the chinese civil war: the struggle of a nation
TRANSCRIPT
Torossian 1
Jérôme Torossian
Dr. Mark Allee
HIST 346B/01W
December 8, 2016
The Chinese Civil War: The Struggle of A Nation
From the nineteenth up to first half of the twentieth century, the Chinese people probably
faced one of the worse and most difficult periods of their national history. In fact, China in the
nineteenth century lost its regional strength due to its conflicts with Western powers as well as
the unequal treaties that were signed to the benefit of these nations. Those agreements humiliated
the Chinese as it made their country significantly weak, but also vulnerable to other imperialist
states. Consequently, they triggered the rise of both anti-Western and anti-imperialist sentiments
among the population. The Boxer Rebellion of 1900 is an example of this hate as it resulted in
widespread attacks on imperialists so to drive them out of China. However, the rebels were
quickly suppressed by foreign forces, which not only demonstrated the weakness of the Qing
Empire but also caused the growth of Chinese nationalism and anti-Manchu feelings. Thus, the
Qing dynasty was overthrown in 1912 after an armed uprising. This act represented the end and
the transition from an imperial system that had ruled China for over two thousand years to
another form of governance, a Republic. Yet, after the president of the Republic of China died in
1916, the whole country faced political chaos as it was divided between warlords and foreign
powers. Despite their different goals and ideologies, the communists and the nationalists could at
least agree that they needed to eliminate the warlords and the foreigners in order to reunify
China. In this essay, I will discuss the Chinese Civil War between the communists and the
nationalists as well as the consequences that this conflict resulted for both China and the
international arena.
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In order to be well informed about what led to the Chinese Civil War, an overview of the
events that occurred between the mid-nineteenth up to the first half of the twentieth century is
more than necessary. During the mid-nineteenth century, China was ruled by the Qing Empire, a
realm that is not only known to represent the last imperial dynasty of the nation but also to be
one of its greatest and largest empires. One of the main reasons why the Qing Empire ceased to
exist is the result of both external and internal problems. The Western imperialist powers
represented an external issue for the Chinese as their actions had weakened and humiliated
China. In fact, Opium represented a significant revenue for the British Empire, consequently,
opium imports in China had risen from 4,244 chests in 1820 to 40,200 in 1839.1 In addition, the
spread of opium had made around 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 Chinese people to fall under the
addiction of this commodity.2 The order by Emperor Daoguang to officially stop the opium trade
led to the First Opium War from 1839 to 1842.3 This war was the first clash with the West,
which not only resulted in a great defeat and humiliation for the Chinese, but also in the creation
of an unequal treaty that was completely disadvantageous for China. Indeed, the Treaty of
Nanjing gave Britain the ability to claim Chinese territories, to receive indemnity for the war,
and to open many Chinese ports.4 Eventually, other Western imperialist nations followed
Britain’s steps so to take advantage of China’s vulnerability. As the Qing Empire was now cut
into pieces, this new foreign presence led to the growth of domestic instabilities. Indeed, the
Taipings led by Hong Xiuquan made from 1850 to 1864 an uprising that successfully spread
throughout southern China.5 The rebellion was heavily defeated thanks to the involvement of
foreign as well as regional armies.6 Other kinds of groups, such as the Triads, the Nians, or the
Muslims, also increased the insecurity of the empire as they all had the potential to topple the
dynasty. Again, all of these groups were quickly suppressed by the armies involved. However,
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the foreign presence, the unequal treaties, and the rebellions all demonstrated the military and
technological backwardness of the dynasty. Thus, the Qing decided by the late nineteenth
century to learn from the West so to strengthen and modernize China, especially in the fields of
industry and defense. Many projects were directed by Li Hongzhang, such as the 1865 Jiangnan
Arsenal, the 1872 China Merchant Steamship Company, or the Fuzhou Navy Yard.7 Yet, the
Chinese were once again humiliated as their strengthening movement did not help to defeat both
the French and the Japanese armies. By making an unequal treaty with China, the Japanese
wanted to show the Western powers that their nation was as powerful as theirs. The 1895 treaty
with Japan forced China to cede even more territories like Taiwan, pay 200 million taels in war
indemnities, and open more city ports.8 Once the most influential civilization in Asia, the
Chinese were now in shock to witness the strength of the Japanese, and some became worried for
the future of their nation.9
By the twentieth century, China was in an ambiguous position where many individuals,
