-National Centre Party of Nigeria

NCP

-National Convention Party

NDC

-National Democratic Congress

NECON-National Electoral Commission of Nigeria

NEDECO-Network of Domestic Election Observers

NEPU-Northern Element Progressive Union

NGOs-Non-Governmental Organization

NIP

-National Independence Party

NLC

-Nigeria Labour Congress

NLM

-National Liberation Movement

NNA

-Nigerian National Alliance

NNDP-Nigerian National Democratic Party

NPC

-National Population Commission

NPC

-Northern People Congress

NPN

-National Party of Nigeria

NPP

-New Patriotic Party

NPP

-Nigeria Peoples Party

NPP

-Northern Peoples Party

NRC

-National Republican Convention

PDP

-People Democratic Party

PFP

-Popular Front Party

PHP

-Peoples Heritage Party

PNDC-Provisional National Defense Council

PNP

-Peoples Nationalist Party

PP

-Progressive Party

PRP

-Peoples Redemption Party

SDP

-Social Democratic Party

TMG

-Transition Monitoring Group

UGCC-United Gold Coast Convention

UMBC-United Middle Belt Congress

UNCP-United Nigeria Congress Party

UNP

-United National Party

UP

-Unity Party

UPGA-United Progressive Grand Alliance

UPN

-Unity Party of Nigeria

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages

Certification

ii

Dedication

iii

Acknowledgement

iv

Abbreviation

vi

Table of Contents

xi

Abstract

xii

Chapter One:Introduction

1.1 Background to Study

11.2 Statement of Problem

101.3Objective of Study

111.4Research Questions

121.5 Significance of Study

131.6Scope and Limitation of the Study

141.7Research Methodology

17Chapter Two: Literature Review and Theoretical Framework

2.1Literature Review

202.2Theoretical Framework

47Chapter Three:Background to Elections in Ghana and Nigeria

3.1 Historical Pattern of Elections in Ghana and Nigeria 55

3.2 History of Elections in Ghana

623.3 The History of Elections Nigeria

73Chapter Four:Credible Elections in Ghana and Nigeria: A Case Study of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011 Elections

4.1 The 2008 Election in Ghana

904.2 The 2011 Elections in Nigeria

1004.3 A Comparative Analysis of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011 Elections

113 Chapter Five:Challenges of Credible Elections in Ghana and Nigeria

5.1 Socio-Political Challenges of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011 Elections

1225.2 Administrative And Logistical Challenges of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011 Elections 135

5.3 Comparative Challenges of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011 Elections

142

Chapter Six: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations6.1 Summary

1356.2 Conclusion

1586.3 Recommendations

159Bibliography

163

ABSTRACTWith the end of the Cold War and subsequent upliftment of Liberal Democracy to a global common which Credible Election is an integral doctrine; and practice autocratic regimes, sustained by frivolous and cosmetic elections are crumbling world wide, and West Africa sub-region is not exempted from this development. As expected, this income with divergent challenges which are inter-related with enormous impact on the stability and indeed survival of these states, as was in Cote Divoire, Sierra Leone Liberia and Niger Republic, thus compelling an academic discourse.

This work therefore dwells on the Credible Elections of Ghana 2008 2009 which was acclaimed to be an ideal example and Nigeria experience of April 2011.

While highlighting the challenges of this phenomenon in these countries, effort is also made to trace historical antecedence and patterns of Electioneering process and the reason for the changes overtime in a given milieu.

More so, genuine comparison is made between the elections of the two countries; similarities as well as differences in the challenges are highlighted and explained.

Finally, critical assessment of the challenges and trend in the countries are covered; while necessary recommendations are included as suggestive panacea for ameliorating negative trends associated with the challenges and simultaneously, sustaining gains for future elections.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.3 BACKGROUND TO STUDY

Before the advent of the Europeans and indeed the Berlin Conference of 1884 85, West African traditional societies existed with various political structures and cultures which reflected the world view of these societies. Some of the societies enjoyed elements of democratic decision making as was obtained from the Igbo Republican System in the Eastern Nigeria; whereas the selection of Obas as well as the Check and Balance role of the Oyomesi on the Alaafin of Oyo in Yorubaland deterred the emergence of an autocratic monarch in the society. The council of Elders with diverse label in different kingdoms represented the numerous interested and hamlets; hence the traditional societies were relatively transparent. Although the caliphate system of Hausa/Fulani of the Northern Nigerian was less equalitarian, this was justified on the theocratic nature of the administration which could be compared with the Holy Roman Empire in the Medieval Europe. Again, the centralized system of the Fante, Ashante, Old Ghana, Old Mali, Songhai and Samouri Toures Mandigo Empire were less oppressive and arbitrary compared to the charlattan rule of the colonialists.

The Berlin Conference of 1884/85 which legalized Colonialism was undemocratic as no African representation was made, so as to promote the indigenous interest on decision(s) affecting the future of the Continent in general and West Africa in particular. But those decisions reached by the European, powers, were binding on Africans with absolute impunity.

Hence, Williams (1999) asserts that colonialism itself must be seen as profoundly undemocratic intervention. This is obvious, considering the enviable development of these political structures across the sub-region which were comparable to their counterparts in Western Societies. Williams (Ibid) further stressed that Colonialism invariably destroyed vestiges of democratic culture it met in Africa and replaced this with massively alienating bureaucracy under and all powerful central authority. Olowu (1999) declares it (colonialism) distorted or destroyed pre-colonial governance system through the arrangement such as Indirect Rule System which made local chiefs more despotic or created new ones (Warrant Chiefs) where there was none.

Colonial Rule itself was philosophically and organizationally elitist, centralized and absolutist. It promoted the concentration of administrative and supporting infrastructures in few cities or at worst, around a single city. This created two cultures the traditional: in which the masses lived and existed outside the framework of colonial elitism and the modern which were the centres of the governmental structures or of economic imperialism. The system treated the entire worldview of the indigenous people with disdain and termed all their practices as barbaric and backward. It was a systematic method of hypocritical exploitation and imposition of Europeans wills on West Africa, hence it policies made the sub-regional economies small, excessively open, dependent and poorly integrated which was in itself the reflection of economic imperialism; the result is the exploitation, accumulation and siphoning of surpluses from the colonies to the mother countries of the colonialists. Given the obnoxious, oppressive and exclusive nature of Colonial Rule, no indigenous participation or representation in the political structure and process of these societies were allowed; not to mention the decision on regime change, as there was no platform and structure for such privilege or luxury.

However, the Post War I and II era witnessed the thawing of autocratic colonial governance in West Africa. The recruitment of West African soldiers, during the Wars exposed them to the vulnerability of the white man to all maladies of life as well as the ideals and dynamism of Western Philosophies Liberalism, National self Determination, Egalitarianism, Fraternity and Basic Rights of Man, among others. Their return after the wars was critical in democratic struggles in different colonies of the sub-region. This struggle was boost by educated elites quest for power in order to share in the accumulation; and the innocent civil society organized along trade unions, students bodies, market women and other grassroots organizations. They all rose in one accord demanding political representation and handing over of power to the indigenes. Hence, Elective Principles was introduced into Nigeria in 1922 with limited indigenous representation, in Sierra Leone in 1924 by Stiller Constitution, in Ghana in 1925 and expanded in 1951 by Coussey Constitution; Cote dIvoire Senegal and other francophone countries had experienced limited representation since late 19th century with the inhabitants of the principal towns representing their interest in parliament as the centre of French Rule in West Africa. As of Liberia, democracy and indeed representative government dated back to Independence in 1847. Nevertheless, by 1960, most West African colonies had become independent with one form of democratic structure or the other; majority patterned in line with that of their colonial masters and according to the dictates of the European hegemony.

