Board of Trustees, Boston University

The Horn of Africa: From War to Peace by Paul B. HenzeReview by: Zbigniew A. KonczackiThe International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1 (1992), pp. 198-200Published by: Boston University African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/220186 .

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198 BOOK REVIEWS 198 BOOK REVIEWS

such as De Klerk, have taken the party in new directions. But as the old system collapses will fearful whites turn to the pro-apartheid Conservative Party? Opinion polls and some special election results show De Klerk losing substantial white support. Among Afrikaners a new, violent, right is on the march. An IRA-style terrorist campaign by such extremists becomes a strong possibility, if not already a reality, even if most South African whites would balk at armed insurrection. While not engaging in "Boer-bashing," Furlong points out the historical baggage that the National Party carries as it begins the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) - as well as presenting an historical precedent that cannot be ignored.

RICHARD A VOELTZ

Cameron University

THE HORN OF AFRICA: FROM WAR TO PEACE. By Paul B. Henze. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. xii, 248; 16 plates; 6 maps. $45.00.

In the words of the author this book has not been written for specialists on individual countries of the Horn but rather for "the general reader," and in particular for the officials and journalists seeking background information, foreigners who lived in the region and continue to be interested in it, and people in and from the region who long for the return of peace and progress (p. ix).

The book consists of three distinct parts. The first deals with the history of the region, from the ancient times to the nineteenth century. The author extends the geographical concept of the Horn of Africa from the easternmost triangle of the continent, resembling a rhinoceros's horn to the geopolitically more comprehensive complex of the territories of Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, and the Republic of Djibouti. The sections on the American and Russian penetration of the region extend the narrative well beyond World War II. This highly informative historical introduction relies mainly on secondary sources.

The second part of the book encompasses the period of dramatic political change. It recounts the coming of the "unenlightened" despotisms, militarization largely supported by the Soviet Union, with the ensuing wars, guerilla warfare, and finally the degeneration of the pseudo-Marxist governments into oppressive, cruel, clumsy, and corrupted ruling elites. This part is richly illustrated with statistics taken mostly from the seldom-used annual statistical handbooks of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). The manuscript of the book must have been completed prior to the demise respectively of Siad Barre in Somalia and

such as De Klerk, have taken the party in new directions. But as the old system collapses will fearful whites turn to the pro-apartheid Conservative Party? Opinion polls and some special election results show De Klerk losing substantial white support. Among Afrikaners a new, violent, right is on the march. An IRA-style terrorist campaign by such extremists becomes a strong possibility, if not already a reality, even if most South African whites would balk at armed insurrection. While not engaging in "Boer-bashing," Furlong points out the historical baggage that the National Party carries as it begins the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) - as well as presenting an historical precedent that cannot be ignored.

RICHARD A VOELTZ

Cameron University

THE HORN OF AFRICA: FROM WAR TO PEACE. By Paul B. Henze. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. xii, 248; 16 plates; 6 maps. $45.00.

In the words of the author this book has not been written for specialists on individual countries of the Horn but rather for "the general reader," and in particular for the officials and journalists seeking background information, foreigners who lived in the region and continue to be interested in it, and people in and from the region who long for the return of peace and progress (p. ix).

The book consists of three distinct parts. The first deals with the history of the region, from the ancient times to the nineteenth century. The author extends the geographical concept of the Horn of Africa from the easternmost triangle of the continent, resembling a rhinoceros's horn to the geopolitically more comprehensive complex of the territories of Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, and the Republic of Djibouti. The sections on the American and Russian penetration of the region extend the narrative well beyond World War II. This highly informative historical introduction relies mainly on secondary sources.

The second part of the book encompasses the period of dramatic political change. It recounts the coming of the "unenlightened" despotisms, militarization largely supported by the Soviet Union, with the ensuing wars, guerilla warfare, and finally the degeneration of the pseudo-Marxist governments into oppressive, cruel, clumsy, and corrupted ruling elites. This part is richly illustrated with statistics taken mostly from the seldom-used annual statistical handbooks of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). The manuscript of the book must have been completed prior to the demise respectively of Siad Barre in Somalia and

This content downloaded from 169.229.32.138 on Fri, 9 May 2014 12:15:41 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BOOK REVIEWS 199

Mengistu Haile Mariam in Ethiopia, as the narrative stops short of these dramatic events.

The third part, entitled "Restoring Peace and Progress," suggests implicitly that the author must have had already some premonition that the days of the two dictators were numbered.

Some of the author's views were formulated during his stays in the Horn of Africa, between 1962 and 1968, and then again between 1969 and 1972, when he was the first secretary and political counsellor at the American Embassy in Addis Ababa. Henze's account of the downfall of Haile Selassie is incomplete in the light of other sources which, among other things, mentioned the Emperor's rapidly progressing senility, his growing inability to rule, and his failure to broaden and democratize the system of government.1

In the last part of the book the author's suggestions for reform play a prominent role. He sees federalism as necessary for the normalization of life and a remedy for ending the senseless manslaughter and anarchy. According to him, federalism is inevitable because on the one hand "it is clear from the history of the past decade that no government in Khartoum can impose its will on the southern Sudan; no government in Addis Ababa can subdue Eritrea or Tigre by force; no government in Mogadishu can compel the inhabitants of northern Somalia to follow its dictates," but on the other, the alienated regions and ethnic groups "will improve their own position by remaining part of the larger country.. ." (p. 174).

