CHAPTER ONEINTRODUTION

This work is principally on the traditional institution of the Koro Chiefdom in Kagarko Local Government Area of Kaduna State in Nigeria. This book is divided into four chapters. Chapter one is Introduction, it gives the background information about the book, the Koro and their emigrational trends, their settlement patterns and geographical spread in Nigeria, with particular reference to Kaduna State and Kagarko Local Government Area. Chapter two deals with the Koro Chiefdom, It relates the wishes of the Kaduna State Government with its intentions of establishing traditional institutions in the State and its achievements in that respect, its location and boundaries, population, land, tribes, traditional leadership and its struggles by politicians and the Koro Communities, ruling houses, chiefdom headquarters, districts and villages in the chiefdom. Chapter three is on the traditional institutions, stating the roles of the Ere-Koro, District Heads, Village Heads, Ward heads, Clan Heads, family Heads and how the Ere-Koro I and first District Heads were elected. Chapter four is on the traditions and cultures of the Koro. The book concludes with a comprehensive references and a subject index.

The Koro are indigenous to the territory extending from the former Kagarko District (now the Chiefdoms of Koro, Kagarko and Jere) of Kaduna State to the Zuba and Babban Kurmi in Abuja Division (now the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja). Meek (1931) states that the Koro race is generally identified with the Jukuns as the remnant of the great Kororofa tribe. Hassan and Shuaibu (1952), refer to the koro as the descendants of those kwararafa or Jukuns who conquered the whole of the Hausa land since the seventeenth century. Ruxton (1909) talked of them (the Koro) as the priestly caste, which headed the Jukun power that dominated the policies of Northern Nigeria between the eleventh and seventeenth century before the advent of Othman Danfodio in the seventeenth century. Gun and Conant (1960) stated that the Koro originated from Yamil, East of Mecca and migrated into Nigeria through Borno directions.

The Koro wars of conquest saw their settlements in most parts of Northern and the Middle Belt of Nigeria. Having scattered far and wide of the Northern and Middle Belt of Nigeria, they are at present found in states such as Kano, Taraba, Borno, Plateau, Nasarawa, Benue, Niger, Federal capital Territory, Abuja and Kaduna (Gojeh et al: 1998). They have been separated by geographical delimitation by successive Nigerian Governments in the past, especially, when there are creation of States, Local Government Areas, Districts and Village settlements. Some have virtually lost their identities through inter-marriages, wars, hunting, and other expeditions.

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In Kaduna State, the koro are found in Kagarko Local Government Area of Kaduna State in Nigeria. They can be found basically in the three Chiefdoms of the Local Government such as: the Koro, Kagarko and Jere Chiefdoms. However, they are predominantly settled in the Koro Chiefdom that constitutes the Districts of Dogonkurmi, Kubacha, Katugal, Kushe, Kenyi, Kurmin-Dangana, Aribi and Shadalafiya. Map1 shows the Kagarko Local Government Area with the Chiefdoms of Koro, Kagarko and Jere.MAP OF KAGARKO LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA SHOWING THE CHIEFDOMS OF KORO, KAGARKO AND JERE

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CHAPTER TWOTHE KORO CHIEFDOM

The agitation for the creation of additional Chiefdoms in many parts of Nigeria saw Kaduna State Government under the able leadership of Colonel Lawal Ja’afaru Isa in 1995 created four (4) additional Traditional Institutions, viz; Atyap, Bajju, Gwong and Sanga (now Numana) Chiefdoms. This singular action of Government received a wide praise within and outside Kaduna State. In further response to the yearnings of the people, the Administration of His Exellency, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi on 15th September 2000 created another twenty-one additional Chiefdoms in the State. These include: Adara, Ayu, Gbagyi, Fantswam, Godogodo, Ikulu, Jere, Kagarko, Kajuru, Kaninkon, Kauru, Koro, Rumana, Kurama, Lere, Ninzom, Nyenkpa, Piriga, Saminaka, Takad and Tsam (Chawai). Together with the six existing traditional rulership Institutions of Zazzau, Jema’a, Birnin Gwari, Kagoro, Maro’a and Jaba Chiefdoms, the total number of these traditional institutions in Kaduna State rose to thirty-one (31).

Kaduna State of Nigeria Government (2001) in their wisdom advanced the following reasons to support the creation of more traditional institutions, as:

1. To eliminate mutual suspicion and discontent often expressed by way of recurring ethnic or communal violence that is becoming a common feature in the society;

2. The need for peace, stability and development;3. The right to self determination as enshrined in the constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria;4. To serve as catalysts for mobilizing people towards communal and social

development programmes and fostering social understanding amongst them;

5. The realization that the existing traditional institutions in the State have to a large extent helped in maintaining peace and stability in the State as such institutions have proved to be effective rallying points for communities to freely express themselves and to pursue their common objectives; and

6. The increasing consciousness by communities, of the need to preserve and project their identities and historical linkages as ethnic groups’ struggling to attain their yearnings and aspirations.

LocationThe Koro Chiefdom being one of the Chiefdoms that were created in 2000 by His Exellency, the Executive Governor of Kaduna State, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi, is located at the extreme South-western part of Kaduna State. It is about 180 kilometers South of Kaduna State Capital. The River Gurara, which separates it from Kachia District, bound it on the north; to the East by Kachia and Jaba District;

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to the South are Nassarawa State and Federal Capital Territory, Abuja and to the West is Sabon Icce District in Jere Chiefdom. While to the North East is Plateau State.

BoundariesThe Koro Chiefdom boundaries have been formed in line with the Technical Committee on boundary adjustments of the traditional institutions in Kaduna State White Paper 2001. According to the Kaduna State White paper (2001), boundaries were adjusted in line with government position on technical Committee report set-up, other reasons include: constitutional provisions of executive council Committee and final deliberations and conclusions and decisions, land contiguity between areas which also serve as a criteria for consideration of requests for mergers from one Chiefdom to another, aspiration of the people including district, village and ward heads, religious leaders and elders, cultural similarities and affiliations, historical antecedents, cultural or administrative convenience for an area to be passed to an inappropriate Chiefdom or emirate. For example, Sabon Icce, a Koro settlement in Jere Chiefdom was passed from Koro Chiefdom to Jere Chiefdom and Akoti to Kagarko Chiefdom due to proximity and as a District headquarter of Akote and above all, in the spirit of give and take and also for peaceful co-existence. Natural boundaries are defined by natural elements such as water bodies, streams, rivers and rock out-crops. Map of Koro Chiefdom showing District boundaries and major towns in the Chiefdom. In shape, the Koro Chiefdom is long and with an approximate land area of about 4,400 square kilometers.

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MAP OF KORO CHIEFDOM SHOWING DISTRICTS

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PopulationThe population in the Chiefdom is about five hundred and sixty-nine thousand one hundred and thirty-five (569,135) people as at 2004. This is based on a conservative estimated projection of 3% birth rate from the 1963 census. The 1963 census figures, formed the baseline for calculation because, the 1991 census was annulled by Census tribunal in a suit No. CT/KD/14/1 between the National Population Commission and the Governor of Kaduna State for the Kachia Local Government Area which comprised the now Kagarko Local Government Area and Koro Chiefdom respectively. Also the 1963 census did not cover all the villages in the proposed Koro Chiefdom, as such, the population projection was used (Koro memo to the Military Administrator of Kaduna State: 1994).

LandThe Koro Chiefdom is extremely hilly, the hills consisting chiefly of base granite, out-cropping (inselbergs) which occur all over the Chiefdom but highest in the South-eastern part. The soils are also red and brown in colour with occasional ironstone capping. It is exceptionally well watered. The rivers that contain water all the year are very large. The Chiefdom is divided up by an extensive network of streams, which form tributaries of some rivers like the Gurara, Tafa and Sosugun rivers.

The Koro Chiefdom lies within the Southern Guinea Savannah Ecological Zone. In the Southern part of the Chiefdom in particular, a feature of the country is the dense thick forests of large trees and undergrowth, often several square kilometers. Because of such features, some of the Koro villages are nicknamed “Dogon-Kurmi”. Particularly, most streams have dense tickets forest along their course.

The other parts of the Chiefdom except in the cultivated area near the villages are covered with thick bush. The Chiefdom is characterized by two distinct seasons – wet and dry – with each lasting for about six months.

TribesThe Koro Chiefdom is inhabited almost entirely by the Koro tribe with a few Gbagyis, Hausa/Fulani and Adara. The early chief was known by the traditional title “Areboku”. He was the administrative as well as the spiritual leader of the people. He was said to have ruled since the time of their settlement at the Kingdom called “Kagarko”. Archival records on the Koro of former Kagarko District in file “NASPROF NO. 2908/21” of the National Archive, Kaduna attests that the Koro, were the original settlers of this area and only been driven out or displaced by stranger settlers like the Hausa/Fulani. Other manuscripts in the same file from the National Achieve, Kaduna, further reveal that on the arrival of a Hausa/Fulani settler called Bubu, the District then was inhabited almost entirely by the Koro tribe and a

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few Gwaris. The traditional Koro title holder by the time Hausa/Fulani settlers migrated into Kagarko was one “Akoti”, a man of Bornu extraction as were all the natives of that town. In about 1841, Bubu, a Hausa/Fulani, arrived in the territory. He was now made the chief of Kagarko (Sarkin Musulmi) to rule the Hausa/Fulani settlers according to the Islamic injunction.