The colonial democratic experiments were not credible, as in most cases the coronation of the Western colonial masters. Again, the damage was already done to a well oiled system of indigenous governance in which various strata based on age, sex, ability and professional competence deliberated on issues and reached democratic decisions (Williams 1999). Mores, the colonialist bequeathed on Independent West African Government bureaucracies that emphasized hierarchical compliance and discipline with little or no respect for equally important issues like public accountability, responsiveness, popular participation, representation and respect for Rule of Law as well as Constitutionalism. These legacies formed the foundation upon which post colonial West African leaders continued to build governmental structures and processes upon. There were effort to indigenized the personnel of the public service, but no serious and sustained effort was made to democratize and indigenized the structures, operations and administration of Electoral bodies, as well as holistic periodic review of electoral process and satisfactory management of post-electoral issues. These made West African government to be highly oppressive and dictatorial and were excused on developmental imperative, as observed by Bluwey (1992) the pioneer nationalist leaders were able to thwart internal demand for accountability by arguing that multi-party was a luxury their New States could ill-afford in the face of pressing demand for development. Ake (1992) puts it differently, to discourage opposition and perpetuate their hold on power, they argued that the problems of development demanded complete unity of purposes, justifying on the grounds the criminalization of political dissent and the inexorable march to political monolithism. Surely, resisting pressure for structural transformation and re-distribution, their egoistic and psychological enrichment becomes societal development through the accumulation of social surpluses into private treasures. Therefore, it was a fundamental misconception on the internalizing ability of West African elites to the norms of Western Rule as exemplified by colonial rules or may be, cynical hypocrisy which encourage the introduction of pseudo-democratic governance; despite the absence of structural and normative imperatives necessary for such governance, as these were earlier destroyed by the colonialist themselves about a century earlier.

Consequently, the decade of the independence witnessed the most severe assault on democratic process in the sub-region. Olowu (1999) observes by the end of the decade majority of West African nations that started out of independence with one form of democratic governance or another had come under full blown dictatorship or some variant of authoritarian civil rule: Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Benin had succumbed to bloody military interventions, while Cote dIvoire into an one party autocracy and others to more version of personalized rule. The trend continued for much of the Cold War years until it demise in 1990 with the fall of the Soviet Union and it attempt at universal communism; leaving the Western Liberal Democracy as the only power bloc with Politico-military and economic might.

The implication this amongst others is the Western domination and dictation of the direction of International Politics and system, hence the upliftment of Liberal Democracy to a global common and the subsequent institutionalization of collective mechanisms for its installation, protection and sustenance. Such mechanism include Supplementary Protocol and Democracy and Good Governance adopted by ECOWAS Heads of States and Government on December 20, 2001 to complement its Protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security which was in effect since December 1999; necessitated by the conflicts in the Mano River Region which were precipitated by self perpetuation in power as well as inept and corrupt leadership, a fallout of doctored elections.

Thus at the dawn of the New Millennium, almost all the countries in the sub-region experienced the third wave of democratization with various version of democracy but the process leading to the installation of such elected government remain a source of concern to citizens and observers alike, and generate instability and internal divisions in these countries. Internal uprising in Cote DIvoire corrected Robert Gueis self succession bid in 2000 and Laurent Gbagbos inglorious self inauguration in 2011. ECOWAS/ECOMOG activities supported the processes and administrations in Sierra Leone and Liberia, even after the forceful exit of the erstwhile war Lord - Charles Taylor in 2003. In Senegal coalition of opposition in 2000 favour of Abdullahi wade ended the patrimonial rule President Diouf and voided Abdullahi Wades third term bid in 2011. Guinea, Guinea Bissau and Mali are heading for failed state but for ECOWAS intervention while Burkina-Faso, Gambia and Togo empirically are autocratic democracies. Ghana on the other hand has emerged as a bastion of electoral democracy since Jerry Rowlings Presidency set the pace for smooth exchange of power between the government and opposition parties cumulating to the 2008 Elections which confirmed Ghana democratic maturity; whereas Nigeria has been the home of controversial elections since her return to civil rule in 1999 and just had a turn of fortune in April 2011, acclaimed to be free and fair.

Hence, it has been a mixed fortune for electoral process and its outcome in the sub-region, despite the existence of mechanism for its regulations, and global support, especially from the Western countries, as they assume that there is direct correlation between Credible Elections and stability in nation states; a prerequisite for Foreign Direct Investment, Economic Growth and Development as well as the Economic Integration as envisioned by the founding fathers of ECOWAS. 1.4 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

The ascendancy of Liberal Democracy to a Global Common has led to the rush towards competitive elections worldwide. This has created the problem of effective conduct of Credible Elections acceptable to all parties involved in electoral processes. The organization and administration of Elections and their outcomes have resulted into violence and acute socio-political insecurity. Electoral violence has manifested in political thuggery, riots, arson and sometimes, outright killings in many Third World countries, not the least in almost all the sixteen West African countries.

Despite the support of the Global Community, Local, and International Governmental and Non-Governmental Organization (NGOs) sponsored observers as well as eminent personalities all over the world to ensure the administration of Credible Elections in West Africa; accusation and counter accusation of manipulation, rigging and outright hijacking of the processes continue to characterize electioneering process in the sub-region.

The victory at all cost syndrome of parochial political culture and the Elitist-centered nature of electoral politics promotes chaotic scenarios. The implication of these amongst others are electoral and post-electoral violence, loss of lives and properties, lack of legitimacy or erosion of confidence in the new government and the entire democratic project and sometimes outright failure of the process leading to, and promotion of resentment among political groupings, ethnic nationalities and religious divides, which are veritable seeds of political instability in the sub-region. Such were the conflicts which cost so many lives and properties in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote dIvoirre, Guinea Bissau, Nigeria and Guinea. Such conflicts and their retardation effect towards the realization of the objective of ECOWAS necessitated the protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, Peace and Security, adopted in 1999 which dwells on internal crisis prevention, democracy, good governance, rule of law and individual rights as well as the Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance in 2001, and ECOWAS Conflict Preventive Framework in 2008, specifically for early warning signals..1.3OBJECTIVE OF STUDY The Central objective of this study is to explore the variables which hinder the organization and administration of Credible Election acceptable to all parties involved in the sub-region, using Ghana and Nigeria as the parameters. Others include.

1. To evaluate the political structure and culture inherited from the colonial master and its relationships with genuine democratic project.

2. To examine the political culture of both countries and its impact on electoral processes.

3. To access the dominant character of the National Elite and its inherent impact on the competitive politics of multiparty democracy.

4. To interrogate the role of external environment and the internal milieu in the promotion of Credible Elections in these countries.1.4RESEARCH QUESTIONS

(a) What are the impact of Colonial legacies on the conduct of Elections in Ghana and Nigeria?

(b) What are the influences of Political Culture of Ghana and Nigeria on the conduct of 2008 and 2011 in these countries?

(c)What are the effect of Elites on the conduct of elections in Ghana and Nigeria?(d)What are the significance of external and internal environment in the conduct of Credible Polls in Ghana and Nigeria?1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

The essence of the study is to expose the impediments to Credible Elections in West Africa using the case of most stable English speaking countries in the sub-region as the yardstick. Fundamentally, the Elections of 2008 in Ghana and 2011 in Nigeria were widely accepted within the countries and globally, hence the study hope to lay bare the strategies employed in overcoming the perennial challenges in Electioneering processes in the sub-region.

Again the comparative appeal stands to show the level and dynamics of challenges within the two states, thus facilitating partnership and collaboration in the areas of strength and enhance healthy competition among members of ECOWAS towards the organization and administration, of Credible Elections as an integral part of its protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security; Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework.

Moreso, understanding the impediments and shortcomings of the past as exposed in this study will help all actors involved in the process in future, to avoid the pitfalls and consolidate on the gains already made, for the sustenance of democracy and indeed stability in the fragile post-colonial states in the sub-region. This is imperative given the global acceptance of periodic Credible Elections as the most acceptable tools for changing the Ruling Elites in the contemporary World.

1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

Given the problems and level of this study, emphasis will be laid on the challenges to credible, free and fair elections; particularly those specific to Ghana 2008 Elections and Nigerias 2011 Elections. They include late arrival of voting materials, poor training of electoral officials, procedural confusion, multiple voting lists, political tension and violence, missing of voting materials, absence of polling officers, underage voting, in secrecy voting. Poor voters education, abuse of State and Administrative Resources, poor monitoring of political financial, bloated voters register, gender inequality, insecurity of voters, materials and polling officials, ethnic and religion play outs as well as the determination of voters intent during the count, amongst others.

