World Affairs Institute

The Evolution of World PeaceAuthor(s): LEVI T. PENNINGTONSource: The Advocate of Peace (1894-1920), Vol. 71, No. 8 (AUGUST and SEPTEMBER, 1909), pp.187-189Published by: World Affairs InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20665782 .

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1909. THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 187

criminal, a perversion of humanity, in such cases. No

higher ideal can be appealed to for the killing of those with whom we cooperate for the ideals of humanity.

The older pacifism was purely negative in character. It looked upon war as an evil being to be combated

directly. Yet war is only the symptom of a general condition in which too great emphasis is still laid upon local interests. It is evident that the only effective

manner to remove the conditions to which the occurrence of war is due lies in the building up of an international consciousness ; but such a consciousness cannot be arrived at out of nothing

? there must be back of it a develop ment of a real unity of interest and feeling. We must realize our interdependence in practical affairs. It is

through the creation of international organizations for all the interests of human life that a positive content of the

feeling of a common humanity is being provided. The incentive to war will become weaker and weaker as the bonds of community between nations increase, such as are provided by communication agencies, by economic and industrial ties or by scientific cooperation. How

intolerably painful will be the ruthless interruption of all such relations and activities ! There are only two alter natives, either the ties which are thus being created will in time become so strong that no nation will think of

interrupting them by war, or, should war continue, these relations will have to be exempted from its operations. Such an exemption would tend to confine the sufferings and dangers of war more and more, and would thus be in accord with the dictates of humanity.

Universal cooperation is a future ideal. The world is full of conditions and activities in which nations are not

self-sufficing, in which we instinctively look beyond the boundaries of the national state. The nation that would be independent in isolation will condemn itself to be a Venezuela, will cut itself and its citizens off from the

advantages of civilization to which all human beings are entitled. By realizing its interdependence with the other civilized nations of the world, it will only strengthen itself as does the individual who plunges with full energy into the life of his society, being stimulated thereby and hav

ing all his faculties developed. The great fact that the world is a unit rests upon the underlying conditions of modern invention and science which the dictum of no national government can destroy. International coopera tion points the only way in which humanity may continue to develop without wasting its energy and ultimately falling prey to triumphant militarism. Between such alternatives it is not difficult to choose, but it is difficult to believe that humanity should be so perverse and mis

guided as to prefer the waste and suffering of military competition to the joy of normal activity

? the develop ment of all that is great and strong through international

cooperation. On the one hand lies barbarism, on the other the hope of continued progress.

becomes the confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are discarded, and into the Limbo of worse than worthless things is passing the

system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the philanthropist, the statesman and the Christian. That dream is becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an accomplished fact.

There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every difference. Might made right, so it was

thought, and the winner in any controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm or the thickest skull. Man's inter-relationships multiplied as humanity advanced ; with each new relation came new causes for

quarrel; and for a time advancing civilization brought but an increase in murders and assassinations.

We know the process by which personal combat ceased : how the duel replaced murder and ambush and assassina tion ; how courts of law replaced the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should be no more ; the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the duel of men ; the constructive statesman of that early day instituted courts of law and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it was their quarrel and they alone could settle it ; but reason saw that two combatants in flamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see where

justice lies. Many held that where honor is involved, ho one can adjust the difficulty but those most directly con

cerned; but reason saw that a man's honor cannot be vin dicated by killing his enemy or being killed by him. Men said," If personal combat is abolished,courage and strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that per sonal combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the

highest type of courage ; but that there are opportunities enough for the exercise of the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive forever. It was

finally urged that there would be no power to enforce the decree, if personal differences were left to the adju dication of others ; but reason said,

" That power will come with the need for it." And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity ; laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one man wronged another that wrong was settled in court, by the power of the whole people, and not in personal com bat with the bludgeon or the knife.

For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased ; and face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the world to-day. Though hu

manity has been slow to see it, the truth has begun to dawn in the hearts of men, that international wars are no more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare or

personal combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of

right is overcoming the inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful truths concern

ing war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness and consciences of men. The mighty power of fact is

beating down the opposition to world peace. Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the un

believable wastefulness of actual war and the preparation for possible war. When we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has cost $111,000, 000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth,

The Evolution of World Peace. by levi t. pennington, earlham college, rich

mond, ind.

[This oration won first prize in the Intercollegiate Peace Association Contest held at the University of Chicago, May 4, at the time of the second National Peace Congress. It is

published as a sample of what young men in the universities and colleges are thinking and writing.? Ed.]

In the progress of the world, the dream of yesterday

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188 THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. August and September,

the figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot con ceive them, and they lose their force. When we remem ber that two-thirds of the national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the cost of a

single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and

buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the

figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would build a home for an American

family, a comfortable home costing $1,700, the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford to go to war nor prepare for war.

But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The price of war can never be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the payment of the price of war, you must go to the place of war.

With all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to staunch the wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he knows not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the

booming roar of the cannonade, the clash of the on

slaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the groans of the

dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast

your eyes on the mangled forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the night after the battle, and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the

moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the cost of war.

And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes, and see the broken hearts that war has made ; could we go to the alms-houses and soldiers' orphans' homes, and see widows and children by the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or na

tion, because war has robbed them of their rightful pro tectors; could we but realize the agony of the broken home, a thousand-fold worse than the agony of the battle field,

? then might we know more of the real cost of war. And still our idea would be inadequate, though we

realized the full measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a thing to be disregarded, human

slaughter an honorable profession. The war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems

preferable to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by his own will. Justice is de throned, and revenge takes up the iron scepter and lets

fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to the publisher, but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible interest in

the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the pul pit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation that war

always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for war.