Before long, a quarrel arose between Bubu and Akoti’s people owing to the former having destroyed their pagan “Safi” houses and having erected mosques. The Koro also were forced to accept the Islamic faith. In protest, Akoti, the Koro pagan chief left Kagarko town and founded the town of the name “Akote”, some three kilometers to the east, leaving Bubu and the Hausa/Fulani at Kagarko town.

According to Gojeh, et al (1998), the first Chief of the Koro Kingdom in Kagarko was “Areboku” who ruled up to 1821. The authors could not ascertain when he started his rule. But Ali (a Koro but called Habe by the Hausa/Fulani) ruled from 1821, at his death, his son Akoti succeeded him until in approximately 1841 when Emir Abdulkarim made a Keffi Muslim Fulani who lived with the Koro in Kagarko and named “Bubu the Sarkin Muslimi (Chief of the Muslims) of Kagarko town. The title was a threat to the Koro, who saw themselves as indigenes. Why then, should their traditional institution be infringed by non-indigenes (the Hausa/Fulani)? The displaced Koro chief “Akoti” with the support of the Koro in 1846 asked Mohamman Sani the Emir of Keffi to give him back the District he had ruled up to the time of Bubu’s arrival in Kagarko town. Mohamman Sani agreed to this request and the Koro villages were divided equally between Bubu and Akoti who were both made responsible for the collection of the taxes of their units. On the one hand, the villages under Bubu’s rule were Katugal, Kutaho, Aribi, Kushe, Kukyer, Kuratam, Shadalafiya, Nkojo and lcce. While Akoti, ruled the villages that included Dogonkurmi, Kubacha, Kasabere, Kubere, and Kusam.

This arrangement appeared to have been in operative up to the times when Sir Frederick Lord Lugard transferred Kagarko District to Nasarawa Province in 1904. Mohamman Sani in 1846 was the Emir of Keffi and was also of the Koro stock from Bornu. During the period that Nasarawa was administering the Kagarko District, on account of the mal-practices of Chief Akoti, he was alienated from the Koro villages he had hitherto been the head of the two Districts, then ruled by Akoti and Bubu were merged together into one again in 1923 to form Kagarko District. This formed the genesis for the present three Chiefdoms in Kagarko Local Government Area. The Koro, Kagarko and Jere Chiefdoms and Kagarko Local Government Area evolved from the then Kagarko District.

According to the acting Secretary of Northern Nigeria in 1922 said, “the Koro were deprived of their political power owing to past mal-administration”. The Koro tribe

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is divided into village areas under principal chiefs in 1923; an arrangement which, though, it may be fairly satisfactory from an administrative point of view and in particular simplifies tax collection by enabling the District Head to deal with a lesser number of village chiefs. But the arrangement destroyed the Chiefdom system of rule of the Koro.

According to the memorandum from the Resident of Zaria province to the Secretary of Northern provinces in 1924 on the re-organization of Kagarko District, it said, “the Hausa/Fulani are cunning to set the Koro people against each other thereby making them hate the leadership of one of them”. This therefore, goes to attest how just the Government of Kaduna State on restoring traditional rule of the Koro that was lost in the 19th century due to mal-administration by the colonial administration of the indirect rule in Nigeria.

The District was re-transferred to Zaria Emirate under the rule of Makama Babba with the title “District Head”, a title that was given by the Emir of Zaria. The District was administered for the Emir of Zaria. Bubu was a Fulani of Yammagi from Katsina. He was a Herdsman who settled in Kagarko at the time of Emir Yamusa of Keffi who ruled Keffi Emirate between 1821 to 1834, while Abdulkarim ruled Keffi between 1834 to 1846.

Traditional/Political AdministrationIn the late 1950s and just before Nigeria’s independence, the Wakili system was introduced. It was representative/delegation of the Koro at the Zazzau Emirate Council in Zaria. The system of administration was granted to the Koro by the Zazzau Emirate Council, for ease of administration.

The Wakili contolled and administered the village areas known as Dakatai (village Heads) of Kushe, Kabara, Kubacha, Kusam, Katugal, Kenyi, Kukyer, Kurmin Dangana, Dogonkurmi, Aribi and Shadalafiya. These various Dakatais, there were other smaller villages with ward heads, called goras being controlled by the village heads and generally made up the entire Koro settlement of Kaduna State.

The traditional/political leadership of the Wakili system, calls for a dynamic and highly organized leadership as reasoned by the Koro political thoughts like- Late Bargo Giwa Katugal, Danbaki Najira Dogonkurmi, Adam Dogo Dogonkurmi, Alhassan Sugwe Dogonkurmi, Ali Katugal, Ibrahim Kogi Kubacha. Others include: Kadu Kenyi, Wakili Goje Kushe, Ahmadu Kabara, Auta Kudiri, Maiyanga Nkojo, Alkali Alu Kurmin Jibirin, Bature Gajere Shadalafiya, Gimba Ejen Gojeh Dogonkurmi, Audu Alkali Sabo Dogonkurmi and many others. These political thoughts struggled for Koro self-rule and the creation of more Districts in the former Kagarko District.

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The carving of Katugal and Jere Districts out of the Former Kagarko District left very many Koro villages in the then Kagarko District. Katugal District then was purely Koro. While Jere was a combination of Gwagyi, Koro and Hausa/Fulani.The Zango-Kataf Market riot of 1992, motivated the Koro to submit a memoranda to the Secretary to the Commission of Zango-Kataf (Market) Riots and Subsequent Riots Judicial Commission of Inquiry. The memoranda made observations on possible causes of riots and suggested the creation of Chiefdoms that would include the Koro Chiefdom.

The memo viewed the fact that sharp differences exist between the various communities as to tradition and custom, the entire former Kagarko District communities in Kaduna State, called for the a careful consideration as carving of chiefdoms so as to clearly provide for self-rule of the communities. It went further to say that it may not be practicable to carve a chiefdom for each community, However carving them for the major tribes based on a popular criterion-say population/history will enhance peaceful co-existence and rapport or interactions. Interrelating of the ethnic groups based on friendship or equality, will breed confident and love not to mention, mutual respect. But to do otherwise, will breed opposition and rebellion.

The memo went on to say that ‘’Our traditional institutions should not be scrapped; but a thorough review in the light of present day realities, is absolutely necessary. We are looking forward to the establishment of more Chiefdoms in view of the resent elevation of the present Chiefdoms to higher levels. Again, this will lead to self rule and faster development, this is the new world order, to de-colonize the various communities”.

After the Zangon-kataf (Market) riot of 1992, the Committee of the Kaduna State House of Assembly on local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs called for memoranda from the general public in respect of:

(a) Up grading of some District Heads to either 3rd class or 4th class Chiefs.(b) Review of salaries of District Heads.(c) Transfer of District Heads from their localities to another”

The people of former Kagarko District in 1992 through their Honourable member in the Kaduna state house of Assembly wrote a memoranda requesting for a Koro Chiefdom with their District Head then, (late Alhaji Suleiman Tanko) to be promoted to the status of a Third class Chieftaincy and the paramount Chief of the Chiefdom.

The agitation was presented in respect of all residents of former Kagarko District. The inter-marriages between the Koro and the Hausa/Fulani of Kagarko, along with

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the inter-mixture or adaptation of each others’ culture has brought about the communities accepting one another as brothers and sisters, except the wide distinction in religious affiliation that seems to put the two ethnic groups apart. This tendencies were manifested during the struggle for a Koro Chiefdom that was meant to serve for the former Kagarko District or former Districts of Kagarko, Jere and Katugal in Kagarko local Government Area. The struggle included personalities from Kagarko town and Jere town, who were representing their communities but suddenly changed their minds to look for Emirate Councils of Kagarko and Jere respectively.

In the year 1993, Late Hon. Philip Bayero invited two representatives each from the Koro villages in the former Kagarko District, to a meeting at Kaduna “for purposes of unity among the Koro people, to know one another, to assist him on his political representation of his constituency, to join the request for a Koro Chiefdom, especially, when he had been receiving support and encouragement from Messrs Nuhu Bargo, Luka L. Shadalafiya, Lawrence A. Gojeh and others too numerous to mention” (Minutes of Koro Community Club, Kaduna Branch of 16th November, 1993). The meeting resolved thus:

To reactivate the Koro community Development club, Kaduna Branch with its leadership. While meetings to hold monthly.

Write another memo for the creation or restoration of the Koro Kingdom or Chiefdom.

Prepare an election for new Exco of the Koro community Development Association, Kaduna Branch (see minutes of the Koro community meetings, Kaduna branch 16th November,1993,4/12/93,22/1/94,12/2/94, 12/3/94,and 12/5/94).

After the meeting, a protem Executive Committee was put in place to actualize the resolutions arrived at the meeting. The protem Chairman and Secretary were Mr. L.L. Shadalafiya and Mr. L.A. Gojeh respectively.

The Kaduna Branch of the Koro community Development Association from 1993 to 1999 served as the Central Koro Community Development Association. It was fully committed to the struggle for Koro self-rule by committing its resources both human, material and financial towards the struggle for a Koro Chiefdom. The following correspondences and contacts were made. 1. A memorandum submitted to the Military Administrator of Kaduna State on

the Restoration of the Koro Chiefdom submitted on 14th February , 1994.