Nigeria is regarded as the continental hegemony and the sub-regional power house. With an estimated population of over one hundred and sixty-seven million;(NPC, 2011) the country is indeed the most populous black nation in the world, at the same time accounting for fifty two percent of the sub-region and eighth in the world. The country has witnessed about thirty-years of Military Rule between 1966 1999 and started off the present democratic dispensation late 1998 after the death of General Sani Abacha and Chief MKO Abiola. The Elections of 1999 and 2003 which were won by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and that of 2007 claimed to be won by Late Uniar YarAdua wee controversial almost in all aspects. These prompted the Electoral Reforms of 2010 enroute the 2011 Elections. The outcomes of the Elections were accepted to a large extent to meet the minimum requirement of election observers and monitors and therefore the true reflections of the will of the people hence were declared credible, free and fair. It is this departure from the past controversial exercises and the relative legitimacy of the present administration in the Nigerian state well as her status in the continent and sub-region which make the discourse in this landmark Election desirable and hence justify our focus on Nigeria.

Ghana on the other hand is a pacesetter in the sub-region. The first independent country south of Sahara in 1957 and the home of the well known Pan-Africanist, Late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The country has remained one of the most stable polity in the sub-region except for the period between the end of Nkrumahs rule and the emergence of Flt. Lt Jerry Rawlings in the early 1980s. Jerry Rawling rule for about ten years as a military junta within which appropriate and institutions were build for effective democratization process. He submitted himself for elections as a civilian President and won on two occasions 1992 and 1996. By the end of his tenure in 2000, an opposition candidate, Professor John Kufour was elected the President of Ghana who also won the 2004 Elections. However the 2008 Election marked a watershed in Ghanas democratic history. Professor John Atta Mills was Rawlings Vice President who had lost elections to John Kuffour but was running against the former Foreign Minister, Nana Akufor Addo of the New Patriotic Party the ruling party, there were a couple of smaller Parties candidates for the Elections of December 7, 2008. After the first round, there was no clear winner of the require fifty percent of the vote cast, therefore there was a run-off between the National Democratic Congress (NDC) Candidate. John Atta Mills and National Patriotic Party Candidate Nana Akufo-Addo on December 28, 2008, the outcome was the closest election in Ghanaian history with Atta Mills scoring 50.23% and Nana Akufo-Addo 49.77%. The administration of the Elections of this magnitude and the maturity display by the Ghanaians which is a marked difference from what is obtainable in other countries of the sub-regions especially the capacity of an opposition candidate to win such a close election makes academic discourse of this landmark event imperative and therefore our focus on Ghana.

The scope and universe majorly dwell on the landmarks Elections of Ghana 2008 and Nigeria 2011; the challenges and strategies for improvement.

1.7RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Given the resources at our disposal, this study shall rely on secondary sources of data. This involve extensive review of relevant literatures such as textbooks, articles in journals, magazines, newspapers and seminar papers covering such areas like Ghanas and Nigeria history of Political Development and Elections. Others, include: Electoral legal Frameworks, Election Administration, vote, counting, Electoral Dispute Resolution, Voters registration, candidates, parties and the campaign environment, voters education, vote buying, political violence and thuggery, women participation, media environment, civil society and domestic observation, political finance and the use of State Administration Resources in Respective Elections under focus.

Some of the secondary data will include statistical records of Government agencies, non-governmental institutions and others. These data are presented in form of statements and tables, while analysis or interpretation is by way of inference or induction.

REFERENCESAke C (1992) Rethinking African Democracy in Policy Analysis Accra: Institute of Economic Affairs.

Bluwey Gilbert (1992) Democracy at Bay: The Frustration of African Liberals in B. Caron et al (ed) Democratic Transition in Africa, Ibadan: CREDU pp. 39-50.

Olowu D (1999) Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa in Dele Olowu et al (eds) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria, Lagos: Spectrum Book.

Williams A (1999) Fictionalisation of Democratic Struggle in Africa: The Nigerian Example in Dele Olowu et al (eds) Governance and Demcoratisation in Nigeria, Lagos Spectrum Books.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKLITERATURE REVIEW

The contemporary nature and the significance of the subject matter as expected have spawned large range of literature. This section of the chapter examines the relevant literature on Elections for the required insight; starting with the insight from other experiences, before narrowing it to Ghana and Nigeria.Other Experience

Anifowose (2003) gives a broad definition of elections as the process of elite selection by the mass of the population in any given political system. This is the direct outcome of the need for representative government. He argues that the practice is accepted across board in the contemporary global system irrespective of the prevailing ideology, structure and level of development as some scholars sees it as the very heart of democracy. Therefore, rules and mechanism for it conducts is said to be mandatory in order to safeguard its competitiveness, fairness and integrity as the reflection of the will of the people given that all the adult citizen have equal opportunity to vote and to be voted for; hence he observes that electoral competition is a highly complex and controversial issue, as it goes beyond franchise to include internal democracy within the political parties, campaign, political funding as well as equal access to media, by the parties in the political contest; and added that elections serves divergent functions according to the political system - competitive and non-competitive system.

A competitive election according to him works as a two way street where the government and the masses influence one another. It also facilitate the recruitment and grooming of ruling elite, formation of government, political representation, voters education, consolidation of legitimacy, leadership succession, popular participation and means of influencing government decision as well as strengthening of the elite.

The non-competitive on the other hand enhance ratification of the existing leadership, participatory, legitimizing, demonstrative, educational and patriotic act. It serves as an integrative mechanism for affirmative action and promotes the exclusion of opposition from the competition and evolution of a single party system. However, despite his preference for western model competitive elections, he complains of possibility of flaws in rules and administration which jettisons the objective of credible, free and fair exercise as provided by the guidelines leading to illegal manipulation of voting, ballot, and the counting process by individuals or groups.

He noted that the record of elections in post-colonial Africa is characterized by electoral manipulation as the ruling elites maneuvers the state administrative resources and other factors to perpetuate electoral fraud, while projecting credible, free and fair election to the global community, hence in his words in most news state of Africa, politics, and elections in particular are viewed as fulfilling purposes and functions different from those predicated on both the liberal and communist model; confirmation of a government already in power has become a feature of elections the instances where ruling governments have been changed by means of the ballot box, in a competitive situations is rare indeed. He however contends that the non-competitive elections in Africa does not serve the integrative purpose of the ratificatory model of the communist school due to the weakness of the internal structures and level of development and could not said to be totalitarian, but single party pluralist society.

He further postulates that central to election is the electoral system: a set of rules that governs the conduct of the elections, the foundation of electoral institutions which must be acceptable to all the participants, hence the electoral system of the ratificatory model is dysfunctional to competitive model and vice versa, and inherently generates stresses as experience in Nigeria in 1965, 1983 and 2003, Cote dIvoire 2000, 2011. Given the prevalence situation, voters behavior becomes difficult to analyse and added that elections do not single handedly lead to changes in government policies.

Although he came short of analyzing the root of electoral fraud and evolution of political obstructionism, he nevertheless concluded that election is central to the working of every modern state, in his words without free elections, the vast majority of citizen would have no meaningful say in setting the national agenda, defining policy alternatives and determining who will rule. In non-competitive systems, elections provide legitimacy for the regime, create a sense of mass participation in government and serve to create a democratic faade for the regime.

Commenting on nature of election in Africa and West Africa in particular, Bako (1997) traces it root to the imperialistic nature of Western Europe and America model of electoral democracy, fabricated for further entrenchment of the sub-region into the global capitalist structure in order to facilitate it exploitation; hence, the big dichotomy between societal values at community and state level. He further tracks lack of mass participation to the elitist centered nature of the process, and lack of cultural and material conditions for electoral democracy as further challenge and therefore recommends, home grown democracy peculiar to individual states which will revisit the pre-colonial values, norms and other democratic variables which can be blend with the progressive provisions of western democracy and fashion a democratic society suitable for the people of the sub-region, given their peculiarity.