especially following the 1900 Boxer Rebellion, became nationalist revolutionaries who believed
that a Manchu dynasty needed to cease.10 Among such nationalists was a man known as Sun Yat-
sen whose conviction was to modernize China and to establish a republican form of
government.11 While he was in Tokyo in 1905, Sun Yat-sen founded the Alliance League, a
secret society that consisted of Chinese nationalists and who supported principles based on
nationalism, democracy and socialism.12 In 1908, the political weakness of the Qing Empire was
further destabilized after the death of both Emperor Guangxu and Cixi.13 On October 9, 1911, an
accidental bomb explosion in Hankou pushed for the Double Tenth Revolution, a revolt that
finally led to the collapse of the Qing Empire and the founding of the Republic of China on
January 1, 1912.14 Yuan Shikai was made the provisional president of the new republic on
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February 14, and Sun Yat-sen’s Alliance League was renamed Guomindang.15 Yuan Shikai
seemed powerful in controlling his domestic enemies, yet, what threatened his presidential
position were the international events.16 In fact, both China and Japan joined World War I on the
side of the Allies in the hope of controlling China’s eastern lands held by Germany. Being more
powerful, Japan took over the eastern provinces and issued China the 1915 Twenty-one
Demands. In these, the Japanese demanded China to acknowledge Japan’s supremacy by giving
up key rights and territories.17 As Yuan Shikai capitulated, his weakness provoked outrage and
violence all around China. Moreover, Yuan Shikai added fuel to the fire by declaring the
restoration of the imperial system with him as the new emperor.18 His death in 1916 left a weak
nation divided between provincial warlords.
The warlords represented one of the main reasons for the Chinese Civil War for the
reason that China was divided between provincial leaders who had complete authority over their
territories. In addition, the warlord era demonstrated a lack of unity in China, which angered
many individuals who advocated for a united and independent nation. The end of World War I
increased Chinese nationalism as the 1919 Versailles Treaty allowed Japan to keep the Shandong
province it had taken from Germany.19 Thus, a big nationalist movement occurred on May 4th,
1919 in reaction to the humiliation brought by the Versailles Treaty. As many feared for their
nation’s survival, a lot of Chinese began to study political theories so to find a way out to their
issues.20 This movement led two individuals, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao, to become convinced
that a rebellion like the 1917 Bolshevik revolution was needed in China.21 Indeed, the October
revolution provided a good example to the Chinese as it shown them how the Russians were able
to gain back the control of their country with political and social changes.22 Actually, the idea of
establishing a Chinese Communist Party was encouraged by the Soviet Union as Lenin created
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the Comintern in 1919 so to support socialist revolutions abroad.23 Comintern agents, such as
Voitinsky, Maring and Otto Braun, were key figures who taught and developed Marxism in
China.24 In July 1921, the Chinese Communist Party was officially established during its first
plenary meeting in Shanghai.25 Consequently, a third group was slowly emerging between the
warlords and the nationalists. However, the main question remained the same as who would be
the one that would restore the national unity of the country.26
In 1921, Comintern agent Maring met with Sun Yat-sen and suggested him a cooperation
between his nationalist group and the new communist party.27 This alliance between these two
revolutionary organizations seemed realistic as they both sought to reunify China by eliminating
the warlords and the imperialists.28 Although Sun disapproved a united front with the communist
party, he allowed communists to enter the Guomindang.29 In 1923, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao as
well as Mao Zedong joined the Guomindang while keeping their communist party
membership .30 Mao Zedong believed that a cooperation between the nationalists and the
communists was essential for the success of the national revolution. 31 Mao’s political career
within the nationalist party was actually a good push for his future as he once became the head of
the Peasant Training Center.32 Indeed, this position gave Mao the ability to establish a
revolutionary strategy to would later contribute to the defeat of the nationalists in 1949.33 He
argued at the Third Congress that the communist party needed to establish good relations with
the peasants because the peasantry represented 90% of China’s population.34 At the urging of
Mikhail Borodin, Sun Yat-sen agreed in 1923 to restructure his party along Leninist thoughts.35
One of the changes that were made was the revolutionary activities’ focus on urban areas of
China.36 In 1924, the Whampoa Military Academy opened its doors with Chiang Kai-shek as its
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first commandant.37 The goal in creating this school was to establish a revolutionary army similar
to the Soviet Red Army.