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2. Submission to the Technical Committee on the Creation of New Chiefdom in Kaduna State at a parley held on 22nd December, 1995 at Kachia. The Technical Committee was headed by his Royal highness, The chief of Maroa Mal. Tagwai Sambo. The representative of Koro were:

i. Mr. L. L. Shadalafiya - Chairman ii. Wakili Giwa Goje -Member iii. Rev. Gaiya Najira - ,, iv. Ahmadu Dogari - ,, v. James Musa - ,, vi. Hon. Atama Gwari - ,, vii. Habakuk Kato - ,, viii. John Dikko - ,, ix. Jock Garkwa - ,, x. L .A. Gojeh - Secretary

The highlights of the presentation at the parley was on the name of the chiefdom, headquarter, nomenclature of the paramount chief, the traditional council, ruling houses, kingmakers boundaries of the chiefdom, creation of more districts and their compositions.

3. The struggle for Chiefdoms did not rest with the Koro alone but other bodies

like the Southern Kaduna People’s Union were fully committed to self rule. In one of the President’s presentation by Afuwai (1995) to the Military Administrator of Kaduna State, stated that “lack of cultural independence and self determination for our people, owing to the administrative arrangement that placed the majority or our people under the suzerainty of the two Emirates (Zazzau and Kafanchan) in the state. We requested you to kindly solve some of the problems aforesaid, by creating chiefdoms for our people”.

4. When the Military Administrator answered the call by creating Atyap, Bajju, Gwong and Sanga (Numana), Afuwai (1995) in his praise to the Governor said “we are happy that God Almighty gave you the wisdom and the courage to do so. We received with jubilation, the news of the creation of new chiefdoms and Traditional Councils in our area. By this singular act you have made history, you have kindled a ray of hope in the hearts of the oppressed, you have mourned with the mourners and have raised the down trodden. You have uplifted the spirit of many of our people and have made them to renew their faith in Nigeria as a country; in which we hope communities will co-exist in harmony, with mutual respect for one another, in freedom and in unity. It is by giving all her peoples’ freedom, dignity and equality that Nigeria could truly become a nation. By exhibiting such an act of nation

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building you have demonstrated that you are indeed an officer and a gentlemen. This singular contribution to the socio-political reconstruction and rebirth of southern Kaduna would ever be remembered by our people”. He want further to say that “ I am aware that some communities who equally deserve to have their own chiefdoms have not been so lucky. I urge you not to be tired, of striving to emancipate the people”.

5. The plight did not end there, the Koro in the same year 1995, wrote another memo drawing the attention of government to the importance of traditional institution which they said that, “history has shown that traditional institutions, where they exist, have galvanized the people into changing their lives qualitatively and qualitatively, by creating a Koro Chiefdom, the uncontested reason for NEO-COLONIALISM will be stamped out of our community”. Other reasons will include administrative uniqueness of the people, thereby enhancing peaceful co-existence; self-rule, self-reliance and self-sufficiency for socio-economic development”.

6. After the death of the District head of Kagarko Alhaji Suleiman Tanko in July 1996, who has been a Hausa/Falani from in Katsina but had lived in Kagarko since the 1940s, saw the turbanning of another Hausa/Fulani as the District Head of Kagarko by His Royal Highness the Emir of Zazzau against the Koro’s interest. They have been eyeing the throne. This did not go down well with the Koro who indicated that the position should not be hereditary. In their congratulatory message to the Military Administrator (Lt. Col. Hameed I. Ali) of Kaduna State in 1996 highlighted two meetings that were held with His Royal Highness the (23rd July, 1996 and 25th Nov.1996) Emir of Zazzau and his Council on the appointment of the District Head of Kagarko who should be a Koro. The letter went further to say that his Royal Highness decided to make Kagarko District Headship hereditary, an attempt to deprive the Koro indigene from ascending to the throne. In the former Kagarko District majority of the people were Koro.

7. In another reminder letter to the Emir of Zazzau on the struggle Koro District headship of the former Kagarko District, to be ruled by Koro was written and titled appointment of District Head of Kagarko By the National Association of Koro Communities Kagarko District Branch office in 1996 to His Royal Highness stating that “we have been fighting for our legitimate right and in respect of the District headship of Kagarko which falls under your domain, you are also aware that beside the protest letters, we have sent to you previously, we have equally decided to pursue such right in the High Court of Justice Kaduna. We do know that you have been duly served with all the

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relevant court payers”. The letter went further to emphasis that, “ In order to forestall and or maintain peaceful co-existence within the District, you invite, us and we Honourably attended a meeting with you in your palace on 23rd August 1996. At the meeting we agreed with you that other Districts should be created within Kagarko so that the present steps taken by you to appoint a new District Head of Kagarko would not be interfered, the Districts proposed then were Dogonkurmi, Kushe and Kukui.

However, the letter went further to state that the “districts proposal did not deter the legal battle, which was before the High Court of Justice, Kaduna. The letter said that” meanwhile, the legal battle which is before the Court now will Continue till and whenever the new Districts proposed above are created or till an indigene of Koro from among the applicants in the Court case is appointed the new District Head of Kagarko”.

8. The same Association on 31st March 1997 wrote to the secretary of the Zazzau Emirate Council drawing the Emir’s attention to a statement, credited to him at a meeting with him on 26th March, 1997 that “ the former Kachia local Government has been dominated by the Koro people and the present Kagarko local Government is being dominated by the Koro as such the gab should be bridged by the Koro to be ruled by a Hausa/Fulani as District Head”. The letter requested the zazzau Emirate to maintain a singular stand of providing three more Districts (Dogonkurmi, Kushe and Kukui) rather than indulging to playing some games.

9. Request for the creation of Koro Chiefdom was also submitted to the State Governor as a reminder on 17th September, 1998.

10. At a Courtesy call on the Governor – Elect of Kaduna State (Alh. Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi) on 26th March, 1999, carried the request for a Koro Chiefdom.

11. In 1999, when the Government established the Committee to study the report on traditional ruler ship Institutions in Kaduna State, the Koro wrote to re-emphasis their request for a Koro chiefdom.

12. In June 1999 another memoranda was written by the Koro people to the Secretary, Kafanchan Emir-ship staff of office Riots Judicial Commission of inquiry. The memoranda suggested the creation of Chiefdoms for ethnic groups in Kaduna state.

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13. In September, 1999 a joint memorandum by Adara, Chawai, Gure, Gbagyi, Kurama, Koro, Kahugu, Makupanah and Surubu was made to the Honourable speaker Kaduna state House of Assembly on the creation of additional Chiefdoms in Kaduna State.

14. The memo again to His Excellency the executive Governor of Kaduna State on 1/11/99, re-emphasis the creation of the Koro Chiefdom is borne out of the need for the Koro people to continue to:

Have peaceful co-existence amongst the people in the proposed chiefdom, its neighbours, Kaduna State and Nigeria in general.

Build a solid foundation for which the Koro people will prosper economically, socially, culturally, traditionally, educationally, technologically and politically.

Bring about easy communication between the Koro people and the Government at large;

Have a sense of identity and belonging in the Nigerian society. To close communication gab between the government and the people and

to facilitate the executive of government programmes. Creating a Koro Chiefdom will signal the people’s freedom, self

determination, development and progress.

The Professor Bashir Ikara Committee for the Creation of Additional Traditional Ruler ship Institutions in Kaduna State, invited the Koro Community to defend their memoranda for a Koro Chiefdom. At the defense, the Koro representatives included: L.L. Shadalafiya, David T. Sarki, L.A. Gojeh, Andrew Makeri and Hon. Atama Gwani. During the defense, the representatives of Kagarko town changed their mind for a Koro Chiefdom but demanded for Kagarko Emirate. This request, made the Committee to direct the Koro Community to meet with the Hausa/Fulani of Kagarko to present a common front.

The two communities met twice but could resolve their differences on requesting for a Koro Chiefdom or Kagarko Emirate. The two committees went back to the Traditional Ruler ship Committee to indicate their stand of not compromising.

The Koro Community Development Association, Kaduna Branch, handled the affairs of the Koro Chiefdom up to 1999, when the first organized Koro Community Development Association, Kubacha was formed. The Central Executive Committee of the Koro, now handled the affairs of the Koro Chiefdom up to when the Koro Chiefdom was created.

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The Committee served from September 1999 to 2002, under the leadership of the following Executive Committee members: Mr. L L. Shadalafiya - President Mr. David T. Sarki - Vice ,, I Mr. Emmanuel Ibrahim Ejah – Vice ,, IIMr. L. A. Gojeh – Secretary General Mr. Andrew Makeri – Asst. Sec. General Dr. Dogara Bijimi – Treasurer Mr. Eric Alhassan Ereje - F/Secretary Mr. Paul Madaki – Asst. F/Secretary Mr. Danjuma Emishe – Social Director Mr. Yusuf A. Labidi – Asst. S. Director Mr. Habakuk Kato – PROLate Philip Bayero – Auditor

The struggle for the Koro Chiefdom was backed up by the wonderful contributions of individuals, such as: Hon. Pius Dogara, Mr. Bulus Dogara (the permanent Secretary, Ministry of finance, Kaduna State), Engr. Danbaba T. Tukura, Hon I. J. Sambo, Pastor John Dikko, Chief Christopher Jatau and His Royal Highness, Mr. Yohanna Akaito. Also the Community Associations of the various villages and the Chiefdom Committee whose membership include representatives from the Koro Villages in the Koro Chiefdom.