Amuwo (1992) contends that challenges to competitive elections in the sub-region could be divided into external and internal factors. External to the sub-region are the legacies of centralized governance of the colonial masters who handed over power and electoral process to the people of the sub-region at independence through personalized statesmen, who in turn appropriated states powers to themselves and added that the economic hardship and general poverty pervading West Africa due to oppressive and obnoxious economic climates dictates of the Bretton Wood institutions and the multinational corporations (MNCs) render the states more oppressive. Besides, the ambivalent attitude of the West towards competitive elections as their treacherous economic policy support authoritarian democracies protecting their interest; illustrates more rhetoric commitment to genuine electoral democracy than in practice, so also is the insistence on Neo-American model of development which is less democratic. Internal to the sub-region, he identifies the politics of sit-tight leaders and life president which also pervades the civil society, hence hierarchical and less democratic civil society finds it difficult to demand for genuine democratic election from the governments. Other factors include militarization of the state, discontent elements of the ruling elites and the citizenry disaffected by delayed promises of the democratic era. He concluded that the external environment is more hostile to electoral democracy in the sub-region than the internal; thereby stressed the need for prudent utilization of local resources, social justice, equity and accountability as well the effective utilization of any goodwill from the external environment.

Contributing, Bluwey (1992) support Amuwo on the close nature of the sub-regional political systems and added the blatant violation of human rights, minority rule of urban dwellers as well as states sole control of economic resources and means of terror, oppression and suppression as other factors militating against free and fair elections in West Africa. He, however disagreed with Amuwos perception of the external environment; to him, the external environment is the harbinger of competitive election in the sub region, which leads to his endorsement all of western measure in pursuance of credible, fair and free election in the sub region. This implies his lack of confidence in the internal environment; a marked difference from Amuwos strong belief in the ability of the internal environment to breed and harness durable democratic structures and processes.

Deviating from the structural dimension to the challenges, Kawonise (1992) dwells on the normative variables within the societies militating against democratic process and consolidation in the sub-region. He analyses the linkage between competitive election and normative order; and further identifies the impediments as excessive collective orientation which he contends is antithetical to individualistic ethic of liberalism as embedded in Liberal democracy. Such orientation he argued, hardly give room for individual opposition to the perceived collective will of the community and this intolerance is inimical to competitive election. In addition, he cited the deference to gerontocracy in political practice in the region. The beliefs of wisdom being the function of age often lead to the muffling of the political voice of younger elements in the society. This also violates the principle of equality, as the wielding of political influence is largely ascribed than achieved; hence, opposition by the younger generations is an intolerable insult. Added to the list according to him include prebendalism and clientelist politics which undermine accountability and extol political repression of opposing voices of discontent elements in the society. Kawonise, however sees competitive election as a farce in the sub-region but failed to provide alternative to democratic governance acceptable to the sub-region.

For Olaitan (1992) the challenges lays on the door post of poverty induced by bad economy dictates of the Bretton Wood institutions, the opinion he shared with Amuwo. He also agreed with Kawonise on the normative dimension and identifies with others view of kleptocratic attitude and mass corruption of leaders as impediment to competitive election project. Against this background, he concluded that, the external prodding of the process, given the prevailing internal variables and dynamics can at best produce half baked result.

The Nigerian Experience

Specific to Nigeria, Jinadu (2010) avers that the crisis of electoral governance is at the heart of the general crisis of democratic politics and governance. Lack of indeterminacy and certainty of incumbent political office holders to win every political contest erodes public confidence in the process. Using historical sociology he analysed empirically the recurrence electoral flaws from 1960 to 2010 hinged on the complicity and partiality of the electoral empires, the rigging and counter rigging of elections by all parties in the contest, as well as the manipulation of the law deriving from the inherent ambiguity of the language of the law to suit a particular interest in the country which manifested as major deficit in elections and electoral administration. He highlighted twenty-two of the deficits which can be classified into logistic, administrative, normative and legal.

He recommends the reformation of the electoral system and administration, electioneering process and checkmating of the abuse/misuse of power of incumbency as well the state and administrative resources for improper electoral gain, including adjudication process of election disputes. He concludes that only electoral reforms on normative and legal imperative can strengthen the logistic and administrative variables, and enhance re-orientation from political opportunism and impunity to the acceptance of the morality of politics.

Onuoha (2003) identifies cultural and structural pluralism, praetorianism, clientelism and prebendalism as the challenges which produce electoral corruption and violence rigging, obstructionism, punitive control and repatrimonialism in the conduct of election. He argues that these arise from the character of the state and dominant political class whose interests are copious. Hence, the dominant class uses the state as an instrument of appropriation of the common wealth and protection of their interest, which accounts for non autonomy of the state in arbitrating among groups in Nigeria. Election being the only route to democratic governance become an instrument of the class perpetuation in power; bringing about common pattern in electoral processes in the country. He divides the elections in the country into two classes between 1959 and 2003, and argues that the transition elections of 1959, 1979, 1992 and 1999 were more orderly due to their organization by neutral bodies the colonial masters and the military, despite being an interesting players, but the consolidation elections of 1964, 1983 and 2003 were incredible similar in election issues.

These include the prevalence of thuggery, obstructionism, punitive control and rigging in the effort of retaining state power and system of rewards. He concluded that all the elections were influence by primordial and ethno-regional considerations and featured fraud, bribery and rigging of votes and therefore call for the restructuring of the Federation and transfer of resources to component nationalities desiring greater autonomy and the development of effective civil society which would ensure the organization of credible poll beyond ethno-regional interest.

In supporting Onuoha, Okolie (2010) believes that the character of the African states and Nigerian state in particular as well as dominant class remain the greatest challenge to competitive election in the country as this rules out a politics of moderation and mandates a politics of lawlessness and extremism. Dwelling on the 2007 general election, he added that the concept of return has replaced voting, the masses are alienated from political participation even at the lowest symbolic and tolerable level indicating that the votes of the masses did not count as the results of the elections were already falsified before the elections, which he argues hampers participatory democracy. According to him, the political godfathers use the state apparatuses to truncate the electoral process and voting becomes a metaphor for disempowerment of the people as many are deceitfully made to vote without choosing He concluded that state is the main instrument of electoral fraud but failed to suggest ways of overcoming this challenge.

Commenting on the electoral pattern and process Ikelegbe (2010) opines that elections in Nigeria has been a straight fight between the conservatives typified by NPC, NPN, NRC, NNDP, MDE, NNA and the progressives typified by AG, NCNC, NEPU, UMBC, UPGA, UPN, GNPP and SDP and added that the conservatives won majority in all elections except for the annul June 12, 1993 President Election. In agreement with most of the literature he identifies irregularities, malpractices, thuggery, rigging and violence as the main features of the elections. He also observes the centrality of ethno-religious factors as the major influence of manipulation despite candidates identity with political parties, manifestoes and strategies. He however failed to recommend ways of overcoming the perennial problem of election credibility in the country.

Idahosa (2010) points to regionalism of Nigerian politics as well as political parties as the major bane of competitive election, as this inherently lead to ethno-regional block vote in favour of the preferred political party in a region. He analysed the elections in the first and second republic and concluded that the results of the consolidation election of 1964 and 1983 which reflected a pan Nigerian outlook were indeed monumental fraud of the hegemonic political party in power to muffle opposition and gain absolute majority in all domain in the country. However he did not proffer solution to this challenge.

Deviating from voting and counting process Bratton (2008) dwells on the campaign strategies. In the run up to the 2007 General elections in Nigeria, he observes that vote buying and violence were the major impediment to competitive polls. He posits that violence reduces turnout; and vote buying enhances partisan loyalty. They are indeed against the principle of freedom to choose as embedded in international codes for elections and impact negatively on political equality, as well as diminish the legitimacy of the electoral outcomes and set the stage for governance by corruption. In his words vote buying and violence enable the elevation into elected office of cronies, criminals and strong-arm god fathers who are singularly unfit for public service.

His assertion that compliance with political entrepreneur works better at community level, as most members of a community would not want to be seen as deviants explains the block vote at local, state and regional level which is a recurring decimal in Nigerian as African politics. He concluded that irregular elections tampers with the institutionlisation of political accountability and recommended the disarmament of militant group, reformation of electoral body and civility as well as impartiality of the security operators. Besides, the re-orientation of the citizenry towards clean elections to him remains imperative for the attainment of development and reduction in the existing in equalities between political elites and ordinary citizens.