From 1924 up to 1927, a united front between the nationalists and the communists was
made so to reunify China. The union’s goal was made it clear in a popular song of the time: “Let
us overthrow the imperialist powers and eliminate the warlords.”38 With the support of Moscow,
the Guomindang armies under the directives of Chiang Kai-shek launched the Northern
Expedition from 1926 to 1928.39 Chiang Kai-shek and his nationalist leaders had established a
strategy that consisted of three armed assaults as well as a plan to enter into alliances with key
provincial warlords.40 The united front forces were able to defeat the warlords on the eastern and
northern provinces. These successes allowed them to control the cities of Wuhan and Shanghai
in the summer of 1927.41 However, Chiang Kai-shek was uncomfortable of allowing the
communists to grow within his organization. His position as a national leader as well as his new
alliances with warlords made him take a decision that would change forever the history of his
nation. In fact, as Chiang was seeking power for himself, he ordered on April 12, 1927, not only
a communist purge but also the annihilation of left-leaning Guomindang members in Shanghai.42
In total, Chiang Kai-shek’s military forces hunted down and killed approximately 5,000
communists along with their sympathizers.43 For safety reasons, Mao Zedong and his followers
decided to escape to the mountains of Western Jiangxi province so to establish their own base.
This massacre officially marked the beginning of what would be the twenty-two year long
Chinese Civil War.
In 1929, Mao Zedong began to put his thoughts of revolution into a well-planned
strategy.44 In fact, Mao Zedong made an investigation on the Hunan peasantry in 1927 and
became confident that the peasants were the most revolutionary group in China.45 Indeed, as the
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peasants represented 90% of the Chinese population, he decided to make them the epicenter of
his revolution. He not only understood that the peasants were tired of being oppressed by the
landlords and the local gentry, but he also observed that “political power is obtained from the
barrel of the gun.”46 In other words, the revolutionary success of the communists would be from
a victorious military conquest. Chiang Kai-shek often threatened the communists of an attack,
yet, his main goal at that time remained the pursue of his anti-warlord campaign.47 By the end of
1931, the Jiangxi Soviet had around 100,000 troops ready to fight the nationalists.48 However,
Mao Zedong was constantly fighting on two fronts, one was military while the other one was
political. He developed four key strategies and policies that would eventually lead the
communists to power. The first one was to make sure that the soldiers were fighting not only for
their leaders but also for their political ideologies.49 Secondly, it was important to establish a
union between the people and the Communist Party.50 For instance, unlike the Guomindang that
did not try to create a strong relationship with its masses, the Communist Party needed to build a
dialogue with its people so to learn their interests in order to turn them into policies. Mao really
wanted to show the people that he cared about them and that they could rely on his support. In
addition, there was a need to form a unity between the masses and the military forces.51 Once
again, this strategy was meant to differentiate the Communist Party and the Guomindang. Lastly,
Mao was well aware that the nationalists had a larger army, therefore, he came up with a guerilla
tactic: “when the enemy advances, we retreat; when the enemy camps, we harass; when the
enemy tires, we attack; when the enemy retreats, we pursue.”52 As the soldiers would be the
communists’ first point of contact with the peasants, Mao Zedong developed the Three Rules and
Eight Points of Behavior so to guide them on how to conduct with them.53 These strategies were
relatively important for the communists so maintain the trust and support of the people.
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However, the threats from the nationalists began to be more serious after Chiang Kai-
shek declared Nanjing has his capital and conquered large parts of China. In fact, what he wanted
now was to conduct his final purge against the communists. With around one million soldiers
and 400 planes at their disposal, the nationalists entirely blocked the Jiangxi Soviet by mid-
1934.54 This encirclement by the nationalists caused a general panic among the communists of
Jiangxi. Indeed, it was unthinkable for the communists to fight against the nationalists as they
were totally outnumbered and did not have as much as munitions as the Guomindang. Therefore,
the communists began to think deeply about an evacuation plan for about six months.55 The
southwest corner of the Guomindang military blockade was viewed as the nationalists’ weakest
position.56 Consequently, the communists’ breakout from Jiangxi occurred during the night of
October 16, 1934. This event marked the beginning of the Long March, a historic retreat in
which the communists travelled around 12,500 kilometers in 368 days.57 From the 90,000 people
who retreated, only 20,000 of them survived the march.58 For Mao Zedong, the Long March
represented the seeds of the revolution and demonstrated that “the Red Army is an army of
heroes.”59 Nevertheless, it is worth to mention that the Long March was also the source of myths
invented by Mao Zedong so that he could receive the status of China’s great savior. For instance,
Mao Zedong invented a heroic battle at the Dadu Bridge, which supposedly was on fire during
the fight.