MEMBER OF THE CHIEFDOM COMMITTEEHon. Atama Gwani - Chairman- Katugal Mr. L. L. Shadalafiya - Asst. Chairman – Kaduna Alhaji Billa Akote - Member – Akote Alhaji Yahaya Ja’afaru- Member – Kagarko Wakili Giwa Goje - Member – Kushe Rev. Gaiya Najira - Member – D/Kurmi Ahmadu Dandoka - Member – Aribi Christopher Akaito - Member – Kukui Ahmadu Dogari - Member – Kabara Bulus Yari - Member – Kusam Maiyanga Arams - Member – Nkojo Late Bitrus Yero - Member – Shadalafiya James Musa - Member – Kubacha Aribi Pop - Member – Kenyi Weh Dakare - Member – Kurmin Dangana Ishaya Sarki - Member – Kutaho Habakuk Kato - Member – Kasabere Dauda Ejim - Member – Kukyer

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Akaito Madaki - Member – Kurmin Jibirin John Dikko - Member – Kuratam Jock Garkuwa - Member - Village Heads Rep. L .A. Gojeh - Member – Secretary-General

Ruling Houses The Koro Chiefdom has three Ruling Houses to exercise traditional authority in its CHIEFDOM. The Ruling Houses are the Miya-miya, the Ache and the Ala ruling houses. The Miya- Miya Ruling house, comprise of Aribi, Kukyer, Kushe, Kushe Makaranta, Kutaho, Kuratam, Kahir, Kadah, Badeyen, Koyi, Akote, Kafarma.

The Ache/Wachi Ruling house, comprise of Dogonkurmi, Kasabere, Kubacha, Kabara, Kusam, Koko, Kadiri, Itur, Pankore, Rafinkimba, Dokuma, Libi, Marke, Sabon Gida, Gidan Kato.

The Ashe/Ala Ruling house, comprise of Katugal, shadalafiya, Nkojo, Kurmin Jibrin, Kukui, Kusampa, GoraB, Icce, Chigwa, koso, Kampani, Keker, Kukok, Kubere, Ung. Kubewa, Dako.

The position or title of the paramount Chief of the Koro in the KORO CHIEFDOM is known as ERE-KORO. This is rotated among the three ruling houses mentioned above. At the removal or death of the incumbent Ere-Koro, the Kingmakers’ Committee, which comprise of two (2) representatives from each ruling house with one (1) elected clergyman by the six kingmakers representing the three ruling houses? The clergyman shall represent the three Orthodox churches in the Koro Chiefdom that include Catholic, ECWA and Baptist. The total number of the Kingmakers shall be seven (7). The Headquarter of the Koro Chiefdom is Kubacha.

DISTRICTS IN THE KORO CHIEFDOM The Koro Chiefdom has eight (8) Districts. They are Aribi, Dogonkurmi, Katugal, Kenyi, Kubacha, Kurmin Dangana, Kushe and Shadalafiya. But the Kaduna State Gazette on Boundary Adjustment (2001) directed that Kurmin Dangana village which agitated to join its kith and kins in Jaba Chiefdom were granted their wish. However, the District should be reconstituted with a new name and Headquarter of the District. As at the time of writing the District has not been reconstituted or renamed.

The Districts and their Headquarters are as follows:

Districts: Headquarters:Aribi Kurmin JibirinDogonkurmi Dogonkurmi

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Katugal KatugalKenyi KenyiKubacha KubachaKurmin Dangana Kurmin DanganaKushe KusheShadalafiya Shadalafiya

VILLAGES IN THE DISTRICTS:1. Aribi District

Kurmin Jibirin (Headquarter)KujirGidan SuleKumbuiUng. GaladimaUdorUgekanUng. MadakiSabon GariUng. Maicibi

2. Dogonkurmi District Dogonkurmi (Headquarter)KasabereKadiriMarkeGidan Sarkin NomaTukura AgoiChukullaDakoChillaSabon GidaAngnwa JikadaKosoKusamChukulla DajiGidan SoriDokumaGidan KatoUnguwan PahKuchiGidan BijmiLibiGbeje

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KofotoGidan GagaruGidam BijimiPankoreKusamfa DajiRafinkimbaGidan Turaki IturGidan Sarkin NomaGidan AbasaKakkuKudiriKuboKagoPabekiDoguwa

3. Kurmin Dangana DistrictKurmin Dangana (Headquarters)KasaruRuzaiKukyerFadan KukyerKuratamKadaKadunKahirBediyeKadahDogon Daji

4. Kenyi District Kenyi (Headquarter)

KutahoKutaho Daji

5. Kubacha DistrictKubacha (Headquarter)Ungwan GaladimaUngwan MadakiUngwan JabaEdamKabara

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Chigwa IIKukokKukuiKubere

6. Kushe DistrictKushe (Headquarter)ChigbauKoyiGuduKukoriKadanKasangweGurudamGurudemKafarmaKushe Makaranta

7. Shadalafiya DistrictShadalafiya (headquarter)NkojoTsohon IcceUngwan PaSabon GidaChigwa IEgbangUgbomEdek

8. Katugal DistrictKatugal (Headquarters)Kurmi JibrinGoraKogoUngwa RanaGarajeGidam BijimiKusamfa DajiGidan HutuKoko

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CHAPTER THREETRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS

In Nigeria, traditional institutions have been associated with local government. They have played very useful roles in the past, are still playing useful roles now, and will continue to do so in the future. Traditional institutions have been the peoples’ conscience by maintaining the equilibrium during the civilian and military regimes. It has stood the test of time through its willingness to accept changes as they come.

Before the colonization by the British, the traditional rulers played both the roles of central and local Government. They are as head of their State and Local Governments, had full powers of life and death, which they exercised with justice and fairness. Looking traditional institutions in the northern part of Nigeria, the institution is so organized that every conjugal family has its family head. This moves from family to clan, clan to ward, ward to village, village to district and district to emirate or chiefdom.

With the British colonization many of these states were broken and reconstituted into Local Government units, which varied in size and wealth. Kingdom, Chiefdom, or Emirate came under a Chief or Emir with his traditional Councilors. The Emir or Chief retained his veto power. The Koro of the North and of Kaduna State in particular were excised into Keffi Emirate. This brought about their subjugation into being ruled by a Hausa traditional ruler called Bubu. Before the advent of colonialism, the Koro were an independent people with its own traditional institutions. Traditional institutions have galvanized the people where they exist into changing their lives qualitatively and qualitatively. Cultural revival, especially among the Koro is a must during certain seasons of the year. This is to keep alive the cultures and traditions from extinction. While one of the functions of the traditional rulers is to act as custodians of and sustenance of the cultural heritage of their subjects. A chief appointed from amongst the Koro is better placed to fulfill the traditional and cultural functions. The cultures and customs include: mode of dressing, greetings and general interaction, language- its universality or otherwise, mode of governance or domain festivals and ceremonies, superstitions and rituals, marriages and domestic lives.

Traditional rulers, apart from being traditional leaders of their people’s culture and heritage performed the administration of justice among their people and collected taxes and other revenues for the development of their local government.

Kigera III (1979:314) enumerated the responsibilities of the traditional rulers in Local Government as follows: Traditional rulers as fathers of all and very well conversant with land problems

should be left with land matters whereby every body no matter his political

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learning will have the right to own a piece of land.

Law and order (security matters). Police Committee to be chaired by some one who is not in partisan politics in the Local Government area. This therefore boils down to traditional rulers who will see that the police force is not used by any party at the local level.

Traditional rulers could make checks, balances on local government projects through inspections to make sure that the approved projects are carried out properly, and that local government moneys are not wasted or corruptly misappropriated. Traditional rulers can positively infuse discipline and honesty into the activities of local government.

Traditional rulers are better placed to play the role of mobilisation of people in social developments. They are in a position to educate their people, practically and orally. Play leading roles in community development programs and also in mobilising their people to the success of education generally, whether primary or post primary and public enlightenments. All other aspects of social and political developments could be easily disseminated to the people. They will do this without any political learning e.g. the registration of voters for general election etc.

For age long, community tax assessment, collection, and other revenues are part and parcel of the duties of traditional rulers, district heads and village/ward heads. Emirs/Chiefs perform the role of supervisors. If certain communities refused to pay tax, the traditional rulers stepped in to solve the problems. If there is a decrease of tax in certain areas, the traditional rulers step in to find out why and found remedies to it. These duties should be encouraged.

Traditional rulers play a very important part in the life of the people of Nigeria therefore, the roles of traditional rulers in religious affairs is that of stabilization and influence on the body politic of country.

Traditional rulers in the past had judicial functions. Even now they performance duties of reconciliation between their people to the good of the people and the Local Government. These functions in the past help to document the courts, especially customary and area courts. They should be given the duties of laymen magistracies. Certain judicial functions should be considered for traditional rulers.

Traditional functions which are today regarded as duties of traditional rulers are being carried out at National, State and Local Government levels by appropriate

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personalities and not only limited to traditional rulers. Traditional rulers should be encouraged to see themselves as representing their Local Governments.

In the case of default in local government, traditional rulers could effectively be used as a caretaker Local Government. This is because they are not politicians and their neutrality gives them the strength and peoples’ support to run the Local Government until a new council is appointed. However, the above views are in effect very related to the statutory functions of the traditional rulers as appeared in the rules, have been reduced to mere advisory capacities (Yamusa II, 1979). For example, the functions of the traditional councils according to Ningi (1979) include among other things, the formulation of proposals in form of advice to the Local Governments, harmonize Local Government activities by giving guidance and also by coordinating some aspects of Local Government Development.