Lewis (2006) takes a look at the correlation between performance and legitimacy of democratic governance and their impact on elections. He observed that lack of performance by the elected leaders makes democracy less appealing to the citizenry especially in a new democracy, which in turn affect their attitude towards elections leading to voters apathy and possible preference for undemocratic alternatives. He therefore appealed for the electorates understanding of the task of nation building and challenge the leaders to be open and accountable to the people in order to enhance the legitimacy of the government and stimulate the interest of the governed in elections as a credible peaceful electoral process is likely to reinforce confidence in basic institutions; a highly flawed and unstable election exercise could further discourage voters and undermine the foundations of democratic rule. The appeal seem to have worked because, even the flawed election of 2007 has not lead to total rejection of democracy but the operators, which led to their replacement in some part of the country in 2011 elections.

The National Mirror Editorial (April 1, 2011) focused on the need for credible elections in the 2011 polls. It identifies security as the major concern of the electorates: hence the need for peaceful conduct of actors throughout the process voting should take place in an atmosphere devoid of coercion and or intimidation. The editorial advised the political parties, their leaders as well as candidates to observe the code of ethics and act only within the law to treat opponents with respect, to shun violence and fraudulence, to respect the peoples choice and promote the peace and good image of the country. It argues that credible election depends on the competence of the electoral body, its integrity and transparency in handling the entire process which will reflect the will of the people and this it maintains must be the goal of all Nigerians at every stage.

Kila (2011) while reviewing the conduct of 2011 national assembly election in Nigeria, appreciates the peaceful atmosphere as well as the synergy between the electoral officers and the voters which enhances confidence of the public, he appreciates the transparency of the voting and counting processes but wonders the electoral body delay in the release of the results, he therefore called on the Independent National Electoral Commission to imitate the voters who used their electronic gadgets to collate the results of the Election, he however failed to mention the impact of the insecurity caused by the Bomb blast at Suleja office of the electoral commission.

Bekoe (2011) claims that the 2011 Presidential Election was Best Run, but Most Violent. He analysed the mechanism and strategies employed by the electoral body to administered from voters registration to the announcement of result and avers that the process was transparent; and there were ominous signs of potential violence which erupted in the northern part of Nigeria and claim over 800 lives and displaced 65, 000 persons. He recommended punitive measures for offenders and believes only such a significant break from the past can help Nigeria move towards realizing the fruits of a well organized and administered electoral campaign. He concluded that national level reforms must be accompanied with strong local peacemaking institutions and improvements in the capacity to manage elections must be accompanied by programs to strengthen the pillars of democracy at the local level, away from an emphasis on regional, religious and ethnic mobilization and towards a focus on common issues across groups. Bekoes analysis reflected the reality of the Presidential election but as noted, the reports on the violence has not been implemented and no one has been punished fuelling the culture of impunity.

Countering Bekoe and general belief in the integrity of the 2011 Elections, International Crisis Group (2011) posits that apart from 1,000 people killed, the polls were riddled with malpractices, logistical deficiencies and procedural inconsistencies. Besides, the acclaimed of above 78 percent turnout in the South-South and South East during the Presidential Election were more than the national average by at least 50 percent which according to the briefing suggested electoral fraud. It however agreed with other reports that the polls were on the balance, the most credible to date. The strength of the electoral process appeared mostly to have trumped its weaknesses, since Goodluck Jonathan was the first southern minority leader to win a Presidential Contest, 72 of 109 senators lost their seats, 260 of 360 members of the lower house are newly elected and the ruling party lost its two-third majority in the senate have 23 governors as against 27 after 2007 elections. The brief however called for a combination of electoral, constitutional and economic reforms in order to make the 2015 polls truly free and fair and to ensure they are not tainted by blood. It concluded that much need to be done in voters education as well as the creation of employment for the idle youths who are easily recruited by political entrepreneurs for electoral malpractices, including violence.

INEC and FES (2011) report voters apathy as another challenge to competitive election. The report claims 18% in 2003 and 31% in 2007 and projected an increase of 11% in the 2011 elections. It rightly observed without voters, or without a sufficient turn out, there can be no true elections. A low voters turnout will not guarantee the will of the people, but only that of a minority. But a high voter turnout will not only make the result of an election more credible. It will also deter criminals from hijacking or sabotaging the electoral process, guarantee more impartiality and fairness, and will increase the pressure on the electoral officials to live up to the electorates expectations. The report indicted INEC, government, politicians, press and voters themselves. It attributes these behaviours to violence and inadequate security, electoral malpractices fraud, long registration and voting process and non-fulfillment of electoral promise. Voter mobilization, integrity of the electoral body, accountability of the government, voters education and impartial press coverage, are noted as remedial measure.

Onyekpere (2011) identifies non-adherence to ethics and ceiling on campaign finance and the use of state and administrative resources, especially in the 2011 Presidential Election as impediments, stressing that leverage was given to the incumbent candidate at the expense of others. He however concluded that the one billion Naira ceiling prescribe by the law is too low and unrealistic considering enormous cost of voter mobilization and education central to credible election as attested to by INEC and FES report, but call for adequate regulation and reporting on campaign finance in line with the provision of relevant laws to create a level playing field for all contestant.

Supporting the need for equity among political contestant, Institute for Media and Society (2011) confirmed that the three big political parties received more attention than the minor ones. The People Democratic Party (PDP) led the group followed by Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) had better media coverage, well over others. According to findings, media reportage of the elections were skewed in favour of male politicians, while female politicians did not get as much as 10% such attention given to male politicians and it also favoured happenings in urban areas as against the rural areas. It is how be it gratifying to note from the findings that an appreciable proportion of the identified electoral issues were given good prominence, which is an improvement from the indictment of the Nigerian media by European Union Election Observation Mission over 2003 elections.

The Ghanaian Experience Ghana started as a multi-party state at independence and ended the first republic as a one-party authoritarian state which was inherently contradictory to the spirit and practice of competitive elections. This according to Democracy Watch (July 2007) is because at independence, we built a state structure where all the executive power is concentrated at the centre and in the hands of a unitary president. As a result, Ghana lacks meaningful sub-national or sub-presidential training grounds for Presidential office. The import of the assertion is the structural deficiencies of the political system which gives enormous power to an individual. This might as well explain the autocratic nature of Nkrumah administration and the sub-sequence match to political monolithism which eventually led to the demise of the Republic in 1966 (Ojelabi, 1970). Zounmenoun (2009: 2) attests that Ghanas political life has been marked by a series of alternations between authoritarianism and attempt to democratize the political system. There were three periods of elected government and three of military rule between 1957 and 1992. Crawford avers that apart from the First Republic under the leadership of Nkrumah, the interludes of civilian government under the second (1967-72) and the Third Republics (1979-81) were short lived, unable to endure for longer than 30 months, thus the structural deficiency which promotes authoritarianism and the perceived failures of the government of the day that led to repeated military interventions. Hence the return to multiparty elections in 1992 was a milestone in search of political stability, development and good governance which had been the bane of most West African countries.

Democracy Watch (2004:2) identifies faulty voters register as a major hindrance to credible polls: it could be that if the previous elections in 1992 and 1996 had all been contested with a clean voters register, the total number of eligible voters would have been lower than the figures given to us, and therefore the percentage of those who actually voted would have been high, even as high as in the December 2004 elections. Thus bloated voter register flawed the elections of 1992-2000 under the leadership of Jerry Rawling and of course was a factor in the preparation for the landmark elections of 2008 despite the creation of a modicum of an accurate register for 2004 elections (ibid). This publication also identifies the weak management of the sporadic incidents of post-election violence especially in the northern regions as issue of urgent national important.

Added to this, is the dearth of ideology by the political parties and politicians and the institutionalization of ethnic politics leading to the danger of permanent polarization, freezing out of smaller ethnic groups and inducement of a feeling of entitlement on the part of other ethnic groups.