In a nutshell this is the rationale that must convince the new country leaders to concede autonomy to disaffected regions for which it will become a condition sine qua non for survival. The danger lies in underestimating the amount of harm that has already been done. In the opinion of the reviewer a more convincing solution to this vexed problem could be found in granting independence to a region, or an ethnic group, in the hope that eventually it will find its own way towards a voluntary, and mutually beneficial, federation. Unfortunately, it does not seem that this idea has penetrated the minds of the power thirsty, stubborn and rapacious politicians, who still form the pitiful rearguard of old imperialisms, whether white or red. In this respect, the present world panorama does not augur well and it may take a few generations and many lost opportunities before things turn out that way.

On the whole, Henze's approach is largely in terms of political history and while a reader may have desired to find more information on other aspects of life, this would have been hardly possible in a book of this size. Yet, whenever the author touches upon such aspects, his observations and suggestions are usually apt and constructive. For instance, this is true when he warns against the continuation

1 See for instance: John H. Spencer, Ethiopia at Bay: A Personal Account of the Haile Selassie Years. (Algonac, Michigan, 1984), 326-47.

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200 BOOK REVIEWS 200 BOOK REVIEWS

of some misguided and oppressive measures in agriculture and, in particular, against forced villagization and nomad settlement projects. If nomads are unwilling to settle, they should be permitted to return to their previous mode of life (p. 176). For many years, the present reviewer warned against forced settlement of nomads and grandiose agricultural projects which, by disregarding the climate and the way of life adapted to it, proved economically wasteful and, in many cases, infringed upon human rights.2

Considering the kind of readership the author had in mind, this book serves its purpose well and will be of considerable assistance to those who wish to follow the new situation as it currently develops in the Horn of Africa.

ZBIGNIEW A. KONCZACKI

Dalhousie University

HOPE FOR SOUTH AFRICA? By L.H. Gann and Peter Duignan. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. 1991. Pp. xii, 225. $9.95, paper.

Hope for South Africa? undoubtedly began as an up-dated version of the authors' 1978 brief in support of the ruling National Party entitled South Africa: War, Revolution, or Peace? 1 F.W. de Klerk's actions of 1989-1990, however, evidently forced them to make hurried alterations which, from the standpoint of a unified argument, are unsuccessful. What results is an combination of analysis from the 1978 work, some reproduced nearly verbatim, scotch-taped to attempts to assess changes in South African and world politics in 1989-1990.

Gann and Duignan usually append a phrase such as "assuming negotiations between Pretoria and the ANC fail," to their 1978 arguments. These arguments, while having the appearance of being based on realistic analysis, are so ideologically skewed towards the whites that one must believe that they were intended for people who know little about South Africa, or are meant largely to bait people like this reviewer. Nonetheless, I'll bite, though it is difficult to know which of the book's questionable assertions to highlight.

2 Z.A. Konczacki, The Economics of Pastoralism: A Case Study of Sub-Saharan Africa. (London, 1978), passim.

1 See my review in this journal, vol. 12 (1979), 716-720.

of some misguided and oppressive measures in agriculture and, in particular, against forced villagization and nomad settlement projects. If nomads are unwilling to settle, they should be permitted to return to their previous mode of life (p. 176). For many years, the present reviewer warned against forced settlement of nomads and grandiose agricultural projects which, by disregarding the climate and the way of life adapted to it, proved economically wasteful and, in many cases, infringed upon human rights.2

Considering the kind of readership the author had in mind, this book serves its purpose well and will be of considerable assistance to those who wish to follow the new situation as it currently develops in the Horn of Africa.

ZBIGNIEW A. KONCZACKI

Dalhousie University

HOPE FOR SOUTH AFRICA? By L.H. Gann and Peter Duignan. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. 1991. Pp. xii, 225. $9.95, paper.

Hope for South Africa? undoubtedly began as an up-dated version of the authors' 1978 brief in support of the ruling National Party entitled South Africa: War, Revolution, or Peace? 1 F.W. de Klerk's actions of 1989-1990, however, evidently forced them to make hurried alterations which, from the standpoint of a unified argument, are unsuccessful. What results is an combination of analysis from the 1978 work, some reproduced nearly verbatim, scotch-taped to attempts to assess changes in South African and world politics in 1989-1990.

Gann and Duignan usually append a phrase such as "assuming negotiations between Pretoria and the ANC fail," to their 1978 arguments. These arguments, while having the appearance of being based on realistic analysis, are so ideologically skewed towards the whites that one must believe that they were intended for people who know little about South Africa, or are meant largely to bait people like this reviewer. Nonetheless, I'll bite, though it is difficult to know which of the book's questionable assertions to highlight.

2 Z.A. Konczacki, The Economics of Pastoralism: A Case Study of Sub-Saharan Africa. (London, 1978), passim.

1 See my review in this journal, vol. 12 (1979), 716-720.

This content downloaded from 169.229.32.138 on Fri, 9 May 2014 12:15:41 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions