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THE LENNI LENAPE

OR DELAWARE INDIANS

BY

EDWIN ROBERT WALKER n

Chancei^i^or of New Jersey

SOMERVILLE, NEW JERSEY

The Unionist-Gazette Association, Printers

1917

5f1 . JJi

One hundred copies reprinted from the

October, 1917, number of the

“Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society"

Gift

KAR 16 1918

The Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians

An Address by Edwin Robert Walker Before the New Jersey Historical Society at Newark, October 31ST, 1917.

In commencing this address I shall take the liberty of paraphrasing the opening of Sir Walter Scott’s charming novel ^‘Ivanhoe,” and say:

In that pleasant district of North America formerly known as Nova Caesarea or New Jersey, and latterly as New Jersey, there extended in ancient times a large forest covering the greater part of the beautiful hills and plains which lie between the Atlantic Ocean and the river Delaware. The remains of this extensive wood are to be seen at this day in the desidious trees of the northern and the ever verdant pines of the south¬ ern section of our state. Here haunted of yore the stag and the doe, here were fought several of the most desperate bat¬ tles of the War of the Revolution, and here also flourished in ancient times those bands of roving savages whose deeds have been rendered so popular in American story.

These aborigines are familiarly known to us as the Del¬ aware Indians. They were known to themselves as the Lenni Lenape. I shall call them indifferently “Lenape” and “Del¬ awares.”

The name bestowed upon New Jersey by the Indians was “Shejachbi,” (pronounced as if spelled “Sha-ak-bee.”) They claimed the whole area comprising New Jersey. Their great chief Teedyescung stated at the conference at Easton, Penn¬ sylvania, in 1757, that their lands reached eastward from

river to sea. When I was a boy I presumed that the word “Delaware”

was an Indian name, evolved by the savages themselves and by them bestowed upon the river and bay. I was well grown up before I learned that the word was originally three words “De La Warr,” and that it was the name of an ancient Eng-

4 THE LENNI LENAPE OR DELAWARE INDIANS

lish family ennobled in the time of Edward II, who reigned

from 1307 to 1327. The particular scion of that ancient house

for whom the Delaware River and Bay and the State of Del¬

aware were named, was Thomas West, Lord De La Warr,

born July 9, 1557. He succeeded his father in the peerage in

1602 and interested himself in the plans for the colonization of

Virginia; became a member of the Council of Virginia in 1609,

and the next year was appointed governor and captain general

for life. He sailed for Virginia in March, 1610, arriving at

Jamestown in June following with additional emigrants and

supplies, just in time to forestall the abandonment of the col¬

ony. He returned to England in 1611 and sailed again for

Virginia in 1618, but died on the voyage.

It was from the lordly title of this distinguished nobleman

and adventurer that we get our present name “Delaware.**

It is undoubtedly of Norman origin, that is, “De La Warr** is.

I cannot claim anything original for this address. Much

has been written about the Indians and I have read much of

what has been written. What follows has, of course, been

drawn from the sources of information in works upon the

Indians to be found in most of the extensive libraries.

The word Lenni Lenape is not pronounced as it is spelled,

—^that is, the last word is not. That, phonetically, would be

Len-apee, but it is to be pronounced as though spelled Len-au-

pay,—Lenape. The river known to us as the Delaware they

called the Lenape Wihittuck, meaning river or stream of the

Lenape.

The Lenape were divided into three sub-tribes, (i) the

Minsi (2) the Unami and (3) the Unalachtigo. “Minsi means

people of the stony country, or mountaineers; “Unami, the

people down the river, and “Unalachtigo,** people who live

near the ocean. The three sub-tribes had each its totemic

animal from which it claimed a mystical descent. The Minsi

had the wolf, the Unami the turtle and the Unalachtigo the

turkey.

Whence came the Indians? Rafinesque, in “The Ameri¬

can Nations,** says that the annals of the Lenni Lenape con¬

tain an account of creation, telling of Kitanitowill, a God, the

THE LENNI LENAPE OR DELAWARE INDIANS 5

first and eternal being, who caused the earth, water, sun, moon

and stars. This legend also tells of a bad spirit, Makimani,

although the theory about an Indian satan seems not to be

accepted by some historians,—and it seems that such a being

was not believed in by the Lenape when the white men first

went among them.

These annals of the Lenni Lenape given by Rafinesque tell

also of a flood and the passage of the Indians and their

settlement in America. From whence they passed does not

appear, and doubtless this mystery is destined to remain for¬

ever unsolved.

In 1822 Rafinesque procured in Kentucky a record pic¬

tured on wood giving some of the legends of the Lenape In¬

dians. This record is called the Walam Olum or Red Score.

The original is not in existence so far as is known, but a

manuscript copy made by Rafinesque in 1833 is preserved. The

first accurate reproduction of this, figures and text, was pub¬

lished in 1885 in “The Lenape and their Legends,'" with com¬

plete text and symbols of the Walam Olum, by Dr. Daniel

G. Brinton, of Philadelphia.

Dr. Brinton thus summarizes the narrative of the Walam

Olum:

“At some remote period the ancestors of the Lenape

dwelt probably in Labrador. They journeyed south and west

to the St. Lawrence, near Lake Ontario. Next they dwelt for

some generations in the pine and hemlock regions of New

York, fighting often with the Snake people and the Talega,

agricultural nations, living in fortified towns in Ohio and

Indiana. They drove out the former but the latter remained

in the Upper Ohio and its branches. The Lenape, now set¬

tled on the streams in Indiana, wished to remove to the East

to join the Mohegans and others of their kin who had moved

there directly from northern New York. So they united with

the Hurons to drive out the Talega from the Upper Ohio,

which was not fully accomplished for many centuries, some

Cherokees lingering there as late as 1730."