International IDEA (2006) looks at the capacity and political finance of parties and candidates. While accepting the policy of no ceiling to spending which is dangerous as political entrepreneur may hijacked the process. This is worrisome given experience in Nigeria as in elsewhere in Africa where political god fatherism sets in and undermine the competitive polls for self-aggrandizement when most of the responsibility for raising, funds rest with the individual candidate. Added to this are weakness in capacity building, fund raising membership drives and registering, party organization, the mainstreaming of women, accountability and codes of conduct. These are essential ingredients of modern party system without which, elections would have lost its indeterminacy due to weak party and emergence of personalized groups inimical to competitive election built on vibrant and enduring institutions. Little wonder that Ghanaian parties are largely non-ideological and non-programmatic, rather are vehicles for men and women of ambition to seek power and take control of the vast patronage resources located within the state Gyimah-Boadi et al (2007: 5). This invariably leads to emergence of party foot soldier defines as a person who devotes exceptional amounts of his or her time and energies to canvassing support and votes for a party and its candidates as well as countering similar activities by rival parties(Ibid). In essence, the so call party foot soldiers are political thugs recruited to perpetuate or counter election related thuggery for their respective political parties and candidates. Although said to be a product of late colonial period, continues to haunt Ghana politics and elections till date, as the party foot-soldier phenomenon deepens the neo-patrimonialism and clientelism; the politics of big man patronage which may result in imperial presidency as experienced in the past.

Zounmenoun (2009: 4) while praising Ghana for five successive presidential and parliamentary elections and two alternations between the two major parties in 2009, which indicates progressive improvement in the electoral process overtime warned of poor resourcing of the electoral commission and other key institutions chiefly, human, financial and logistic capacity as well as the sustainability of the commissions budget which is donor dependent. A position supported by African Peer Review Mechanism report on the country in 2005. However, the limited voter registration exercise of July 13 and August 12, 2008 confirmed this fear as the electoral commission announced that it registered 1, 835, 417 voters during the exercise as against about one million originally expected represented an increase of about 290 percent over a similar exercise in 2006 which had recorded 632, 087 voters (Gyimah-Boadi, et al, 2009). This created mistrust among political parties and generated tension and animosity between the two leading political parties, as this was blamed on the electoral commission poor planning as well as administrative and logistical structure put in place for the exercise. Such would have messed up the whole process. Gyimah-Boadi (2009: 1) also added the election was nearly compromised by flaws and significant education gaps which, in turn created the conditions for electoral conflict and violence There was too much negative and non issue based campaigning especially in the Presidential run-off election. Some political parties and element within the media and civil society, mobilized ethnic hatred. Parties and candidates declared their respective so-called strongholds no-go areas for their opponent. These factors raise many questions about the quality of election in West Africa, if Ghana, is seen as almost the perfect example of credible elections, given alternation of power between the two dominant parties in the last twenty-years.

Amoah (2009) raises the politics of obstructionism as counter to credible election as it was in Ghana 2008 elections. He dwells on the mysterious decision taken by the incumbent government to close Ghanas eastern international border with the Republic of Togo from midnight Friday 5 December, 2008. The implication of the governments action was the disenfranchisement of Ghanaian citizens in Togo who intended to vote in Volta Region, a stronghold of opposition NDC party. Despite pressure from civil society and ECOWAS, Ghanaian government was adamant signaling it assent to political obstructionism which has bedeviled the sub-region, as it was in Cote dIvoire over President Alhassan Ouattara. Any form of political exclusionism is antagonistic to credible election in civilized society especially in an election as close as the 2008 Presidential elections in Ghana.

Jockers, Kohnert and Nugent (2009) listed ethnic block voting and electoral fraud as major deficit to the 2008 Ghanaian election; as electoral malpractice and vote rigging along ethnic lines in Ghanas tacit two party system gain momentum during the exercise and warned of inherent danger, shunning diplomatic and technocratic applause of the election as a cover-up to save the failure of this Western institution. They pointed at the extra-ordinary voter turn over in Volta and Ashanti region which affected the poll and could have titled the outcome to either side. This indeed is expected in winners takes all politics, which encourage zero-sum political culture as reflected by politics in the country.

Meissner (2010: 3) appreciates the acceptability and implementation of electoral outcome in Ghanas fourth republic, but warned against a large measure of mistrust vis--vis official politics citing manipulation of elections, vote buying and political pressure as part and parcel of the system, perpetuated by the two main political parties and their agents. He doubts the extent of tolerance of the parties involve in future elections against the backdrop of inherent danger in brinkmanship if adopted by a losing incumbent leader as experienced elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa.

As apart of it 2009 final report, European Union Election Observation Mission, submits that abuse of state administrative resources was reduce at National level, but the same could not be said of regional and local levels. Moreso, the media coverage was in favour of the incumbent NPP and accused media of partisanship especially towards the end of campaign for the run off Presidential Elections when a section of media acted irresponsibly by broadcasting a wide range of unsubstantiated rumour and speculation questioning the veracity of the elections (EU EOM; 2009: 5). The report also indicted the marginalization of women as representatives in the election. Besides the logistical problems leading to the postponement of election in Tain constituency during the run-off increased tension, as well as the uninvestigated unusual high turn out in five constituency of Ashanti Region. These variables among others as pointed out raise the stake for credible election in the country as in the sub-region.

2.2THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKThe analysis of the challenges facing the organization of credible elections requires sound framework, as such one would have expected the study to be grounded either on the modernization theory of development, since to a large extend, political pluralism and competitive election is regarded by the West as an integral part of overall development of any state. However, the recent decimal performances of Western Economies and steady ascendancy of China economy and the revival of Russias, empirical punctures competitive electoral democracy as critical component of development, hence the preferred viable framework for the current study is Elite Theory which would be complemented by the Theory of Political Culture.

Elite theory exposes the rule of minority in every society with the perceive qualities needed for ascendancy to the pinnacle of socio-political structure, who are always conscious, coherence and conspire against the slavish masses when the need arises. They are seen as excellence, intelligent and noble in character. It takes a critical look at how leadership changes hand in a society through the circulation of the governing elites and the instrument of their governance as well as the mechanism for the stabilization of the polity.

Essentially elite perspective would reveal the administrative, structural as well as the normative inadequacies associated with the organization of credible elections in neo-colonial states like Ghana and Nigeria and the moderation role of the external environment. Besides, most of the challenges could be trace to the characters of the governing elites and their perception of the process, outcome and its aftermath which majorly may be rooted in the antecedence of the recent past history as well as character of the masses, their perception of their process, outcome and aftermath. This synergy between the Elites and the masses lends credence to the model framework of analysis.

Political Culture on the other hand seeks to explain an aspect of general culture relating to the perception power, authority and legitimacy of government over the governed overtime in a given milieu. As a framework of analysis seconded to Elite model in this study is meant for effective comparison between the two countries under focus more so since political behavior are measured and determine by political culture, it is handy to unearthed the normative variables in the two milieu which give rise to different behavior despite common historical experience especially colonialism and military adventurism into politics.

These realities informed the preference of Elite model and Political Culture framework over other alternatives and would enhance our understanding of the challenges, either as self-inflicted or an outcome of a misfit institutions demanding adjustment by all and sundry given the acceptance of credible election as the only legitimate instrument of Governing Elites circulation in the contemporary International Politics. REFERENCESAdele Jinadu (2010) Electoral Reforms and the Future of Democracy in Nigeria, Lagos: Unilag Department of Political Science/CBAAC 2010 Public Lecture.

Amoah Michael (2009) The Most Difficult Decision Yet: Ghana 2008 Presidential Elections African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, Vol. 3 (4) pp. 174-181.

Amuwo Kunle (1992) The International and Domestic Context of Democratic Transition in Africa: Roadblock to Democracy? In B Caron et al (ed) Democratic Transition in Africa, Ibadan: CREDU pp. 129-140.

Anifowose Remi (2003) Theoretical Perspective on Elections in Remi Anifowose and Tunde Babawale (ed) 2003 General Elections and Democratic consolidation in Nigeria, Lagos Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

Bako Sabo (1997) Problems of Democracy in Nigeria: Cultural Imperatives and Impediments in Yakubu Nasidi et al (ed) Culture and Democracy, Zaria: ABU press pp. 224-232.

Bekoe Dorina (2011) Nigeria 2011 Elections: Best Run, But Most Violent USIP Peace brief 103.