Regardless of the level of the traditional leadership in a society or community, it is expected that the leader should perform the following roles:

Undertake the routine management of the community he leads. This is through administering of law and order;

Maintaining and administering the land tenure system as it affects their domains;

Settle minor disputes and conflicts amongst their people, while criminal and more complicated cases are forwarded to higher authorities for necessary action;

Policy matters at the top government or traditional institutions are peculated down to the community or wards through them, they in turn, disseminate such policy statements to the community members;

They serve as fathers, elders and advisers of their people and not as figure heads that amounts to being spectators and appraisers of their communities;

Enjoy the traditional or communal loyalty of their people while the people will in turn be responsive and participatory in community development programmes or projects;

They serve as mediators at times of communal disputes, clashes and the government of the day for their communities’ decisions and advice or opinion;

They serve as guardians and custodians of their community, cultures, customs and traditions. They in most cases, coordinate and perform their communities’ religious rites;

They are the peoples’ conscience in the various governments of the country (i.e. civilian or military). Being the most respected and chanced institution in Nigeria, it has stood the test of time through its witness to accept changes as they come;

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The traditional rulers are very intimately connected on a day to day basis, with the welfare and other general affairs of their people thus knowing their problems and how to solve them. Hence, the playing of leading roles in mobilizing the community for social, educational and community development programme. These efforts enhanced other aspects of social and political development among the people.

For the success of any traditional institution, the welfare of the ruled should be uppermost in the minds of the traditional rulers. Leadership by example will motivate the community towards self-help programmes for a better and self-reliant society. For traditional rulers to win the favour of their people, their roles should be better adhered to. There should be a two way communication, where demands or aspirations of the people are being attended to without ignoring a wishful cry from the innocent needy.

The Ere - KoroIn the Koro Chiefdom, the paramount traditional ruler is known and called Ere-Koro. Ere-Koro has authority over the territory known as the Koro Chiefdom. He exercises the roles of the traditional rulers in the chiefdom. Like any other traditional ruler, he is expected to rule until his death or when removed from office due to malpractices.

Succession to the throne is limited to the three ruling houses (the Koro miya-miya, wachi, and Ala/Ashe) selected by the Kingmakers (Kaduna State of Nigeria Gazette:2000).

The authority of Ere-Koro is exercised through the hierarchy of District heads who controlled the various regions of the Chiefdom. They are appointed by the Ere-Koro from among the noble lineages of the ancient centres of authority through election by the ward heads. They have an independent basis for their authority; in their positions within their respective areas of jurisdiction. Although they represented an older form of political authority, some of them being elders than the present Chieftain of the Koro Chiefdom, the District Head come to form the regional and local organs of the administration of the Chiefdom.

The Central Government of Ere-KoroFive major divisions can be discerned in the central administration:

Be-ere wugirga (.ie Officers of the Court, responsible for the running of the affairs of the Chiefdom; they are the civil administrators of the central government);

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Be-ere riku (i.e. Military officials who were charged with the maintenance of Security and defense of Koro Chiefdom);

Be-ere tomiwubou (i.e. Chiefs of the various occupations who were responsible for the administration of the economy);

Be-ere jeb’wugirga (i.e. gate keepers, who regulated movement of people in and out of the Chiefdom );

Supervision of the various districts (i.e. regional administration).

ERE-KOROThe selection of Ere-Koro I in the year 2001, was according to the due process that was laid down in the proposals for the Koro Chiefdom. First, temporary King makers were used, since permanent once were not yet in place.

The temporary kingmakers were:

S/N NAME TITLE 1. Rev. Gaiya Najira -Spiritual leader (Chairman)2. Mr. Markus Yero -Ere- Wugirga Member 3. Mr. Stephen Dogonyaro- Ere -Ngoh ,,4. Mr. Musa B.Auta -Ere -Wha’a ,, 5. Mr. James Musa -Ere –Ku ,,6. Mr. Awe Garba -Ere-Den ,,7. Hon. Habila Alkali -Nteh-Whe ,,

Three contestants contested the post of Ere-Koro I from the three Ruling Houses. They were: Mr Yohanna Akaito (JP) (Koro Ala); Mr Abubakar G. Husaini (Koro Miya-Miya) and Mr. Danbaba T. Tukura (Koro Ache).

The election was coordinated by the Secretary-General of the Koro Community Development Association and his Assistant in the persons of Mr. Lawrence A. Gojeh and Mr Andrew Makeri respectively.

The election was also witnessed by representatives of the contestants, the Executive Chairman of the Kagarko Local Government Area and the three arms of the Security Agents of the local Government Area (i.e the police, the S.S.S and the CIB). The witnesses were:

1. Pastor Markus Dikko representing Mr Abubakar G. Husaini

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2. Mr. Dominic Gimba representing Mr. Danbaba T. Tukura 3. Hon. Atama Gwani representing Mr. Yohanna Akaito 4. Hon. Solomon Dawa representing Kagarko L.G.A Chairman 5. ASP Jimoh Sani the D.P.O of Kagarko L.G.A 6. Suleiman A. Samaila the S.S.S of Kagarko L.G.A7. Ben Nnochiri Nwaogu the C.I.B of Kagarko L.G.A

The result of the election rated Mr Yohanna Akaito as having the highest votes. He was followed by Mr Abubakar G. Husaini and Mr Danbaba T. Tukura respectively. The result was signed by the representatives of the contestants and the Security Agents as well as the coordinators.

The result was therefore dispatched to His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Kaduna state in the person of Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi.

The election result was nullified by the Executive Governor because, temporary king makers were used for the election. He however directed the Executive Chairman of Kagarko Local Government Area, Barister Danjuma Henry Magaji, to re-conduct the election using traditional rulers or village heads.

During the election, the Chairman himself was in attendance, Security Agents of the Local Government Area, Executive members of the Koro Community Development Association and Agents/Representatives of the contestants.

The result of the election this time was also in favour of Mr. Yohanna Akaito, followed by Mr. Danbaba T. Tukura and Mr Abubakar Husaini respectively.

Criteria for Election Other criteria used for the election of the paramount Chief of the Koro Chiefdom included:

Candidate’s age must be thirty-five (35) years and above; Candidate must be married Candidate must be Koro Candidate’s Village must be in the Koro Chiefdom and Kagarko Local

Government Area of Kaduna state at the time of election. Candidate must come from one of the three Koro ruling houses (i.e Koro

miya-miya, Ache and Ala). Candidate must have undergone a primary level of education or above. Candidate must have a legitimate means of livelihood. Candidate must show some community service, especially for the Koro

community.

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Candidate must come from a ruling house in his village of birth. Candidate must state some reason(s) for wanting to be the Koro paramount

chief (Ere-Koro).

The above criteria were met by the elected Ere-Koro I, Mr Yohanna Akaito. He was turbaned as His Royal Highness, Ere-Koro I of the Koro Chiefdom.

Fig I: Ere-Koro 1 of Koro Chiefdom.

Council MembersThe first Council Members of the Koro Chiefdom include: 1. His Royal Highness, Ere-Koro I as Chairman 2. Representative of the Kagarko Local Government Chairman; 3. All District Heads of the Koro Chiefdom. They include: Jagaban Koro (District Head (D/H)of K/Dangana), Magajin Gari Koro (D/H of Kenyi),

Marafan Koro (D/H Dogonkurmi); Makama Babba Koro (D/H of kubacha), Uban-Dawakin Koro (D/H of Katugal); Dan-Iyan Koro (D/H of kushe) Sarkin

Gabas Koro (D/H of Shadalafiya)

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4. All traditional title holders, such as: Wakilin Sarkin Koro; Chairman, Kingmakers Committee; Galadima Koro, Turakin Koro; Magajin Rafin Koro, Sarkin Kofan Koro, Fagacin Koro and so on.

5. Council secretary

6. Council pastor.

District Heads The District heads supervise the numerous village chiefs and seen as the representative of the Ere-Koro at the District they are heading. Like at the level of the Chiefdom Headquarter (i.e. Ere-Koro), there are the administration of the Districts and villages that are replica of the Chiefdom Council. Each District Head or Village Head would often have under his control, officials responsible for defense or security, economic activity, religions affairs etc. The difference with that of the Chiefdom is only a matter of degree.

Election into the positions of the first District Heads of the Koro Chiefdom was done through the use of Village Heads of the various District jurisdictions. The elections were coordinated by community representatives and a representative of the Ere-Koro. The names of the first three candidates who scored higher votes were sent to the Ere-Koro’s palace, which in turn would pass same to the Executive Governor of Kaduna State, after making his own input.

The first set of District Heads in the Districts of the Koro Chiefdom are:

1. Mr. Bawa Giwa – Jagaban koro- Kurmin Dangana

2. Mr. Habu Goni – Magajin Gari Koro – Kenyi

3. Mr. Musa B. Auta- Marafan Koro – Dogonkurni

4. Mr. James Musa M/ungwa- Makama Babba Koro – Kubacha

5. Mr. Ishaku B. Gado-Uban Dawakin Koro – Katugal

6. Mr. Peter Garba – Dan-Iya Koro – Kushe

7. Late Mr Martins Kura.Goroh- Sarkin Gabas Koro - Shadalafiya and

Successor Mr. Sylvester Madaki

8. Mr. Yohanna Dauda- Waliyin Koro- AribiFig. 2: Jagaban Koro (District Head of Kurmin Dangana)

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Fig. 3: Magajin Garin Koro (District Head of Kenyi)

Fig. 4: Marafan Koro (District Head of Dogonkurmi)

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Fig. 5: Makama Koro (District Head of Kubacha)

Fig. 6: Uban-Dawakin Koro (District Head of Katugal)

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Fig. 7: Dan-Iya Koro (District Head of Kushe)

Fig. 8: Sarkin Gabas Koro (District Head of Shadalafiya)

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Fig. 9: Waliyin Koro (District Head of Aribi)

Mr Yohanna DaudaDistrict Head of Aribi

Ruling Houses at District and Village LevelsEvery District or village has a ruling house from where the District Head or village head is usually chosen. Any family that first established a village becomes the ruling

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family, and the family head automatically becomes the first village head. As long as the village lives, the headship rotates among the members of the founding family. This is not the case with the position of a District Head, who had to be elected from among the contestants from the villages that make up the District. But the contestants must have shown proves that they come from a ruling house of their own village settlement to contest for the post of the District Head.