The Indians almost universally believed the dry land they

knew to be a part of a great island surrounded by waters


whose limits were unknown and beyond which was the home of

the Light and Sun. The Delawares believed that the whole

was supported by a fabled turtle, whose movements caused

earthquakes, and who had been their first preserver; their

legend in that respect being as follows: Back in the far dis¬

tant past there was a great overflow of water, submerging the

earth, and but few people survived. They took refuge on the

back of a turtle. Presently a loon flew by, which they asked

to dive and bring up the land. Trying, but failing in the im¬

mediate vicinity, he tried afar off and returned with a small

quantity of earth in his bill. The turtle, guided by the loon,

swam to the place where the earth was found and the survivors

there settled and repeopled the land.

It will probably be a matter of some surprise to most of

you to learn that there is authority for believing that New

Jersey was a wilderness, uninhabited by human beings until

the year 1396, when King Wolomenap (Hollow Man) led his

people into the Delaware Valley where they settled and over¬

ran New Jersey.

The Reverend Mr. Beatty, in his mission from New York

in 1766, to the western Indians, received from a person whom

he credited, the following tradition, which he had from some

old men among the Delaware tribe: That of old time their

people were divided by a river, and one part tarried behind;

that they knew not for a certainty how they first came to this

continent, but gave this account: that a king of their na¬

tion, when they formerly lived far to the west, left his kingdom

to his two sons; that the one son making war upon the other,

the latter thereupon determined to depart, and seek some

new habitation; accordingly he set out accompanied by a num¬

ber of people, and after wandering to and fro for the space

of forty years, they at length came to the Delaware where

they settled three hundred and seventy years before, that is,

before 1766, which goes back to 1396. The way they kept

account of this was by putting a black bead of wampum every

year on a belt which they used for that purpose. Rafineseque

gives a list of Lenape Kings and says their annals tell of

Wolomenap (Hollow Man), the 77th, and that he was king


at the falls of the Delaware (Trenton); the first one there,

according to the legend.

The earliest white travelers in this part of the country

looked upon the natives as simply savages and little different

from the wild beasts about them, and did not trouble them¬

selves to study their institutions or traditions, and that has

been done in comparatively recent times.

The Indians found here by the first explorers and trav¬

elers were splendid physical specimens, well built and strong,

with broad shoulders and small waists, dark eyes, white teeth,

coarse black hair, of which the men left but a single tuft on

the top of the head to accommodate an enemy’s scalping

knife. There were few that were crippled or deformed.

History tells us of at least one Indian who was not

straight,—of stature, I mean,—^and that was Billy Bowlegs, a

Seminole chief, who fought in the Florida wars. But he was

not a Jersey Indian.

The Indians had a habit of anointing their bodies with

oil and the fat of beasts and fishes which they claimed pro¬

tected their skins from the fierce rays of the summer sun

and the penetrating cold of winter.

As they lived mainly by hunting and fishing, their habi¬

tations, which were called “wigwams,” were temporary struc¬

tures which could easily be removed when occasion required.

They generally slept on skin or leaves spread on the bare

ground, and some had crude board floors, which inspired Roger

Williams to indict these lines:

“God gives them sleep on ground

or straw,

On sedge mats or on board,

When English beds of softest down

Sometimes no sleep afford.”

From these humble lodgings no one was ever turned

away and the generous hospitality of the Indians was noticed

with admiration by travelers. The Indian’s dinner gen¬

erally consisted of meat and vegetables, cooked in the same


vessel, which was rarely, if ever, cleansed. His breakfast gen¬ erally consisted of maize, that is, Indian corn, pounded in a mortar till crushed and then boiled. This was his ach-poan, whence comes the name “corn-pone,” which we all know, and, I may say, all like. Their thirst was quenched by drinking the broth of boiled meat, or by drafts of pure water. They had no intoxicating liquors until the advent of the white man. Their only stimulant was tobacco, which they smoked in pipes manufactured by themselves. They had no cigars, and the festive cigarette was entirely unknown to them, in fact was then unknown to everybody.

The Lenape did not depend solely on the trophies of the chase for their subsistence. They were, to a comparatively large extent, engaged in agriculture and raised a variety of edible plants, corn, beans, sweet potatoes and squashes, among them. A hardy variety of tobacco was also cultivated.

The art of the potter was not unknown to the Delawares, and their skill in bead work and feather mantles, and dressing animal skins, excited admiration. Their weapons were mostly of stone, but there was considerable native copper used for arrow heads, and also for pipes and ornaments. They had paints and dyes made from vegetables and minerals found in their neighborhood.

In making a canoe they would fell a tree by means of their stone axes or by burning into the trunk at the base and would hollow out the trunk by fire, or in later times, would make a framework and cover it with bark and thus make a ves¬ sel large enough to carry a dozen or more men and to bear a thousand pounds or more of freight, and yet it would be so light that two or three men could carry it.

Although they were usually clad only in the skins of ani¬ mals they had learned to make a coarse cloth from the fiber of nettles and other plants which they twisted and wove with their fingers. They made rope, purses and bags in the same way, and had needles made of small bones and wooden splints, with which they were quite dexterous. Like all primitive peo¬ ple the Indians were very fond of ornaments and adorned themselves with shells and beads and other articles skillfully


and decoratively fashioned by themselves. The white beads made by the Indians were called “wampum” and the blue, purple or violet ones “suckanhoch.” They were made of shells and other suitable materials. Used first merely for ornamentation, this wampum came to be so much in demand that it assumed the character of currency, and it was so used by the white settlers as well as the Indians as neither had any other kind of money. Some white men tried to make wampum but their crude product was promptly rejected as counterfeit.