By 1931, the Empire of Japan went further in its expansionist policy over China,
especially by taking over the province of Manchuria in the north.60 As Chiang Kai-shek was
preoccupied fighting the communists, the Japanese received little resistance from the
Guomindang and thus easily spread their influence.61 In late 1935, the Japanese not only
intensified their positions in northern China but also demanded the creation of a regional
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autonomous government ruled by pro-Japanese collaborators.62 Chiang Kai-shek became quickly
the target of heavy criticism after he agreed to Japan’s request.63 Although he just wanted to
avoid any conflict, his approval led to many anti-Japanese demonstrations similar to those from
1915.64 In fact, a Shanghai-based organization, the National Salvation Association, became an
important group for putting pressure on the government concerning its lack of action against the
Japanese.65 There were many protesters who were actually holding banners that said: “Stop the
Civil War, Unite Against the Enemy.”66 Such reaction proved well that the Chinese people were
as much against a divided China as against a Japanese invasion.67 Obviously, Mao Zedong took
the opportunity of this patriotism by declaring that the goal of the communists was to overthrow
Japanese colonialism and defend the Chinese nation.68 Once again, the communists made a
smarter move while the nationalists were seen as traitors who preferred to kill other Chinese
rather than saving the country. In order to drive the Japanese out of China, the communists
demanded Chiang Kai-shek to form another alliance between the two parties.69 However, Chiang
Kai-shek was firmly against a cooperation with his Chinese rivals even if it was to put the future
of China at stake. As a result, Chiang Kai-shek’s refusal led to the 1936 Xian Incident in which
he was kidnapped by Zhang Xueliang’s army, a Manchurian warlord.70 The nationalists clearly
did not appreciate this action and many were hesitating between responding militarily or
capitulating to the proposal.71 Evidently, Joseph Stalin supported the idea of a national union for
the reason that he feared the spread of Japanese forces near the Siberian border. At last, Chiang
Kai-shek was freed in December 1936 after giving his approval for a Second United Front.72 By
accepting the communists’ request, Chiang Kai-shek gave his consent to end the Guomindang’s
campaigns against the communists, to recognize the Communist Party as a legitimate party, and
to fight the Japanese along with communist forces.73 Basically, the communists could not be
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much happier for the Japanese invasion as Japan unintentionally saved them from an annihilation
by the nationalists.
In 1937, the Japanese Empire began to launch a full-scale invasion of its Chinese
neighbor. It is good to remember that Japan, like China, went through a self-strengthening
movement in its history. However, what distinguished these two countries’ achievements was
that Japan’s military modernization was far more successful than the one in China. Thus, the
strength of the Japanese army was beyond superior that of both the nationalists and the
communists. Indeed, within a year, the Japanese were able to defeat the Chinese forces as well as
to occupy eastern China and its important cities.74 One of the worst atrocities in twentieth-
century warfare happened in the capital city. In fact, Chiang Kai-shek pledged that Nanjing
would never fall in the hands of the invaders, however, the might of the Japanese proved him
wrong.75 The fall of Nanjing led to a barbarous slaughter known as the Rape of Nanjing from
mid-December 1937 to February 1938.76 This massacre cost the lives of thousands of innocent
civilians, who sadly experienced the worst death one can imagine.77 For instance, a significant
amount of Chinese were burned alive, decapitated, and sexually assaulted. Overall, the Sino-
Japanese war contained 23 battles in which the Guomindang was mostly present.78 The truth is
that Mao Zedong took the advantage that the nationalists were fighting the Japanese so to
strengthen both his political and military power.79 Mao Zedong was actually able to found an
army of about 1.3 million soldiers while Chiang Kai-shek’s forces were being weakened for
defending the nation. Ultimately, the great enemy of the communists was not Japan, but
obviously the nationalists.80 As a result, the communists were getting prepared so to finally
establish a Communist China.