Bluwey Gilbert (1992) Democracy at Bay: The Frustration of African Liberals in B. Caron et al (ed) Democratic Transition in Africa, Ibadan: CREDU.

Bratton Michael (2008) Vote Buying and Violence in Nigerian Election Campaigns, Afro barometer working paper No. 99 June.

Crisis Group (2011) Lessons from Nigerias 2011 Elections ICG Africa Briefing No. 81 September.

EU EOM (2011) Important Step Toward Strengthening Democratic Elections, but Challenges Remain European Union Election Observation Mission: Abuja April 18.

Gyimah Boadi et al (2007) The Party Foot Soldier Phenomenon and Ghana Democracy, Democracy Watch Volume 7 No. 3 July.

Gyimah Boadi et al (2009) Worrisome Development in the 2008 Polls, Democracy Watch, Volume 8, No. 2 May.

Idahosa S. (2010) Issues and Problems in Nigeria Politics: Tribes Ethnicism and Religion in Ola and Imhanlahimi (ed) Nigerian Political System Trends and Perspective, Benin: University of Benin.

IDEA (2004) Ghana: Country Report based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties Stockholm: IDEA.

Ikelegbe A. (2010) Political Parties, Interest Groups and Elections in Nigeria in Ola and Imhanlahimi (eds) Nigerian Political System Trends and Perspectives, Benin: University of Benin.

IMS (2011) Media Coverage of Electoral Issue in the 2011 Elections in Nigeria, Nigeria IMS.

INEC/FES (2011) Voter Apathy and the 2011 Elections in Nigeria: A Research Report Nigeria: INEC and FES.

Jocker Heniz, Kohnert Dirk and Nugent Paul (2009) The Successful Ghana Election of 2008: A Convenient Myth? Ethnicity in Ghanas Elections Revisited Hamburg: German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GICA), July.

Kawonise Sina (1992) Normative Impediment to Democratic Transition in Africa in Caron et al (ed) Democratic Transition in Africa, Ibadan: CREDU pp. 129-140.

Kila Anthony (2011) A Tale of two cities National Mirror, April 18.

Lewis Peter (2006) Performance and Legitimacy in Nigerias New Democracy Afro barometer Briefing paper No. 46 July.

Meissner Kathrin (2010) Elections and Conflict in Ghana: Country Analysis Accra: Friedrich Ebert Stifung.

Ojelabi Adekunle (1970) A Textbook of West African History Ibadan: Valuta Educational Publishers.

Okolie Aloysius (2010) The State, Electoral Fraud and Illusion of Participatory Democracy in Africa: Lessons from 2007 General Elections in Nigeria Lagos: Unilag Journal of Politics.

Olaitan Wale (1992) Democracy and Democratization in Africa: Not ye the Glorious Dawn in B Caron (ed) Democratic Transition in Africa, Ibadan: CREDU pp. 423-434.

Onuoha Brown (2003) A Comparative Analysis of General Elections in Nigeria in Remi Anifowose and Tunde Babawale (ed) 2003 General Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, Lagos: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

Onyekpere Eze (2011) Non-Transparent Spending (A Report on Campaign Finance and Use of State and Administrative Resource in the 2011 Presidential Elections) Abuja: Centre for Social Justice.

Zounmenoun David (2009) Ghanas 2008 Election: Towards a Consolidated Democracy? Situation Report, Institute of Security Studies, July.

CHAPTER THREEBACKGROUND TO ELECTIONS IN GHANA AND NIGERIAINTRODUCTION Modern election was introduce into Ghana and Nigeria by the colonialist through constitutional Development, especially the inclusion of Elective Principles in Guggisberg Constitution and Clifford Constitution of 1925 and 1922 in Ghana and Nigeria respectively. However, Elections during the colonial rule had one major pattern; the struggle against the colonialist, therefore voters behaviour and other electoral issues were not subjects of discussion; but the need to Africanized the structure and process of governance was imperative, which may as well be a pattern across board until the split in the United Gold Coast Convention, (UGCC) between the Dr Danquah and Nkrumah in 1949 leading to the formation of Convention Peoples Party in Ghana. In Nigeria, the regionalization of the country into three by Richards Constitution in 1946 brought in ethno-regional and religious fervor into electoral process in the country. Howbeit, this chapter dwells on elections from the eve of independence: identifying the historical pattern of elections in the two countries in the first part, and narrate the history of elections in the two countries as second and third parts respectitively.

3.4 HISTORICAL PATTERN OF ELECTIONS IN GHANA AND NIGERIA The pattern of elections in the two countries in comparative term has been a mixed. While Ghana tends to have alternation of power based on historical orientation of groups and personalities as well as ideology, with high degree of indeterminacy, Nigeria on the other hand has been a show of dominant group which makes the predict ability of the outcome as sure as day, since they have never been an exchange of power between incumbent and opposition at the National level. The details of these patterns are briefly discussed below.

3.4.1 Historical Pattern of Elections in GhanaNkrumahs split from the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) and indeed parting way with Dr Joseph Danquah and subsequent formation of Convention Peoples Party (CPP) led to the emergence of two interest block in Ghanas political landscape: the Danquah-Busia partisans who represented educated, indigenous traditional and merchant elites, against the Nkrumahists who represented urban workers and rural peasant (Morrison 2004, Wiseman, 1990:119-120),

These power blocs alternate themselves in ruling Ghana starting with Nkrumah and his group at Independence Elections of 1956 till the 2008 presidential and parliamentary elections. Lindberg and Morrison 2008:3 observe: In 1966, a military government that generally reflected the Danquah-Busiast bloc displaced the Nkrumah-led CPP government. A civilian was elected in 1972 that brought Busia (and the Danquists) to power, whose short tenure was again interrupted by another military intervention. This military junta represented elements associated with Nkrumah and the were succeeded by an avowedly Nkrumahist civilian government in 1979. The involvement of the military in the alternation game to a large extend reveal not only the politicization of the army, but the ideological underpinning of the two power blocs. The socialist orientation of the Nkrumahs CPP and Jerry Rawlings National Democratic Congress (NDC) versus, the traditional liberal market oriented Danquah-Busia, United Nationalist Party and the fourth Republic New Patriotic Party (NPP).

Added to the ideological inclination is the ethnic fervor, as result of elections in Ghana also suggests historical Ashanti-Ewe cleavage, Ashantis supports Danquah-Busia as well as the New Patriotic Party (NPP), while the Dagombas and Ewes typically support the National Democratic Congress (NDC). The pattern of the elections in the same vein reflects ethnic contestation between the Ashantis and Ewes interest in Ghanaian politics (Ibid: 23) which generally leads to the speculation of ethnic block voting and proxy votes. Nevertheless, the most significant historical pattern is the kick the rascal out culture which reflects the orientation of evaluation in terms of introspective versus prospective voting: rewarding of a performing incumbent or voting for opposition based on the campaign promises and manifesto of the party and indeed the total punishment of the incumbent through rejection at the poll and absolute confidence in the opposition to deliver the most needed dividends of democracy. This explains the alternation of power between the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party between the founding elections of the fourth republic. The NDC was retrospectively rewarded in 1992 and 1996 and was kicked out in 2000 while the NPP was prospective trusted in 2000, retrospectively rewarded in 2004 and kicked out in 2008. This voting behaviour portrays Ghanaians as rational voters capable of using their votes to hold their leaders accountable in a transparent electoral contest.