As the straight-limbed and erect Indians had no intoxi¬ cating liquors, pimpled noses were not to be found among them. Nor did they use profane language, so far as I have been able to learn. What a contrast between them and some of their white brethren! The late W. Clark Russell, in one of his inimitable sea stories, thus describes the English cap¬ tain of a vessel: “His face was purple with grog blossoms, his legs were bent like the tines of a pitch-fork and he was charged to the throat with a fo-castle vocabulary,” which is, as you may have heard, redolent of profanity.

The Indians were never very numerous in New Jersey, at least not after the advent of the white settlers. It has been estimated that in 1648 there were in the various tribes about 2,000 warriors all told, which would make a total population of about 8,000. After this time they disappeared rapidly. In 1721 they were said to be few and friendly,—the fewer the more friendly, doubtless.

Kalm, a Swedish traveler, who spent some time here in 1747, observed that the disappearance of the native population was principally due to two agencies,—smallpox and brandy. It will be remembered, I believe, by everyone, that intoxicating liquors were sold to the Indians by the whites even in defi¬ ance of colonial statutes forbidding it. The practice of vio¬ lating excise laws, which we have every reason to believe still goes on, appears, therefore, to be of ancient origin and to be founded upon considerable historic precedent.

The cupidity of the early settlers led them to sell liquor to the Indians and countless evils ensued. One day in 1643, at Pavonia in this state, an Indian who had become intoxi-


cated through the Dutch plying him with liquor, w^as asked if he could make good use of his bow and arrow. For an answer he aimed at a Dutchman thatching a house and shot him dead. An Englishman had been killed a few days before by some Indians of the Achter Col village. The whites were exasperated and demanded the surrender of the murderers, which was refused, being contrary to Indian custom. Some of the whites trespassed on the Indians’ cornfields, and when resisted shot three of the savages dead. A war seemed im¬ minent, and in alarm many of the Indians fled for protection to the neighborhood of the Fort on Manhattan Island. The Dutch took advantage of this opportunity, and on the night of February 25, 1643, party slaughtered their unsuspecting guests on the Island, while another party came to Pavonia and attacked the Indian village there, when the women and children were all asleep. The ferocity displayed by the whites on this occasion was never exceeded by the Indians. I will spare you any detailed account of the horrible tragedy, and will only add that as the result of the night’s butchery about eighty Indians were killed and thirty made prisoners. Eleven tribes arose to avenge this cruel slaughter, but were no match for the well-armed whites, and a thousand Indians were slain. Peace was concluded at a conference, April 22, 1643, Oratamy, sachem of the Indians living at Achinheshack\^ (Ach-in-hesk- acky), who declared himself commissioned by the Indians, an¬ swering for them. Yet, more trouble followed, but in 1645 another treaty was made between the whites and the Indians, Oratamy making his mark thereto. In 1649 ^ number of lead¬ ing Indians made further propositions for a lasting peace, the principal speaker being Pennekeck (the chief behind the Col),

in the neighborhood of Cummipaw,—probably a considerable

village of the Hackensacks. Chief Oratamy was present but

said nothing. However, his superiority was recognized by

the gift of some tobacco and a gun, while the members of the

tribe received only small presents.

During the ten years from 1645 to 1655, there were oc¬

casional encounters between Indians and whites, ten to four-


teen of the latter being killed in that period in the vicinity

of New Amsterdam.

The whites were constantly encroaching on the natives

everywhere, and in the neighborhood of Pavonia a considera¬

ble settlement of Dutch had grown up. The Indians became

restive as they saw their lands slipping away from them, and

finally seem to have planned the extirpation of the invaders.

Very early on the morning of September 15, 1655, sixty-four

canoes, filled with five hundred armed Indians, landed on

Manhattan Island, and the warriors speedily scattered through

the village. Many altercations occurred between them and the

Dutch during the day. Toward evening they were joined by

two hundred more Indians. Three Dutchmen and as many

Indians were killed. The Indians then crossed over to Pa¬

vonia and to Staten Island, and in the course of three days

destroyed buildings and cattle, killed about fifty whites and

carried off eighty men, women and children into captivity. It

was the last expiring effort of the natives near New York to

check the resistless advance of the Swannekins, as they called

the Dutch.

For a time the Indians believed they had the advantage,

and proceeded to profit by it with great shrewdness. They

brought some of their prisoners to Pavonia and treated with

the whites for their ransom, demanding cloth, powder, lead,

wampum, knives, hatchets, pipes and other supplies. Chief

Pennekeck finally sent fourteen of his prisoners over to the

Dutch authorities and asked for powder and lead in return;

he got what he wanted and two Indian prisoners besides. The

negotiations continued, until Pennekeck had secured an ample

supply of ammunition, and the Dutch had received most of

their people back again. To the credit of the Indians it

should be said that no complaint was made of the treatment

of their captives.

The authorities of New Netherlands were greatly dis¬

turbed by the brief but destructive war just mentioned, and

as a precaution against the recurrence of such an event advised

the erection of a block-house of logs, in sight of the Indians,


near Achinheshaky. Affairs seem to have gone smoothly be¬

tween the Dutch and the Hackensacks thereafter.

When the English conquered New Netherlands in 1664,

they were careful to cultivate the friendship of the Hacken¬

sack chief, and Governor Philip Carteret wrote two letters in

1666 to Oraton, as he called him, in relation to the proposed

purchase of the site of Newark. The chief was very old at

this time and unable to travel from Hackensack to Newark to

attend the conference between the whites and the natives. And

so there passed from view that striking figure in the Indian

history of New Jersey. It is said that he was prudent and

sagacious in council, prompt, energetic and decisive in war, as

the Dutch found to their cost when they recklessly provoked

him to vengenance.

