the peyote religion the new paper final draft

The Peyote ReligionA pragmatic approach

Joseph Bernal

2/6/2010

Working draft

The University of Texas at El Paso

| Peyote Religion 2

The peyote religion, as practiced by the Kiowa and other southern plains tribes, is not

well understood even among researchers in the field. Some fundamental questions about the

Peyote religion, such as how and why it was accepted among the southern plains tribes, have not

been adequately addressed or even properly understood. This paper hopes to clarify some of

these misinterpretations regarding the acceptance of the peyote religion among the tribes. In

particular for the purposes of this exploration the Kiowa tribe will serve as prime example of

how and why the peyote religion was accepted. As American anthropologist James Mooney who

lived and studied with many southern plains tribes stated in 1891 “the Kiowa’s are probably the

most conservative and typical tribe of the plains” (Bass, 1954, p.253). This evaluation of the

Kiowa demonstrates that the peyote religion among the plains tribes may provide an excellent

example of non-deviant behavior within the southern plains.

The acceptance of the peyote religion among the Kiowa can be found in the traditionally

pragmatic religious and cultural values; here pragmatic is defined as a pluralistic consideration to

an ever changing context. In particular the tradition of seeking ‘dwdw’ or spiritual power in the

world could be done pragmatically. This is because the ‘dwdw’ could be accessed in many

different ways. The method of access was not as important as having that access. So even if the

circumstances or environment were to change, it still was the case Native Americans still had the

ability to access ’dwdw’ (Kracht, 1992, p.462). Some historians and anthropologists mistake has

been, superficially at times, to explain the acceptance of the peyote religion as a response to a

single defining outside factor. This paper will show that the acceptance of the peyote religion

| Peyote Religion 3

among the Kiowa, and other plains tribes is a culturally traditional pragmatic response to various

factors. The foundational religious outlook among the Kiowa allows flexibility in religious

practice. Some authors like Bernard Barber, an anthropologist who works on the socio-cultural

aspects of the peyote religion, (1941, p.674) and George de Verges, researcher of Native

American law (1974, p.71), have minimized the peyote religion as a drug based cult that is a

hodgepodge of Christian and Native Americans ideas to cope with post-reservation life. What

this exploration will demonstrate is that the peyote religion as adopted by the Kiowa tribe, as

well as many other southern plains tribes, was simply the traditional flexible and pragmatic

religious approach to the environment that many authors on the subject do not recognize.

To answer the claim that the peyote religion is a drug-motivated cult is a poor assessment

of the peyote religion. A cult is defined in sociological terms, as a charismatic leader lead group

with a singular purpose inside a larger religion (Hultkrantz, 1977, p.14). It will become apparent

why the peyote practice does not fulfill this definition of a cult and was not completely drug

motivated. Neither was the Peyote religious practice simply a reaction to life on the reservation.

An examination of the peyote plant’s early documented history and usage will help to explain

why the peyote religion could not be simplified as a drug motivated cult, but instead as religion.

Authors Barber and Verges consider that the peyote religion among the Kiowa and other

southern plains tribes was an effect of the tribes being relocated to reservations. Upon inspection

of the origins of the peyote culture from the southern plains via the Mexican tribes directly or

through other native tribes, the recollected history is complex and doesn’t lend itself to a

simplified account. The avenues of acquisition do seem to point to exposure and practice, before

reservation relocation, as documentation will show. Finally, examination into the Kiowa’s’

| Peyote Religion 4

religious tradition will show that the acceptance of the peyote religion, along with Christian

symbolism, was an extension of established cultural beliefs. Even acceptance after the relocation

period served as a way to continue traditional values, not simply as an escape for the repressive

circumstances under the reservation.

Before undertaking such an analysis it may be helpful to provide an account of the

ceremony itself. The Kiowa ritual itself is difficult since details vary between accounts. In

actuality those difference may exemplify the dynamic and pragmatic nature of the practice of the

religion. The traditional acquisition of spiritual power, as will be examined later, allows such

variation in that attainment.

Two such accounts will be examined for a better pluralistic and representative account.

One of the earliest known written accounts of the peyote ceremony among the Kiowa was given

by James Mooney in 1892 (Bass, 1954, p.254). Mooney’s extensive work with the Kiowa

granted him an invitation, along with a Comanche and Mexican man who was raised among the

Kiowa. Mooney described the ceremony as taking place some distance from the main camp.