Amoah (2009) also observes the politics of alliances as a recurring decimal in electoral process especially if an election proceeded to a second round, the incumbent suffers because opposition ganged up against it. This opposition gang-up was given credence in 2000 Presidential Election when Atta Mills lost in the second round and in 2008 Presidental Election when Akuffo Addo of NPP lost in similar situation to Atta Mills. The trend is facilitated by the large swing voters capable of subsuming ethno-regional and other primordial interests inherent in African politics and raising the premium on patriotism of an average Ghanaian. Besides, is the progressive improvement in the electoral process as noted by Zounmenoun (2009:4) five sets of Presidential and Parliamentary elections held subsequently. Two turnovers of the governing party and perceived advances (review of electoral laws and practices civic education, reinforced capacity of key electoral monitoring bodies including the judiciary each time in the quality of electoral process may as well confirmed political maturity of the elites and the electorates which translates into widespread acceptance of Elections results and reduction in the adjudication of electoral outcomes. As such, Ghanaians have considerable experience in negotiating their political interest (Lindberg and Morrison 2008:3), leading to the reduction of electoral related violence when compare with other countries in the sub-region. 3.4.2 Historical Pattern of Elections in Nigeria The regionalization Richard constitution 1946 as cited earlier on encouraged the emergence of ethno-regional based politics and political parties in Nigeria. The Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in the North, the Action Group (AG) in the West and the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroun/Citizen (NCNC) in the East. Strengthening the regional structure was the unbalanced and skewed Federation favouring Northern dominance, re-enforced by the neo-colonial political economy and non-autonomous of the Nigerian state which collectively compressed the elections into a predictable patterns.

Onuouha (2003), identifies the uniformity of transition elections and consolidation or second term elections in Nigeria and argues that all the elections in each category bear the same trade mark the transition elections are the 1959, 1979, 1999 June 12 1993 aborted general election had some unique features. The political actors were more cautions about the electoral rules, and had less opportunity to break the rules. The elections appeared less expensive, more orderly, freer, fairer and more credible. On the other hand, the Consolidation Elections of 1964, 1983 and 2003 feature the prevalence of thuggery, obstructionism, punitive control and rigging (Ibid) which leads to progressive decline in the acceptability of elections by political parties and the general public, as the 2007 state and federal elections declined even deeper and more precipitously than the 1964/65 (Jinadu, 2010, Okolie, 2010). Thus in Nigeria, transition elections are better organized and administered than the consolidation elections when the incumbent is also an interested party in the exercise. This overbearing posture of the incumbents in the consolidation elections generates ripples in the military intervention of 1966 and 1983 (Onuoha, 2003, Jinadu, 2010, Akinboye and Anifowose, 1999).

Reflection on ideology in the recurring pattern of election in Nigeria may confirm a straight fight between conservatives typied by NPC, NPN, NRC, NNDP, MDF, NNA etc and the progressives typied by AG, NCNC, NEPU, UMBC, UPGA, UPN, GNPP SDP (Ikelegbe, 2010). Incidentally the classification of the parties makes the conservatives victorious except for the aborted Third Republic when the SDP was the acclaimed winner. This of course, may be one of the reasons for it annulment; after all Onuoha (2003) have argued that though apparently neutral bodies the transitional authorities, the colonial masters, and the military, were interested parties in the outcome of elections. Hence the continuous domination of Nigerian conservatives which represent the Northern Interest and hegemony, a factor brought about by the skewed federal structural fabricated by the colonialist as stated earlier; concretized by the military rule, as Akinyemi (2007) succinctly asserts that the Nigerian Army between 1966 and 1999 could be seen as the political party protecting the interest of the North and indeed the conservatives: these interests and concerns were strongly demonstrated in the NPN (1979 and PDP 1999) electoral victories under military transition exercises (Onuoha, 2002: 331-336).

Expectedly, these variables highlighted above snowballed into endemic violence, loss of lives and properties as well as general states of insecurity and massive electoral fraud which has almost become acceptable norm in electoral process in the country. Ethnic block and proxy votes are so conventional that the 1993 Presidential Election, was perceived as abnormal since these variables were not noticeable and might have contributed to it annulment, hence, there had never been power turnover between the Ruling and Opposition in the Electoral History of Nigeria at Federal level, which makes the predictability of electoral outcome certain even by a lay man on the street, convulsing into the progressive rise in voters apathy and illegitimization of the Nigerian state and government by citizenry. 3.5 HISTORY OF ELECTIONS IN GHANA With the formation of Convention Peoples Party by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and the dwindling in the popularity of the conservative United Gold Coast Convention, Nkrumah emerged as the dominant political figure in Ghana from 1951 to 1966. The Legislative Election of 17 July 1956 leading to the Independence was won by Nkrumahs CPP, taking 71 out of the 104 seats in the Parliament, scoring 57.10% followed by Kofi Busias National Liberation Movement (NLM) with 20.89% although with 12 seats and Northern Peoples Party 10.39% amazingly with 15 seats. Thus, Nkrumahs CPP introduced the motion for Independence and remain the ruling party when it was granted on March 6, 1957.

On April 27, 1960 Ghana had a plebiscite alongside a Presidential Election to ratify the Republican Constitution under Unitary Government with a powerful President without a federal trait. This Elections had only Nkrumahs CPP and Dr. Danquahs UP as candidates and the winner was expected to pioneer the running of Ghana as a Republic as provided by the New Constitution. Expectedly Ghana voted for the Republican Constitution and its initiator, Dr. Nkrumah. The plebiscite had 1,008,740 yes votes (88.47%) and 131,425 No votes (11.53%) with the Nkrumah CPP garnering 1,016,076 (89.07%) (Ghana elections database), thus Nkrumah orchestrated the march towards political monolitheism with the Constitution Referendum of January 31, 1964 for the ratification of CPP as the Sole Legal Political Party and despotic presidency with the claim of 2,773920 (99.91%) of affirmative vote. Therefore, CPP Government organized the first single party elections, selecting the 198 candidates at central committee level without the actual election taking place on June 9, 1965 as schedule but declared them elected. This high-handedness and closure of political space among other factors led to the demise of the First Republic when the military struck in 1966.

Following the military stage-managed transition programme, the August 29, 1969 National Assembly election took place with the Progressive Party winning 105 seats (58.33%) and the closet rival National Alliance of Liberals (NAL) coming second with 29seats (30.891%). However the Presidential Election brought in Kofi Busia as the President, starting the alternation of Nkrumahist and Danquist tradition of power exchange in Ghanaian politics. However the civilian administration was short live as the military again struck in 1972, leading to about seven years of military dictatorship in Ghana, during which electoral politics was an aberration.

Another military fabricated transition to civil rule led to the June 18, 1979 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections contested by six political parties and independent candidates, under the watchful eyes of Flt Lt Jerry Rawlings who was the military Head of State.

The Presidential Election went into the first run-off Election in Ghanaian history. Hilla Limann of Peoples Nationalist Party (PNP) scored 631,559 (35.32%) and Victor Owusu of Popular Front Party (PFP) followed with, 533,928 (29.86%). Thus without any candidate garnering the required 50% + 1 vote as stipulated by the law, there was a run-off on July 9, 1979 where Hilla Limann of PNP emerged a winner with 1,118,305 (61.98%) and Owosu, PFP, 686, 097 votes (38.02%). In the Parliamentary Election, the PNP won 71 seats, while PFP had 42 seats, the remaining seats were shared by the four smaller parties and I independent candidate. This democratic experiment however lasted for about 23 months as another military take-over was witnessed in December 1981 due to legislative idiosyncrasy and economic down which turned public opinion against Limanns government (Carter Center 2009:8). Rawlings again emerged as architect of the coup and the Head of the Military Government which lasted over a decade.

International and local pressure forced Rawlings to initiated another transition to civil rule in the early 1990s (Zounmenoun, 2008:3). The ruling Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC) which Rawlings was the chairman set up the National Commission for Democracy, upon whose recommendations in May 1991, Rawlings government approved the restoration of a multiparty political system and created the Consultative Assembly to aid the transition to a Constitutional Republic (Carter Center, 2009:8). The government retained a ban on political party formation during the Consultative Assembly; Riedl (2010:14) to ensure that the process of constitutional deliberation was non partisan (Daily Graphic 1997). With the adoption of majority recommendations by the National Commission for Democracy by the Consultative Assembly, the constitution of the Fourth Republic was approved by National Referendum in April 1992 by 92 percents of votes cast, with voter turnout of 43.7 percent (Carter Center, 2009:8).

The government lifted ban on political party formation and development in June 1992 and made the registration of parties extremely rigorous, through The Political Parties Law of 1992 passed by the PNDC which in addition to party constitution and registration fee, calls for at least one founding member of the political party from each of the 160 districts within sixty days the party must provide evidence of the existence and location of national, regional and district offices in each locality (PNDC Political Party Law, 1992). These high barriers to entry forced th