The few glimpses we are afforded of this Indian chieftain

clearly show him to have been a notable man among men in

his day, and that he was recognized as such not only by the

aborigines of New Jersey, but by the Dutch rulers with whom

he came in contact. Mr. Nelson says that the name of such

a man is surely worthy of commemoration, even two centuries

after his spirit has joined his kindred in the happy hunting

ground of his race. He was unaware, or had forgotten, that

there is a public hall in Newark called “Oraton Hall” in honor

of the great chief.

The names, number and position of all the New Jersey

tribes have not been ascertained, but it is known that about

1650 the tribe occupying the area around the Falls of the Del¬

aware, quaintly written “ye ffalles of ye De La Ware,” where

Trenton now stands, was named “Sanhican.” Their chief was

Mosilian, who commanded about 200 braves at the falls. An

artificial stream of considerable beauty, parallelling the Dela¬

ware River and running along the southwesterly boundary of

the city, built originally to supply water power to mills, but

now disused for that purpose, has been named Sanhican

Creek.

The Sanhicans were noted for the manufacture of stone

implements, making beautiful lance and arrow heads of quartz


and jasper. There are several vocabularies of their dialect extant.

Each tribe had a sachem or head chief. After the death and burial of one, the subordinate chiefs, called sagamores, met with the councillors and people, the new sachem being agreed upon, they prepared the speeches and necessary belts. They then marched to the town where the candidate was and one of the chiefs declared him to be the sachem in place of the de¬ ceased. The common chiefs were chosen for their personal merit,—their bravery, wisdom or eloquence, and the office was not hereditary. When one was elected a sachem or chief, his name was taken from him and a new one bestowed at the time of his installation. He could be deposed at any time by the council of his tribe and his office was vacated by removal to another locality.

The council of each tribe was composed of the sachem and other chiefs, experienced warriors or aged and respected heads of families, elected by the tribe. The executive functions of the government were performed by the sachems and chiefs, who were also members of the council, which was legislature and court combined. Here matters concerning the welfare of the tribe were discussed and offences against the good order of the tribe were considered; crimes committed against indi¬ viduals were not regarded as sins, and they were settled be¬ tween the persons and families concerned, upon the principle

lex talionis. There are exceptions to all rules, and the rule of the In¬

dians that they would not revenge wrongs upon individuals but would leave their kin to do so, seems sometimes to have been departed from, as will appear from the following: In 1671 two Dutchmen were murdered on Matinicunk (now Burling¬ ton) Island in the river Delaware, by Indians, because Tash- iowycan, whose sister was dead, said that he would requite her by killing Christians, which he and another Indian pro¬ ceeded to do. This was reported to, and considered by, the whites in council, who were informed that two sagamores of the nation of the murderers promised their assistance to bring

them in or have them knocked in the head. This scheme of


vengeance was carried out, and two Indians sent by the

sachems to take the murderers, came upon Tachiowycan’s wig¬

wam in the night and one of them shot him dead, and they

carried his body to New Castle where it was hung in chains.

The other murderer, hearing the shot, bolted into the woods

and was never caught.

Each tribe had its totem, generally an animal, which was

a sort of heraldic device like the coat of arms of an armor¬

bearing family. Each totem of the Lenape recognized a

chieftain, a sachem. These were “peace chiefs.” They could

neither go to war themselves nor send or receive the war belt.

War was declared by the people at the instigation of “war cap¬

tains,” valorous “braves,” who had distinguished themselves

by personal prowess, and especially by success in forays against

an enemy.

Every Indian boy was trained in the craft of field, wood

and water. They were early taught to use the bow and ar¬

row, to fish with hook and line,—^hooks of bone and lines of

hemp,—to spear fish with a forked pole and to trap them by

means of a brush net. As the boy grew older he learned to

wield the stone hatchet, known to the whites as a “tommy-

hawk.” He was now expected to distinguish himself in the

hunt, especially in the killing of deer, the noblest game of man,

—white or red.

We are told that the Indians were wonderful archers.

Presumably most of them were, and probably some of them

were not. I suppose they had their William Tells and Sir

Walter Tyrrels.

We all remember the legend of William Tell’s great feat

in archery in 1307 when an Austrian bailiff demanded hom¬

age of him which Tell refused, and for which he was sen¬

tenced to death, but was given the chance of ransoming him¬

self by shooting an apple from off his son’s head at very long

range, a feat which he triumphantly performed.

The misadventure of Sir Walter Tyrrel was, that on August

2d, in the year 1100, William II, surnamed Rufus or the Red

Rover (from the color of his hair), was hunting in the New

Forest accompanied by Sir Walter Tyrrel, a French gentleman.

THE LENNI LENAPE OR DELAWARE INDIANS IS

A stag suddenly started up and Tyrrel let fly at him an arrow

which struck a tree, and, glancing oif, hit the King in the

breast, killing him instantly. Sir Walter immediately put spurs

to his horse, gained the channel coast and embarked for

France, where he joined the Crusades as a voluntary penance

for his involuntary crime. There is a fine old English ballad

commemorating this regicidal tragedy, the refrain of which is:

‘‘Instead of a royal stag that day a King of England fell.”

When a mere boy the Indian would be permitted to sit

at the council fire and hear discoursed, by the sages of his

tribe, the affairs of state. When old enough to go on the

war-path he was taught the war-whoop, kowamo, and how to

hurl the war-club, and to use the tomahawk.