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After Japan capitulated in 1945, the conflict between the nationalists and the communists
restarted. Evidently, the Guomindang was so weakened by the war against Japan that it could not
stop the advance of the Communist Party. In June 1949, after losing the control of Shanghai and
Nanjing, Chiang Kai-shek began to realize that it would not be able to defeat the communists and
that he needed to “withdrew trusted troops and selected civilian personnel and their families to
Taiwan.”81 Once in Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek argued that his party was still the legitimate
government of China and that one day the nationalists would retake the mainland.82 On the other
hand, Mao declared Taiwan as part of Communist China and pledged to get it back.83 Therefore,
Chiang Kai-shek began to think about a survival plan for the Republic of China. One of his
priorities was to consolidate his power over the island, especially by driving out communists and
their sympathizers.84 Moreover, he made sure that the nationalists were always ready to fight so
to resist any potential invasions from the communists.85 Nevertheless, on October 1st, 1949, Mao
Zedong declared that the people have stood up and finally proclaimed the founding of the
People’s Republic of China.86
Ultimately, the goal in this long struggle between the communists and the nationalists
held a common future for China. Indeed, both of these parties sought to establish a unified and
independent nation free from provincial warlords and foreign imperialists. Their aim was
eventually proven during the First United Front when they both collaborated in order to liberate
their country. However, such union did not repeat during the Second United Front against the
Japanese empire. In fact, while the nationalists were concentrating on fighting the Japanese, the
communists instead took this advantage so to plan their future victorious conquest. Obviously,
once Japan capitulated in 1945 and the civil war renewed, Chiang Kai-shek and his troops were
so weakened that they had no choice but to escape to the island of Taiwan. Since 1949, the
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Chinese Communist Party firmly holds mainland China, and still today tensions remain high
between Beijing and Taipei. Interestingly, both governments argue that they represent the
legitimate China, however, the People’s Republic of China is mostly recognized worldwide as
such. In addition, Taiwan evidently represents a hot topic for Beijing, therefore, many nations
around the world refuse to engage in diplomatic relations with the island so not to lose the
interests they might have with China. Finally, is there a brighter future for China and Taiwan?
Time will tell.
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1 Zheng, Yangwen. The Social Life of Opium in China, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 71.2 Ibid., 155.3 Ibid., 157.4 Wakeman, Frederic, “The Canton Trade and the Opium War” in Denis Twitchett and John Fairbank, editors, The Cambridge History of China: Volume 10, Late Ch’ing 1800-1911, Part 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 212.5 Spence, Jonathan. The Search for Modern China, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013), 168.6 Ibid., 174-175.7 Elman, Benjamin. Naval Warfare and the Refraction of China’s Self-Strengthening Reforms into Scientific and Technological Failure, 1865-1895, (Cambridge University Press, 2004), 290-296.8 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 215.9 Ibid., 222.10 Hatano, Yoshiro. “The New Armies” in Mary Clabaugh Wright, editors, China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913., (London: Yale University Press, 1968), 365.11 Lynch, Michael. Mao. (New York: Routledge, 2004), 13.12 Ibid., 13.13 Ibid., 14.14 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 249-253.15 Ibid., 264-265.16 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 17.17 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 271.18 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 18.19 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 40.20 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 258.21 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 40-42.22 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, (Singapore: Longman, 1998), 21.23 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 295.24 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 22.25 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 41-42.26 Ibid., 33-34.27 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 41-42.28 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 51.29 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 302.30 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 51.31 Ibid., 52.32 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 24.33 Ibid., 24.34 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 52.35 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 45.36 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 53.37 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 307.38 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 54.39 Ibid., 60.40 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 312-313.41 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 60.42 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 66.43 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 63.44 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 66.45 Mao, Zedong, “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” in Marxists.org, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung: Vol.I. Marxists Internet Archive, accessed December 1, 2016. 46 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 64.47 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 88.48 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 30.49 Ibid., 27-28.50 Ibid., 28.51 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 28.52 Ibid., 29.
53 Ibid., 28.54 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 84.55 Ibid., 85.56 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 376.57 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 30.58 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 86.59 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 32.60 Ibid., 32.61 Ibid., 32.62 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99. 63 Fenby, Jonathan. Chiang Kai Shek: China’s Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost, (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2003), 275.64 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99.65 Fenby, Jonathan. Chiang Kai Shek, 275.66 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99.67 Ibid., 99.68 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 32.69 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 384.70 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 100-102.71 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 385.72 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 103.73 Ibid., 103.74 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 391.75 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 151.76 Ibid., 151.77 Ibid., 152.78 Keck, Zachary. The CCP Didn’t Fight Imperial Japan; the KMT Did, (Thediplomat, 2014). 79 De Jaegher, Raymond ; Kuhn, Irene. The Enemy Within, (Garden City: Doubleday & Company, 1952), 73-98.80 De Jaegher, Raymond ; Kuhn, Irene. The Enemy Within, 83.81 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 403.82 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 103.83 Ibid., 103.84 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 411-412.85 Ibid., 412.86 Ibid., 416.