In the case of a village, if another family comes to settle in the village and it is of the clan of the founding family, it is automatically registered among the ruling families.

All the families that are of the clan of the founding family at the village level are among the headship of the village, where the post of the village chief rotates among their ruling houses. All family compounds that are of the same clan have the same status as far as the issue of the village headship is concerned.

Other families that are not of the same clan with the founding clan cannot aspire to the position of the village head, but can however be members of the council of chiefs in the Chiefdom, District or Village level.

Selection of a ChiefThe first person to be chief of a village is selected by members of his family. This is because at that time it is only he and his family that are in the village.

When the incumbent chief dies, the junior brother or son takes over the mantle of leadership, if it is only one family that is in existence it the village. Where there are two, or more ruling houses, the next house whose turn it is to lead, provides a capable man.

The choice of a suitable candidate is done by male members of the family whose turn it is to provide a candidate in conjunction with male members of other clans who act as external judges. The candidate passes through some stringent but justifiable scrutiny. He must be a man of unquestionable character, honest, brave, not given to much wine, not a womanizer, and so on. When a person has satisfied all the conditions required by the judges, the selection and turbanning ceremony takes place. Secondly, the royal cap (lhur-Ere) is placed on his head. Thirdly, elders of the village will then take the new chief to his relative’s house or to any other suitable house of another person where he is expected to remain in-doors for seven days.

During the time of temporary seclusion, it is expected and believed that the new chief would be there to think, and make out plans of how he will govern the village effectively. This seclusion is also a way of initiating him in the way of the life of

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chiefs, whereby they are not expected to always be seen roaming about the village aimlessly.

For these seven days, drummers and dancers perform every morning and evening at the house where the new chief is selected. While these go on, preparations will be going on for his coming out on the seventh day. A lot of wine will be made and food prepared to feed all that will grace the occasion.

On the seventh day, the new chief comes out of his hiding and meditation. He is then turbaned formally as the new village chief. After the official public turbanning, people play and make merry for about three days before they disperse. The new chief then takes proper mantle of leadership of the village, offering judgments, settling disputes, and performing other secular and religious ceremonies and duties on behalf of the village. Any problem that is beyond the power of the family heads is brought to the chief, who is seen as the person that has the final say in any case. Punishments are melted in accordance with traditions of the people and the laws of the land.

Replacement of a Dead Chief When a chief dies, the search for a successor starts almost immediately. Even if such a person is identified, he cannot be installed except the predecessor has been given water to quench his thirst. This is called ‘Ghadagha sor’. The ‘usor’ is a ceremony, which the family of the dead chief had to perform to a peace the ancestors. The sacrifice is believed to be a way of quenching the ‘thirst’ that might have come upon the deceased. It is when ‘Ghadagha sor’ has been done for the dead chief and his thirst has been quenched that a new chief is appointed.

Council of chiefsThe council of chief is a group of people that are selected from the different clans that make up the village. They assist the chief in the performance of his day-to-day duties of ruling the village. This is a replica of the District or Chiefdom Councils. Although the village Councils members could bear titles slightly different from those of the District or Chiefdom. The various titles at the village level could include: Madaki, Makama, Tukura, Daudu, Jikada, Makada, and Ghadugwom. All the titles have their significant roles in the Council. For example, Madaki is the second in command to the chief. The Madaki takes charge of the affairs of the village in the absence of the chief. He recommends and appoints other council members to, and in conjunction with, the chief respectively. Although, when a chief dies, the leadership of the village goes to the titleholder of Ghadugwom, until a new chief is appointed.

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Tukura on the other hand, is chosen from the family whose turn it will be, to produce the next chief, any time the incumbent dies or removed due to malpractice.

The Makama is the war chief. He advises the chief on matters relating to war and civil disturbances. In the event of this, the Makama leads as the commander of the village army.

Daudu is the information officer. He advises the chief on information matters and manages the affairs of the palace.

CHAPTER FOURTRADITIONS AND CULTURES OF THE KORO

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Lineage or descentThe Koro people of Kaduna State reckon lineage or descent patrilineally. The lineage consists of several families. Inhabitants of these diverse territories from the pre-colonial to the Colonial period owed allegiance traditionally to their traditional institution, which dictates their mode of behaviours in terms of their norms, customs, believes, cultures and traditions. The traditional leaders as Ere-Koro, District Heads, Village Heads, Clan or Compound Heads and family Heads are the custodians of the said traditions and cultures. Inter family issues are considered by the male (adult) members of the lineage. These issues would include land, burial arrangements and other religions issues such as rites of cheeping and sanctification. The oldest male also presides over such gathering issues that affect lineage, the sub clan’s meets over it. As usual, it is the oldest male who presides. The clan level is the highest. It is like a mini-state. While the Koro people are said to be a federation of clans. All clans are equal and when they meet on any issue, they meet as equals, except the leadership that is traced to the oldest male of the clans. Each clan could relate with other clans or non-Koro neighbours without reference to another clan. This is prevalent in where the original locations of the lineages, sub-clans and clans are settled.

In the process of disjunction however, new villages are formed with migrants of different families, lineages, sub-clans and clans constituting the inhabitants that are usually, members of each unit settle separately and manage its affairs independently. However, all the adult males of the villages with the oldest male consider all the decisions taken to handle matters affecting the whole villages.

The Koro Patrilineal extended family is formed by a custom whereby sons remain in their father’s family group, bringing their children also to the group. The Koro people have a political structure, which starts from family (a man, wife(s), children – conjugal family) the compound and extended family.

The FamilyThe Family is the only unit that is less inclusive. Groups of families often occupy a common clearing. By virtue of sharing food, labour, and sleeping quarters on a regular basis, they form a compound.

In the family, compound, and extended family, the adult male members, meet discuss and take decisions. The oldest able (particularly mentally) male member of the family, known as the “unokwum” heads the meeting and has the final says. Age is of great importance in decision- making among the Koro people. The older members have the final say. It is supposed that as they have lived longer, they have acquired more experiences, knowledge of the spiritual, social and physical environment. They would have served or participated in some decision-making of similar cases or had had such experience. Their experience may account why the

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oldest able may usually be recognized as the political head at each level of political organization, serves as the priest of the village religious leadership. Enhances the power of the chief priest of the political organization to the effective live between the living, dead and “Tegedshi” God.

The Compound FamilyThe Compound family among the koro comprises a man, his wives and children. They make up a compound family because it is based on a polygamous marriage, which is a complex legal marriage with a common man linking all the wives and the children. (Ayisi; 1979:6)

The Extended FamilyThe Extended family is common to most African societies and it forms the “ raison d’etre” of all social cooperation and responsibility. It acts as a social security for the members of the group. It is smaller than the lineage or clan, but direct. The extended family consists of a number of joint families, and a joint family is made up of heads of two or three lineally related kinsfolk of the same spouses and offspring, and who occupy a single homestead or household.

The HouseholdThe household may be bigger than a family. Schapera (1950:141) referred to household as the smallest wall-defined unit in the social system, a group of people occupying the same enclosure of huts. It consists basically of a man with his wife or wives and their unmarried children, but often also includes one or more married sons, brothers or even daughters with their respective spouses and children.

The household in the koro society is a corporate group owning common property, and it constitutes the unit of production and consumption. Since some of the members are related to each other by reason of the fact of having descended from either a common father or mother at a certain genealogical level, this relationship becomes rather far removed from the original source, and any meaningful description of this type of relationship can only be by reference to the ancestor of the group either dead or alive.

Anthropologists use a form, which describes this relationship succinctly as lineage. A lineage group is the result of social creation caused by common habitation of kinsmen. Every member of a lineage claims to be related to every member of that group by direct descent or from a common ancestor (patrilineal). Firth (1956:112) describes lineage as an unlimited descent group, all members of which trace their genealogical relationship back to a founding ancestor. If the lineage is patriclineal (or agnatic) the members consist of men, their children and their sisters, and trace their descent through males and normally to an original ancestor.

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A series of households may form larger social groups, which are known as Clans. a clan is a unilateral descent group of major order in a society acting as a unit in a system of similar groups. The separate clans in a system are usually named and are often distinguished symbolically by associations of a totemic kind with natural species.

ClansClans usually have some corporate functions of a political or ritual order, and may play a very important part in community life. Clan members normally regard one another as kinsfolk, though they may not be able to trace their relationship genealogically. Frequently they express this relationship in rules of exogamy whereby a member must marry outside his clan.

Both the lineage and the clan are exogamous groups, they are corporate, and have many things in common. The difference between lineage and clan is that members of a lineage can trace the family ancestor, whether dead or alive, and may be placed on a genealogical chart.

Clan and sub clan The formation of the clan cluster is the fruit of the marriage exchange system. In talking about the marriage exchange system, the emphasis is on the differentiation, formation and functionality of the clan and sub clan. This encompasses the elements of recruitment and linearity, the creation of clan boundaries and unit definition, and the use of kin terms to generate and maintain social identity among the people.

The clan and sub clan are a relation between, a system of symbolic relations or reproduction and a certain people, who are already an empirical form of that system. The realization of clans/subclans as specific historical entities derive their forms and functions from the principles of social organization as these are set within the structure of reproduction.

Clansmen share a common substance inherited from their paternal ancestors, forms the basis of decent. From the local perspective, ‘ascent’ is a more appropriate description for how clanship works. Structurally, the clan ascends from a set of founding ancestors who fatherless brothers are ranked in birth order.

Clansmen believe that in the past the sub clan was related as brothers and continue as brothers into the future. It follows that all male members of the constituent sub clans are brothers. The concept of ascent meshes with the understanding that a clan’s growth and development parallels the model of vegetative propagation (Lipuma: 1988:112)

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The most effective level for political action is the sub-clan level. Most of the serious issues affecting the units are handled at this level. Similarly, most of the programmes are drawn up at this level. For example most of the religious programmes such as rites of/ passage/initiation to adulthood and so on, are organized at this level. Similarly incidences of epidemic onset of source destructive locust, communal project such as road construction are handled at the level of the sub-clan. Women are not active in the decision-making process. They could be called upon to provide information on a particular issue under consideration. Male members of the Koro families are highly respected based on their statues and wealth in the society, which are inherited through males. This would tend to exclude women from the positions, which would qualify them to participate in the political process. However, the execution of political decisions depends on the subjects. There are decisions, which are executed by older men, especially if the decisions are religious in nature. Others are executed by the youth. These include war, construction of roads, houses and so on.

The Koro people inherit property and succeed to ranks through one line-patrilineal. People inherit wealth, land, farm produce, livestock, and some personal effects.

Ritual Practices and TabooRitual practices are pervasive in all human societies, and in some, they are observed in the everyday life of the individual and the group from cradle to grave. For example, the grown-ups or household heads or lineage heads are exhorted to put the first morsel of food on the ground for ancestors before eating or to pour a drop of water or drink on the ground for the ancestors, these are symbols which reaffirm the belief in the world of spirit as an integral part of cosmological belief. Though this practice may seem simple and may sometimes be regarded as sociological dysfunctional, is demonstrated by the psychological value of the people.

Most complex rituals are formal. Formal rituals are both elaborate and complex and are only performed by special functionaries, either medicine man, priests or priestess. They receive special fees in kind for their services and they claim to possess the power of clairaudience and clairvoyance. Rituals are the means by which the sacred and the profane are brought together without doing damage to the social fabric.

TabooTaboo is used for a special kind of prohibition, which is illustrated by the physical avoidance, by certain things or categories of people from talking to a woman who

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just gave birth to a newborn infant, a chief not permitted to see a corpse, all these were said to be taboo.

The special distance, which one was expected to maintain from these things, was controlled by a series of sanctions, which constituted an effective deterrent against possible ill luck. A man who disobeys any of these things become taboo himself and was expected to submit himself to prescribed ritual purification. It was believed that if such ritual purification were not performed, the person was exposed to danger and something unpleasant would happen to him, such as illness, which might eventually spread to the whole community. The victim according to Ayisi (1979:91) constitutes a sociological virus. Being a term that is used heuristically – with biological implication as found in epidemiologist. The performance of purification was referred to as ‘none’ according to Brown-Radcliffe and Force (1950:133). It is the opposite of taboo.

A ritual prohibition is a mode of behaviour, which restricts the freedom of movement of a person within certain social fields vis-à-vis contact with an object or person. These rules have religious implication and people who overlook them feel a sense of quilt and seek ritual restoration. The concept of ritual prohibition presumes that the individual has a ritual value or possesses a sacred entity, which should not be allowed to come into touch with certain objects or person.

Any physical proximity produces a negative effect, which deprives the individual of his ritual status and value, and the qualities, which maintain his well being, are then endangered. When this happens, the individual is desecrated and he becomes a source of danger to himself and society.

It is a taboo/prohibition among the Koro community for certain category of people or persons to touch or carry a corpse, stopping over a corpse, eating food from a cracked pot, coming into contact with a woman’s menstrual discharge, greeting first thing in the morning without a woman having her bath and so on. A chief should not see a corpse or touch one.

A widow has to observe certain rituals/prohibitions, she is expected to dramatise her loss by mourning which implies the wearing of black/white cloth fasting during the period when her husband’s body lies in state or before the body is interned, refraining from normal life and suspending all social contact for a specific period, sometimes one year.

In some cases, the widow is subjected to both physical and mental torture by the relatives of the late husband as a reminder of the husband’s kindred to his wife and

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presumably a foretaste of the difficulties, which the widow might experience without the husband as her companion.

OccupationEvery society has to grapple with the problem of subsistence. Some societies’ subject themselves to exploiting the environment directly by hunting and gathering food. Others will domesticate plants and animals. To the Koro, would combine both activities. The Koro people are involved in production for economic purposes, production for consumption and production as a right.

The Koro people are involved in farming, fishing, hunting and so on; they cultivate a variety of crops including cocoyam, yam, corn, guinea corn maize, useful for the brewing of beer for festivals as well as for human consumption. Fishing is done through the use of traps, nets, lines, spears and poisons.

Division of labour exists among the Koro, it takes the form of allocation of certain types of work to certain categories of members of the society. The main criteria for determining work allocation are sex, age and aptitude.

Men tend to do heavier work such as tilling the soil for cropping in fields and building. There is a further division of work among the men according to age. The young men do most of the work that requires stamina while the elderly men and the old do those that are not so physically exacting such as building the main structure of house. The young men do the roofing, old men do not go on long distance hunting expeditions neither are they involved in tilling the soil. Instead, they prepare the young men for the hunting expeditions and supervise farm work.

The women do the lighter work. They attend to the children, cook to feed the family, fetch water, and collect wood for fire. Women also collect such food ingredients that are found from the wilds. In addition, women plant the crop and weed. The separation of cereals from nurseries for transplanting is the preserve of old men and women. The old women in addition, train and supervise the young women in domestic chores and farm work. Women also transport the goods. Both men do harvesting and women – men do the reaping while women convey the harvest home.

There are some types of work that require special aptitude or skills. These are mainly crafts. They include wood carving-for the production of farm implements, utensils, cutleries, smoke pipes, drum trunks and so on, men with special skills do such works. For work that requires special skills one could go a distant place to locate and invite the needed expert. Payment is in kind. It could be by form of fowls, goat, grains or alcoholic beverage. The quantity is determined by the difficulty of the job and the time expended in executing it. The quality of the job could also influence the

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payment. It must be noted however, that skill and aptitude have far more significant social consequences than the mere receipt of payment. There are no formal agencies that impart skills; they are acquired by experience gained through long periods of cooperation and learning on the job.

Two types of cooperation are identified among the Koro as quoted by Aron (1967). These are mechanical solidarity and mutual dependence. On one hand, there is the co-operation, which is brought about by conformity to rules that are derived from engagement in similar activities (called mechanical solidarity), secondly; there is the form of cooperation, which is brought about by mutual dependence.

Economic ActivitiesFarming Farming is the most important and most outstanding occupation of the Koro. It is the mainstay of the Koro economic life. The main staple crops grown by the Koro are yams, maize, guinea-corn and ginger, which are also the backbone of their financial standing. Other crops like millet, cassava, beans, rice, groundnuts, potatoes, are also grown. There are basically six sources of agricultural labour available to the Koro farmer. This includes family labour, communal labour, in-law labour, hired labour, “emuk”, and “wugwin”. Farming among the Koro people is labour intensive. The work is carried out normally with the use of some farming tools. Music plays an important part in the occupational activities of the Koro, especially as it relates to farming. This type of music is not just for relaxation, but also for inspirational purposes.

HuntingHunting is one of the occupational activities of the Koro people. This is not however given the type of seriousness that is given to farming. There is group hunting and one-man hunting. To ensure the success of their occupation the hunters use a number of tools. These include bows and arrows, guns, traps, knives, headlamps, rapes and sticks, trap and so on.

FishingFishing is a leisure occupation, practiced by people that live near rivers, lakes and water ponds. Fishing is carried out for the main purpose of feeding the family.

Arts and CraftsArts and Crafts are practiced among the Koro people. Farming, fishing and hunting are most exclusively a male occupation that is undertaking only by men, craft work like basket making, mat weaving, rope making are made by both men and women. Women have the monopoly of making pots. Men do hat, bags and calabash carving.

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Social Organization Social organization among the Koro people can be viewed in relation to marriage or kinship relationship. Marriage constitutes the basis for a wide network of interpersonal relationships or what is popularly known and called kinship. In kinship, two principles of relationships are manifested in consanguinity, that is, the relationship by blood. The second relationship is affinity relationship, which is, the relationship by marriage. The Koro see marriage as a family and not as an individual affair. A married woman is not therefore the property of her husband only; she is also seen and treated as a property of the whole family and clan. Because of the importance attached to marriage institution, the power to arrange for marriage is in the hands of the parents. Indeed this had been the old age custom world wide as revealed by Fairchild (1944), ‘the power to arrange for marriage remains in the hands of the parents from ancient to modern times’.

In the olden days, a boy or girl must have fully grown to maturity before the parents could think of heaving a wife or husband for him or her respectively. When a boy has grown to a real man, his relations, parents and even the uncles would take it upon themselves the responsibility of looking for a beautiful girl for their son. When a beautifully grown up girl is spotted, the boy might be asked to go and see her. Once that happened, the boy was expected to obey without questioning.

Marriage takes two forms. One form is polygamy and the other monogamy. Polygamy and monogamy are terms used by anthropologists to describe the form of marriage in which man and woman are involved in marriage. Polygamy is the marriage in which one man is married to more then one wife and monogamy is the marriage in which one man is married to one woman.

There are different types of marriages among the koro people depending on the various groups of people. But the Koro people are known of the two types of marriages that are polygamy and monogamy respectively.

Several factors account for the polygamy marriage among the Koro. These are socially, economically, security, religious and convenience. The Koro are predominant farmers with few individuals involved in industrial activities. The farmers cultivate or produce crops such as maize, millet, guinea corn; beans, groundnuts, yams, potatoes, cocoyams and so on.

To cultivate, these crops manual labour is required. For manual labour, more people are required on the farm for higher production. Having many wives could solve the problem of labour. At another level, a man with several wives is likely to have more children (workers) than a man with only one wife even though the rate of consumption would be correspondingly greater. It is also a show of wealth,

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compound respect and enhancement of prestige. The wives are involved in the productive marriage; this involves the giving of bride wealth and the meeting of other material requirements. The wives are also actively involved in the productive activities of the family.

Marriage among the Koro people is done early in life. Girls are married out early. However, sometimes early marriage or even marriage at all is not possible. The family unit has to depend on itself for protection against aggression. The larger the member of members, the more able would protect the family. A man wants children to continue his line after his death. The larger the number of his descendents, the stronger the assurance that his name would become immortal (Mbiti 1980).

Fertility is seen as manifestation of physical fitness and spiritual wholesomeness. A fertile man contributed to the continued existence of society. When a man’s wife is barren or for whatever reason is unable to bear children, the man marries another wife, so as to have children, this is to remove the anxiety that is consequent upon childlessness.

Monogamy among the Koro is not a desirable state. To some extent, it indicates man’s inability to present the bride gifts for several wives. Monogamy is found commonly among the not-so-wealthy families. A monogamist could be mocked publicly by his age-mates. His wife could subject him to constant threats for divorce knowing that her departure could cause time a lot of problems in terms of his public standing, which would become worst at the execution of domestic chores. The wife in a monogamous marriage is also regarded with suspicion. She is suspected to have charmed the husband so that he could not marry another wife. In some instances she is even suspected to be a witch and has cast a strong spell on the husband making it impossible to marry another wife. While the man with more than one wife is respected, the man with only one wife has little prestige.

The Koro gives premium to Bride gift, it legalises the marriage, legitimises and validates the offspring arising from the union. Lack of presentation of Bride gift on his spouse could loose his children at the event of wife leaving the man’s house with such children.

Complementary to the bride gift, the mother of the girl also gets a present. While the bride gift is for the family as a whole, the gift to the mother is exclusively to her, to deal with it the way she desires.

To present the bride gift and negotiate generally for the marriage, the family seeking the wife appoints an intermediary, who must be known by the family from which a wife is being sought. They must also respect him so much that they would not want o

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displease him. He takes all gifts to the in-laws to be, negotiates for the marriage date, and feeds the suitors. Other functions include the relationship between the two families; the normal standard of the spouse and her family; whether the bridegroom to be is hardworking or not; whether her mother is good at child bearing and home keeping. The qualities of the mother it is believed will affect the girl when she marries. They also know whether the girl respects her parents and elders.

Marriage among the Koro brings about a variety of sets of relationships and consequently different patterns of behaviours, for example, the wife is important, firstly, among the Koro, the status of the husband vis-à-vis that of the wife cannot be said to be of superior and inferior respectively. However, we cannot strictly say then that they are of equal status, as the husband who is the head of the simple or nuclear family tends to exercise higher authority on the wife. Also, as she is living among the husband people and she is considered an outsider, at least at the initial start of the marriage. Her position further on, weakened in a polygamous situation, when the husband has more wives.

In the marriage there is some form of division of labour between the husband and the wife. The husband tends to do much of the heavier work. He participates in constructing the house from the foundation to the roofing. The woman supplies water for mixing mud and decoration of the rooms. He hunts, fights in battles and if he has not got children, he takes care of the livestock. The wife takes care of the children, does the domestic chores, gathers wood-fuel, cooks for the family and does such other light work.

The husband and wife have mutual sexual right. The husband or wife has the right to call for family (extended) discussion on the marriage issue if he or she feels dissatisfied. Beside this reciprocal sexual right, most of the other rights belong to the husband. He has economic and domestic rights over the wife. He has right over her property such as garden produce and livestock such as goats, fowls, pigs and so on. He can dispose of these without her knowledge and without her consent. She can dispose of them only on approval by the husband. Often times, he undertakes the disposal on her behalf. In addition, the husband has right over the children. They belong to him and his line as persons and as possessions under his direct control. The wife leaves behind all the children at divorce except the child she is still weaning. As soon as that child is weaned, it is returned to the father. Similarly, the husband has a right over the wife that is as a person. This right will last as long as she remains his wife. As soon as divorce takes place the husband’s rights over her revert to her family of birth. The wife has right to protection against social and physical problems or attacks. The husband is under obligation to provide an atmosphere that is conducive to family life.

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In marriage, the expectations are to have children. Any adult who do not marry is considered as only being unconcerned for the further and continuity of the society. Because, it is through the outcome of the marriage that generations come and go.

In the community, male children seem to be more highly regarded than their female counterparts. This is because, Koro are predominantly farmers, and male children are therefore regarded as great assets in the provision of labour. A man who has many male children will boast of opening a lager plot of farmland; and be able to feed the family adequately. A man who has only female children will be the only source of labour in the family.

Personal contacts between husband and wife tend to lack warmth. There seems to be some kind of subtle restraint. The husband does not refer to his wife by name; neither does he call her by her name. Similarly she does not refer to the husband by name even in his absence nor call him by his name. If done, it implies disrespect. To avoid this, husbands do give their wives “pet” names. It has been observed, however, that this restrains relaxes as time goes on in the age of the marriage. The relationship develops some warmth as affection, which may have been lacking initially. The Koro maintain definite norms about selection and definition of who is an eligible spouse.

Language The Koro language belongs to a large family of language structures known generally as Niger-Congo family by Greenbery. Judging on the basis of the Koro vocabularies and additional materials, which he collected at the vicinity of the Jos Plateau, he found that, it is one of the distinctive groups within the central branch of the Niger-congo family. C.K Meek classifies it simply as “Nigerian Semi Bantu” with no further refinement. Linguistically, there are five dialects spoken among the Koro of Kaduna State. The geographical spread was affected by the kinship system. The dialects include: i. Koro Miya-miya of Kaduna State. ii. Koro Ache or Wachi of Kaduna State iii. Koro Ala or Ashe of Kaduna Plateau States. iv. Koro Akoti of Kaduna State. v. Koro Ham of Adong or Koro Jakin Doki (Jakin doki is a nickname denoting unstable or mix identity) of Kaduna State.

There are numerous sub-divisions – vertical as well as horizontal of the ethnic group called Koro. The Koro absence of tribal cohesion or divergent in Language but not in culture is due largely to the disintegration, due to wars, hunting, migration and interaction with other tribes, thereby adopting or infesting the Koro language. Linguistically, there are similarities of the languages or dialects and the villages that

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speak it. However there is adulteration of the Koro language with the interaction with the Hausas in the North and those tribes as Ham, Ganagana, Gwandara, Gwari, Yeskwa in the middle belt of Nigeria when the koro came in contact with them.

Festivals Every community has its forms of festivals, dances and other activities peculiar to its culture, some of which are tied to religious beliefs and practices of the people. Festivals are performances involving a large number of people that perform either the role of active participants or that of spectators. Festivals are organized either as ritual/religious performances or purely as entertainment forums. Dances on the other hand are many. They are of various types and purposes. Some are for funeral ceremonies, while others are basically for entertainment. Many dances are performed during rituals and sacrifices to the gods and at other social activities.

REFERENCES Meek, C.K. (1931) 4 sudanese kingdom: an

thrographical study of the Jukuns speaking peoples of Nigeria. London, Kogan Paul.

Hassan, Alhaji & Shuaibu, Naibi (1952). A Chronicle of Abuja Ibadan: U.P.

Ruxton, F.N. (1909), Jukun (Kororofa). (In) Northern Nigeria Historical Notes on certain Emirates and Tribes by Order of Her Excellency. London: Waterlog and sons Ltd.

Gunn, Harold D. & Conant F.P. (1960). Western Africa Part x v. Peoples of the Middle Niger Region, Northern Nigeria. London: International African Institute.

Gojeh, L.A., Jatan, Christopher & Mamman, Jibrin (1998). The History of origin and Traditions of the Koro people. Kaduna: Tereship Publishers Enterprise.

Gojeh, L.A. et.al. (1998 Opcit.

Kaduna State of Nigeria (2001). Gazette on boundary Adjustments of the Newly Created Chiefdoms in Kaduna State. Kaduna: Government Printer.

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Kaduna State of Nigeria (2000). Gazette V01. 34 (27) on Traditional Institutions in kaduna State Kaduna: Government Printers.

Kigera III Musa Muhammed (1979), Traditional rulers and Local Government. A paper presented at the National Conference on Local Governemnt Reforms in Nigeria. Zaria department of Research & Consultancy Institute of Administration; Ahmadu Bello University, Zaira Yamusa III

Muhammadu Chindo (1979). Traditional Rulers and Local Government (in) Kumo Suleiman and Aliyu, A. Y. (ed). Local Government Reform in Nigeria, Zaria Department of Research & Consultancy Institute of Administration. Zaria: ABU.

Ningi, Jibrin Nayaya (1979). Traditional Rulers and Local Government Reforms (in) Kamo, Suleiman and Aliyu, A.Y. (Ed). Local Government Reform in Nigeria. Zaria department of research.

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