The Indians were fairly accurate in the computation of

time. The Lenape did not have a fixed beginning to their year,

but reckoned from one seeding time to another, or from when

the corn was ripe. They had a word “grachtin” for year and

counted their ages and the sequence of events by yearly peri¬

ods. The records of their people, preserving the memory of

events, myths and fables, were kept on marked sticks. At

first they were marked with fire, but latterly they were painted,

the colors as well as the figures having certain meanings.

The character of the Delawares was estimated very differ¬

ently. The missionaries were severe upon them. One said

they were unspeakably indolent and slothful, had little or no

ambition, not one in a thousand had the spirit of a man.

Another spoke of their alleged bravery with the utmost con¬

tempt, and characterized them as the most ordinary and the

vilest of savages. Yet, still another missionary wrote that he

did not belive that there were any people on the earth more

attached to their relatives and friends than were the Indians.

For more than forty years after the founding of Pennsyl¬

vania there was not a murder of a settler committd by an

Indian. And General William H. Harrison wrote that a long

and intimate knowledge of the Delawares, in peace and war, as

friends and enemies, had left upon his mind the most favorable

impressions of their character for bravery, generosity, and

fidelity to their engagements.


The religious beliefs of the Delawares resembled closely

those of the other Indian nations. They were the worship of

Light, especially in its concrete manifestations of fire and sun;

of the four winds, as the rain bringers; and of the Totemic

animals. The idea of a bad spirit, a devil, appears to have

been wholly unknown to the Indians until instilled into their

minds by the whites, as already remarked. They had a gen¬

eral belief in the soul or spiritual part of man. Their doc¬

trine was that after death the soul went South where it would

enjoy a happy life for a certain time and would then return and

be bom again into the world.

An important class among the Indians were those who

were by the whites called “medicine men,” who were really the

native priests. They were of two schools, one devoting them¬

selves to divination, the other to healing. The title of the

former among the Delawares was “powwow,” meaning

dreamer. They claimed the power of dreaming truthfully of

the future, and were the interpreters of the dreams of others.

Of course they were fakirs, though palpably so only to them¬

selves and not at all to their followers. The other school of

the priestly class was called “medeu,” meaning conjurer. Some

of them professed great austerity of life, had no fixed abode,

exorcised sickness and officiated at funeral rites.

When the white settlers first came to New Jersey the

Lenape had not reached the stage of progress where the

office of priest had been separated from that of physician. Nor

ws the “profession” at all exclusive. Anyone was eligible to

enter it. The Lenape were tolerant of the religious beliefs of

others, although some of the medicine men tried to incite

their dupes to massacre certain missionaries. The Grand

Council of the Delawares in 1775 decreed religious liberty.

When the missionaries came among the Indians these

shrewd and able medicine men, “powwow” and “medeu,” ac¬

customed to practice upon the credulity of the unsuspecting

red-skin, foresaw that the new faith would destroy their power

and incidentally curtail their revenues, and therefore they vig¬

orously attacked the gospel teachings, and often the self-sac¬

rificing missionaries to the Indians were compelled to com-


plain of the evil influence exerted by these false prophets upon

the aborigines.

The principal sacred ceremony of the Indians was the

dance and accompanying song. This was called the “kanti

kanti,” meaning to sing. From this noisy rite the white set¬

tlers coined the word “cantico,” which still survives and is a

word with us.

The early English occupants of America gave little atten¬

tion to the Indian language beyond an acquisition of what was

indispensable to trading with the natives. Dr. Brinton

declares that William Penn professed to have ac¬

quired a mastery of it, but says that from the specimens Penn

gives it is evident that all he studied was the traders’ jargon,

which was about a near pure Lenape as pigeon English is to

Macaulay’s periods.

In the Lenape language, which contains two slightly dif¬

ferent dialects, all words are derived from simple monosyllabic

roots, by means of affixes and suflixes, and they do not come

within our grammatical category as nouns, adjectives, verbs and

other parts of speech, but are indifferent themes, and to this

there appear to be few exceptions. The genius of the language

is holophrastiCj that is, its effort is to express the relationship

of several ideas by combining them in one word. This is an

example: “popochpoalimawoawoll” (po-poch-po-al-i-ma-wo-a-

woll), meaning “they beat them” and “wunshillawoawoll”

(wun-shill-a-wo-woll), meaning “they killed them.”

During the War of the Revolution the Delawares were

first neutral and then partisans of the Americans and thus

prevented attack by hostile Indians on the Jersey towns and

settlements.

The Delawares were passionately fond of their ancestral

traditions and their forefathers, and cherished the belief that

they were the wisest and bravest of men. They loved to

rehearse their genealogies. They were so skilled at it that

they could repeat the chief and collateral lines with the utmost

readiness.

The Indians were all passionately fond of games and were

mostly inveterate gamblers, yet, according to authority, they

18 THE LENl^I LENAPE OR DELAWARE INDIANS

cultivated among themselves a most scrupulous honesty,

always kept their promises, insulted no one, were hospitable to

strangers and faithful to their friends even unto death.

On the subject of the Indians’ devotion to gambling the

following may be pardoned. Bret Harte, in one of his humor¬

ous and purposely ungrammatical wild western poems, speaking

of his friend Bill Nye’s visit to a mining camp, said:

“For the camp has gone wild

On this lottery game.

And has even beguiled

Injin Dick’ by the same.”

and, later on,

“When Nye next met my view

Injin Dick was his mate;

And the two around town was a-lying

In a frightfully dissolute state.”

and, continuing,

“Which the war dance they had

Round a tree at the Bend

Was a sight that was sad;

And it seemed that the end

Would not justify the proceeding

As I quiet remarked to a friend.”

The Indians never forgot and rarely forgave an injury.