But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war is far too high in money and in men, in

suffering and sacrifice, and in those higher values of jus tice and kindliness and love. And as the thought once

grew that personal differences might be settled without

personal combat, so men are looking toward the settle ment of international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still greater force, against the duel of nations. And the world has moved farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become not the dream of the poet, but the confident hope of the world, whose realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of this

generation. One by one the obstacles to world peace are being

broken down. Commerce has destroyed much of inter national prejudice. Community of interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical argu ments of the friends of war are being answered by the

logic of hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has taken place between the United States and Canada, be tween Chile and Argentina. Norway and Sweden have

separated peaceably. Bulgaria has achieved her inde

pendence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank inci dent, which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced tremendously the prog ress of international amity. Over eighty arbitration trea ties are now in force. We already have a permanent high court of nations, to which are being referred ques tions that would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of last century dared hope to "the parliament of man, the federation of the world."

But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than for all educa tional purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong, and morally unjustifiable. And still the prepara tion for war goes on, and unless conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what

they have already admitted is right and just and expedient. As we have led in other days, so must America lead

to-day. As the light of republican government and

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1909. THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 189

complete justice to the individual first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the

United States will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world peace. We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the

storm-centres of the world. We have no foes within that demand a large standing army, and there are no enemies without that are anxious to try conclusions with us on land or sea. Then away with war talk and war scares and "

jingoism." In time of peace let us prepare for peace, that all the world may enjoy peace. Ameri can disarmament will be a tremendous stride toward the

accomplishment of the world's desire ? the cessation of international warfare ; a great world's court, to settle all international differences ; an international police force to

give effect to the decrees of this court ; and the end of the burdens of armies and navies under which the whole world is groaning. Let heart and voice and pen, pulpit and press and platform, soldier and statesman and private citizen ask for peace, and not for war.

This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be abolished. But international war fare has already seen the handwriting on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be for ever nor for long. Let us hasten the day when the roll ing war drum will be hushed forever, the bugle-note no

longer call to carnage; when "nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any

more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the nations that have all these centu ries bowed before the god of war shall own eternal

allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And " of the increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end."

7. Remember that the race in armaments involves not only crushing financial burdens and consequent grave neglect of social legislation, but a perpetual restlessness and suspicion which paralyze economic enterprise, en

gender bitter feelings and precipitate war. 8. Remember how many wars have proved unjusti

fiable, how frequently might has triumphed over right. 9. Remember that sensational foreign news is gen

erally based on irresponsible rumor. 10. Remember that militarism feeds the spirit of

violence and creates powerful anti-social interests. 11. Remember the horrors of a campaign and the

harvest of hatred and misery it leaves behind, and ask

yourself whether it is not criminal to let passion, igno rance and self-interest decide the issue of peace or war.

12. Remember your responsibility, and labor at all times for a good understanding between nations, espe cially if you are a politician, journalist or preacher.

Hars fi?st Die! by lyman r. bayard.

Up the Olympian height proclaims a great and bitter cry To startled gods, that Mars is not immortal, and must die !

For so the mighty Fates have willed; though still the thread they ply,

The shears are ready-lifted now, and surely Mars must die !

No more shall myriad hate filled men his murder ranks supply, Nor give their flesh to feed his life, for guilty Mars must die !

Prepare a monstrous funeral-pyre?great cities, flaming high? Libations pour of bitter tears and blood, for Mars must diel

Behold the mourning cavalcade of warriors passing by ! Robbers and kings and captains grieve that mighty Mars must

die! Hark to his fitting funeral song resounding fierce and high

?

Wild battle cries and oaths and shrieks and moans ? for Mars must die !

But all earth's brothermen unite in one harmonious cry Of joy supreme, that war at last shall end, for Mars must die!

Elgin, III. ? From the Independent, June 24.

A Plea for Calm Reflection in Inter national Affairs.

Issued by the International Union of Ethical Societies,

1. Remember that reason and justice alone decide the merits of a case, be it in personal, social, or political

matters.

2. Remember that when passion rules, each disputant is easily convinced of the other's guilt and rea*dily be lieves all manner of evil about him.

3. Remember that all nations are naturally impressed with their own peculiar genius, and that we respect a

people when we have entered into its life and thought. 4. Remember that no nation should be judge in its

own cause ; for self-interest, anger and fear distort and pervert truth.

5. Remember that, since ours is now an industrial civilization and friendly international relations are of vital importance, the time is fully ripe for arbitration to super sede war.

6. Remember to press upon the government the urgency of concluding pacific treaties, and of regarding the Hague Tribunal as the court to which all serious international disputes are to be submitted.

The Fifth British National Peace Congress.

Condensed from the Herald of Peace,

The fifth National Congress of the British peace workers was held at Cardiff June 29 and 30. Sir William Collins, M. P., presided.

On the preceding Saturday and Sunday various meet

ings were held in the churches and elsewhere. Among the speakers at these preliminary meetings were Dr. W. Evans Darby, secretary of the Peace Society, Mr. J. F. Green, secretary of the International Arbitration and Peace Association, Rev. F. W. Aubrey, Mr. R. Edward James, Professor MacKenzie and Rev. W. Cadwalader

Parry. On Monday evening, June 28, the delegates were

given a reception by the local committee in the Assem

bly Room of the City Hall. The welcome to Cardiff was extended by the Lord Bishop of Llandaff, who said that since peace and war were often decided by public opinion, it was therefore important that every effort should be made to cultivate a sound, healthy opinion. Nations should learn to understand each other. Mis

understanding was almost invariably the cause of war.

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