They imitated the wild beasts in their cruelty and ferocity in

wreaking vengeance on a foe. Their crude idea of justice

included an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and so on. By

their unwritten code the thief was compelled to restore the

stolen article or its value, and for a second offense he was

stripped of all his goods. When one killed another it was left

to the dead Indian’s relatives to slay the offender, but unless

this was done within twenty-four hours, it was usual to accept

a pecuniary recompense, payable in wampum.


The simple savage, living in close contact with nature, sees only health as the normal condition of man. When the form, once animated and vigorous, lay still and cold, it was an unfathomable mystery to him, and, according to Dr. Brinton, in all the Indian tribes, there was no notion of natural death. No Indian “died,’" he was always “killed.” Death in the course of nature was unknown to the Indians. When one died by disease they supposed he had been killed by sorcery, or some unknown venomous creature.

The Indians’ dread of death would lead them to speak of it by circumlocution or euphemism, as “You are about to see your grandfathers,” or, as among the whites, “If anything should happen.” They had a vague belief that the spirit of the dead haunted their earthly homes, which Philip Freneau has thus apostrophized:

“By midnight moons, o’er moistening dews. In vestments for the chase arrayed.

The hunter still the deer pursues. The hunter and the deer, a shade.”

A very important feature of conference with the Indians was an exchange of presents. The wily savages saw no sense in giving away valuables unless they received presents of equal value in return, and if their gifts were not reciprocated they quietly took them back, whence we get the phrase “Indian giver,” which we learn in childhood to call the playmate who gives us an apple or a stick of candy and later takes it back.

The conferences between the colonists and the Indians were attended with much formality and ceremony. At a con¬ ference held at Easton, Pennsylvania, October i6th, 1758, there were present the governors of New Jersey and Pennsyl¬ vania, gentlemen of their councils, Indians and interpreters.

Governor Francis Bernard of New Jersey spoke to the

Indians, and said: “Brethren of all the confederated nations:

As you proposed your questions concerning Teedyescung separately, I think proper to give you a separate answer

thereto.


I know not who made Teedyuscung so great a man; nor do I know that he is any greater than a chief of the Delaware Indians settled at Wyomink. The title of king could not be given him by an English governor; for we know very well that there is no such person among the Indians, as what we call a king. And if we call him so, we mean no more than sachem or chief. I observe in his treaties which he has held with the governor of Pennsylvania (which I have perused since our last meeting) that he says he was a woman, till you made him a man, by putting a tomahawk into his hand; and through all of those treaties, especially in the last, held at this town, he calls you his uncles, and professes that he is depen¬ dent on you; and I know not that anything has since happened to alter his relation to you. I therefore consider him still to be your nephew. Brethren,

I am obliged to you for your kind promises, to return the captives which have been taken from us. I hope you will not only do so, but will also engage such of our allies and nephews, as have taken captives from us, to do the same. That you may be mindful of this I give you this belt.”

After the governor had done speaking, and his answers were interpreted in the united nations and Delaware languages, the Indian chiefs were asked if they had anything to say. On which Tagashata arose, and made a speech to his cousins the Delaware and Minisink Indians, directing his discourse to Teedyescung, and said: ‘‘Nephews,

You may remember all that passed at this council-fire. The governors who sit there have put you in mind of what was agreed upon last year: They both put you in mind of this promise, and desire you will perform it: You have prom¬ ised it, and must perform it. We your uncles promised to return the prisoners. We your uncles, have promised to return all the English prisoners among us, and therefore we expect that you our cousins and nephews will do the same. As soon as you come home, we desire that you will search care¬ fully in your towns for all the prisoners among you that have


been taken out of every province, and cause them to be deliv¬

ered up to your brethren. You know that it is an article of

this peace that was made between you and your brethren:

In conformity of which you received a large peace belt; of

which belt we desire you to give an account, and let us know

what is become of it, and how far you have proceeded in it.”

After this was interpreted in the Delaware language, it

was observed that there were no Minisink Indians present;

the governors therefore desired that Mr. Peters and Mr. Read

woud procure a meting of the chiefs of the united nations,

Delawares and Minisinks, and cause the speech of Tagashata

to be interpreted to the Minisinks in the presence of their

uncles.

A word about the title to lands in New Jersey will be of

interest. After the English conquest of New Netherlands in

1664, King Charles II granted to his brother James, Duke of

York, afterwards James II, certain territory including New

Jersey; and the Duke of York, in the same year granted New

Jersey to Lord John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, in

recognition of, and in reward for, valiant services performed

by those noblemen for the unfortunate Charles I, father of

the Duke. It is certainly unfortunate for anyone to have his

head chopped off or be otherwise executed, and it is in that

sense alone I use the word “unfortunate” with reference to the

perfidious King. The tribunal that tried Charles I pronounced

him a traitor, murderer and public enemy. And I agree en¬

tirely with the declaration of that illustrious martyr to liberty.

Colonel Algernon Sidney, who, speaking of the execution of

Charles I, said it was the “justest and bravest action that was

ever done in England or anywhere else.”

Lord Berkeley granted and conveyed his undivided one-

half interest in New Jersey to John Fenwick, who conveyed

the same to William Penn, Gawn Lawry and Nicholas Lucas,

but in which Edward Byllynge claimed to have an equitable

interest by reason of matters that are immaterial to this story.

In this situation and on July i, 1676, Sir Georg^Carteret,

William Penn, Gawn Lawry, Nicholas Lucas and Edward

Byllynge, five persons, made the famous quintipartite deed


dividing the province into East and West Jersey, whereby Sir

George Carteret became the owner in severalty of East Jer¬

sey, and Penn, Lawry and Lucas of West Jersey, subject to the

same trust for Byllynge as the same was subject (not disclosing

what it was).

William Penn acquired this interest in New Jersey before

he obtained any in Pennsylvania, and several years before he

visited America the first time. Sir George Carteret, owner of

East Jersey, pledged himself to purchase lands from the In¬

dians from time to time as required by the settlers; and Penn,

the dominant owner of West Jersey, found the practice of

acquiring title from the Indians an old and established custom,

and followed it. In 1682 the legislature passed an act in which

it was provided that no person should buy lands from the

Indians without a written authorization of the Province, the

grant to be to the proprietors who would reimburse the pur¬

chasers. In practice, however, the deeds always appear to

have been made to the purchaser, who bought of the proprie¬

tors on presentation of the deeds to them. The actual title to

the soil was derived from the King of England who claimed

it by right of discovery and conquest. The Indian title was a

possessory one, that of an occupant only, and was not of the

fee, and ‘Tee” means the absolute ownership. Taking deeds

from the Indians, therefore, was a sort of buying one’s peace

in the possession and occupancy of the soil in which the grantee

had the fee. The Indians had no ownership in “severalty,”

which means that they did not own lots or tracts whereon they

dwelt themselves or which were in possession of their ten¬

ants, but the ownership of the land, such as it was, was com¬

mon to the tribe.

Perhaps you would be interested in knowing the contents

of an Indian deed. I shall insert one in this paper. It ap¬

pears by recital and covenant in it that the Indian grantors

claimed that they were the only true, sole and proper owners

of the land conveyed. The deed was made by certain Indian

sachems to certain of the council of proprietors of West Jer¬

sey. It is recorded in Liber AAA of Deeds in the office of


the secretary of state, at page 434, etc., and is taken from the

record verbatim et literatum, as follows:

“To all person to whome these presents shall Come we

Caponohkamhcon Chekanthakainan Kelelaman Hokontoman

all Indian Sachemas and the onely sole and proper owners of

the tract of Land hereafter described and by these presents

bargained and sould send Greetings Know ye that we the said

Indian Sachemas for and in consideration of fivety fathom of

Wampum thirty blew matchcotes thirty Red mattchcotes Eight

inglish cotes twenty white blankets twenty stroudwaters thirty

shirts fourty pare of Sotckings twenty one Kettles Tenn

Gunns Twenty Hoes Twenty Hatchets fivety knives thirty

Tobacko Boxes thirty Tobacko tongs thirty Lookeing glasses

one Pound of Read Lead one rundlett of Gun Powder fourty

barrs of Lead one pound of Beads one hundred tobacco pipes

five hundred fishookes five hundred Needles one hundred and

fivety awles sixty flints twnety paire of Scissors and fiveteen

Gallons of Rum to us in hand paid by Mahlon Stacy Samuell

Jennnigs Thomas Gardiner George Deacon Christopher

Wetherell John Wills John Hugg Jun Isaac Sharp and John

Reading all of them members of the Councill of Proprietors

for the time being within the westerne division of the Province

of New Jersey The Receipt of all which said goods above men¬

tioned We the said Sachemas doe hereby acknowledge and

therewith to be fully contented satisfied and paid have granted

bargained and sold aliened Enfoeffed Released and confirmed

and by these presents doe fully freely and absolutely Grant

Bargaine and sell Alyene enfoeffe Release and confirme unto

the said Mahlon Stacy Samuell Jennings Thomas Gardiner

George Deacon Christopher Wetherill John Wills John Hugg

Isaac Sharpe and John Reading and to ther heires and As-

signes forever all that tract or parcell of Land Situate above

the falls of Delawar and lying and being within the Westerne

division of the province of New Jersey aforesaid being Limi¬

ted and bounded in manner following That is to say Begining

at the River Dellawar at the mouth of a westarne brooke

called Laokolong as from thence along the old Indian pur¬

chase line which was formerly made by Adlord Bowde to the


white oake tree standing by the side of an Indian Road Lead¬

ing from Arhelomonsing unto Neshaning or Coponockons wig¬

wam and so from the said corner along by A line of marked

trees North and by East or thereabouts along by the bounds of

Hoyhams land untill it meet with a branch of Rariton River

called Neshaning and so down the same unto the mouth of a

brooke or Runn called Peescutchola and so along the Norther-

most branch of the same along by the bounds of Nymhainmans

alias Squahikkons land unto an Indian Towne called Toque-

menching and from thence along the Indian Road Leading to

Sheroppees plantation called Asinkoweerkong North and by

west or thereabouts by trees markt along the road and from

Sheroppees plantation along a line of marked trees North

west and by North to a runn on the back side of Ohoeming and

so downe the same untill it empties it selfe into a branch of

Rariatn River called Caponanlong and so up the said brooke by

the bounds of aquatoons land untill it devides it selfe into

two branches and soe from the said forks by a line of marked

trees south west and west south west by the land of Chekan-

shakaman untill it meet with a brooke called the upper Nesh-

asakowerk and soe downe the same to the mouth thereof

emptieing it selfe into Dellawar river and so downe the said

River to the mouth of Loakolong being the place of first be¬

ginning togeather with all and Singular the Mines Minerals

Woods Waters Fowleings Fishings Huntings and all other

Royalties franchises powers profitts Commodities Heredita¬

ments and appurtenances whatsoever to the said tract of land

belonging or in any wise appertaining and all estate Right

title interest use possession propertie Claime and demand

whatsoever of us the said Indian sachamas of in and to the

said granted land and premisses and every part thereof with

apurtenances full and free liberty at all times hereafter soe

the above said Indian Sacchamas our heires successors and

Subjects to hunt fish and fowle uppon the unimproved land

within the above described tract of land Alwayes excepted Re¬

served and foreprised To have and to hold the above described

tract of land and granted premisses and every part thereof with

the appurtenances unto the said Mahlon Stacy Samuell Jen-


nings Thomas Gardiner George Deacon Christopher Whether-

ell John Wills John Hugg Isaac Sharpe and John Reading

there heires and assignes forever to the onely proper use and

behoofe of themselves and the rest of the english proprietors

within the said westerne division of the Province aforesaid

who have subscribed and are concerned in and shall contribute

their respective proportions towards this present purchasers to

their severall and respective heires and assignes forever more

And We the said Indian Sachemas for ourselves our heires

and successors severally and respectively doe covenant prom¬

ise and grant with the said English proprietors above men¬

tioned and their heires and assignes severally and respectively

by these presents that we are the onely true sole and proper

owners of the abovesaid tract of land and granted premisses

and now have good right full power law full and absolute

authority to grant bargains and sell the same in manner above-

said and also that the same premisses is and are free & cleare

of and from all and all other former Gifts Grants Bargaine

Sales and all other incumbrances whatsoever made done or

at any time preceeding this date committed or suffered by us

the above Indian Sachemas or by any others whatsoever with

or by our Consent knowledge or procurement and we the

said Indian Sachemas for ourselves our heirs and successors

severally and respectively all the above described tract of land

and granted premisses with every part thereof with the appur¬

tenances unto the said english Proprietors and their heires

and assignes severally and respecitvely against us the said

Indian Sachemas and our heires and successors severally and

respectively and against all other Indian or Indians whatsoever

Claimeing or pretending to Claime any right Title or interest

of in or to the same shall and will warrant and forever defend

by these presents in witness whereof We have hereunto fixed

our hands and seales this eleaventh day of November Anno

Dom 1703:

Coponakonkikon: X his marke (L. S.).

Hurkanntaman: X his marke (L. S.)

Chekanshakaman: X his marke (L. S.).

Kelalaman: X his marke (L. S.).’^


Each nation had its boundaries, the lands within which

were subdivided between the tribes. These boundaries were

generally marked by mountains, rivers and lakes, and en¬

croachments on their lands by neighboring tribes were resented

as a sort of poaching on their hunting and fishing domains.

There were, however, Indian paths which were common high¬

ways through the territory of the various tribes, which, later,

in numerous instances, were widened into public roads, many

of which exist unto this day. The Indians freely traveled

by these paths from the ocean to the interior, especially to the

ancient council fires at Easton, Pennsylvania.

By 1757 the Delawares had become comparatively few

and a conference was held at Crosswicks with the view of set¬

tling matters in difference between them and the inhabitants

of the colony, and the legislature appointed commissioners

with power to inquire into the matter. Another conference

was held at Crosswicks in 1758, at which Teedyescung, King

of the Delawares, was present with a large number of Indians,

and progress was made. The Delawares asked that a tract

of land in Burlington county be bought for their occupancy

for which they agreed to release all their rights to lands

in New Jersey. The legislature appropriated £1600 to carry

that project into effect and a tract of land of about 3,000

acres was purchased for the purpose. This place was called

“Brotherton” and about 200 Indians located on it. In 1822

the remnant of the Delawares removed from New Jersey, the

legislature appropriating some $3,500 for the purchase of

their new homes and transportation to them. In 1832 an

appropriation of $2,000, asked for by the Delawares, was

made in final extinguishment of all Indian claims in New

Jersey which arose out of the reservation to them of certain

hunting and fishing rights in the treaty of 1758. In acknowl¬

edgment of the benefaction of New Jersey to the Dela¬

wares in 1822 their representative, Bartholomew S. Calvin,

himself an Indian, wrote a letter to the legislature in which

he said: “Not a drop of our blood have you spilled in bat¬

tle—not an acre of our land have you taken but by our con¬

sent. They place the character of New Jersey in bold relief.

B D 1 4. 8 9


a bright example to those states within whose territorial lim¬

its our brethren still remain. Nothing save benison can fall

upon her from the lips of a Lenno Lenape.”

This was the valedictory of the Lenape in New Jersey;

and the haunts that knew them formerly knew them no more.

As “along the banks of the sacred Nile, Isis no longer

wandering weeps, searching for the dead Osiris,” so along the

banks of the historic Delaware, the Indian maiden no longer

watches, waiting the return of her dusky lover from the war¬

path or the chase. As “the divine fires of Persia and of the

Aztecs, have died out in the ashes of the past, and there is

none to rekindle, and none to feed the holy flames,” so the

camp fires of the Indians in New Jersey have flickered and

expired, never to be relighted, never again to send a gleam

athwart the nocturnal skies.

Lord Campbell concludes the introduction to his monu¬

mental work, the “Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England,”

by quoting from Lord Chief Justice Crewe, and says:

“Time hath its revolutions; there must be a period and

an end to all temporal things—finis rerum—an end of names

and dignities, and whatever is terrene—for where is Bohun?

Where is Mowbray? Where is Mortimer? Nay, which is

more and most of all, where is PLANTAGENET ? They are

entombed in the urns and sepulchres of mortality!”

And I ask: Where are the Lenni Lenape?

Teedyescung, Oraton, Mosilian and the other sachems and

sagamores of old Schejachbi (New Jersey) have long since

gone to the happy hunting ground, and the remnant of their

tribes is on a reservation in the far West, perishing as a type

and destined to become extinct as a people.

The Indians have gone from New Jersey, never, never to

return. But we shall not forget them! While pictures are

painted; while books are printed; while children perennially

play Indians all around us, we shall ever be vividly reminded of

those bands of roving savages whose deeds have been rendered

so popular in American story.

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