Mooney along with the two other men came upon a small camp around 10 p.m., but gave no

other indication of exact date. The group assembled was a mixture of around 30 Kiowa,

Comanche, and Apache. Each member consumed 12 peyote buttons. A central fire was fanned

with a beaded eagle feather; prayers were then made to the peyote, fire, rain, earth, sun, and the

morning star. This went on till the ceremony commenced at noon the following day when women

brought an assortment of food (Bass, 1954, p.254). Mooney also reported that some Kiowa

practitioners of the peyote ceremony had worn crucifixes (Hultkrantz, 1977, p. 39.) Other

Christian symbolism involves women personifying the peyote goddess. She was the mythical

| Peyote Religion 5

figure who brought peyote to the Kiowa, and at times was associated as a Christ like figure

(p.45).

Anthropologist Ake Hultkrantz who worked with peyote tribes provides a further general

account of the ritual which shares many of the same features. Participation is on a voluntary

basis and there exist a strong pan-Indian presence with multiple tribes, where singing and

praying were present. The ceremony provided several functions, from health to spiritual help,

similar to many of the Mexican ceremonial purposes (p.36). Hultkrantz also points out that the

ceremony involves an array of artifacts such: rattles, an alter, water drums, a staff, feathers, and

flutes (1977, p.37). Feathers used by the Kiowa date back to the Mexican peyote tribes, but the

meaning given among southern plains tribes was very different. Birds among the southern plains

tribes were seen as a messenger between God and man, the humming bird was such a messenger

for the Kiowa (p.46). The usage of feathers and the symbolism within the Kiowa ceremony

demonstrate traditional pragmatic acceptance.

From these accounts of the peyote ritual it is apparent that there is not a singular influence

within the ritual as practice among the Kiowa. Instead the ritual is multifaceted; meaning the

ritual has various influences, which may facilitate an array of parties and ends. The practice is

not limited by tribal distinctions or religious dogma; instead it operates as an open avenue for

spiritual connection for followers who seek ’dwdw’. The importance lays in the access of

‘dwdw’, not in the method of acquisition.

Despite this understanding Barber and Verges still profess that where the importance lays

is in the method. In other words they still claim the peyote religion was drug motivated. An

| Peyote Religion 6

examination of the peyote plant itself will help to shed some light on the claim that it was merely

a drug motivated. The exact species of peyote cactus used in ceremonies among the Kiowa of the

time is unknown, yet most sources agree that lophophora williamii was the most likely plant used

in rituals (Schultes, 1938, p.702). James Mooney in the 1800’s was responsible for some of the

earliest accounts of Kiowa’s peyote ceremony and samples of the plant to the scientific

community in the late 1890’s (Bruhn, 1974, p.366). Mooney’s reported not only was peyote used

for ceremonial religious rituals, but also for medicinal purposes ranging from short term aliments

to chronic diseases (Schultes, 1938, p.706). Mooney’s findings seem to demonstrate is a

pragmatic usage for peyote within the Kiowa. This surpasses its characterization as coping

mechanistic drug. The position held by some as the reason why the peyote religion was accepted,

yet on the contrary the medicinal usage of peyote shows a larger cultural integration. Peyote was

not simply a drug to forget about tangible problems; instead it was a useful application to

everyday life. The medical usage of peyote is best expressed as Mooney reported “as white man

uses aspirin” (Schultes, 1938, p.706).

The open acceptance of peyote was not shared among everyone. In the non-Indian

community peyote usage met much resistance from states, government, and Christian

missionaries. This lack of distinction between religious and medicinal usage from Indian groups

may have been one of the contributing factors to the resistance during the late 1800’s

resettlement period among the non Indian groups mentioned. The medicinal and spiritual use of

peyote may have seemed foreign and dangerous to the non-Indian community. Referencing

peyote as a narcotic tends to be a loaded term, and implies abuse, dependence, and illegal

conduct (Schultes, 1938, p.699). The term narcotic in the traditional sense does not fit peyote’s

| Peyote Religion 7

over reported effects. Narcotics as defined by Webster‘s New World College Dictionary states: “a

drug, used to relieve pain and induce sleep: Narcotics are often addictive and in excessive doses

can cause stupor, coma or death” (2009). Mooney’s accounts and the lack of evidence do not

support a description of peyote’s properties (p.702). Despite that in 1948 an AMA committee

attempted to outlaw peyote as a habit forming drug (La Barre, 1960, p.47). Such acts seem to

demonstrate an overall prejudice towards Native American tribes and cultural/religious practices.

That is devoid of actual factual scientific evidence.

Even among some Anthropologists peyote is considered a narcotic under the grounds

that it produces some distortion of reality or that it may be addictive (Hultkrantz, 1977, p.21-23).

This definition of a narcotic is less than helpful. Many substances if consumed in various

amounts may produce a distraction of reality, but would not be formally referred to as a narcotic.

Also, as stated before the effort to define peyote as a habit forming drug lacks significant

research. In consideration of these criteria it doesn’t seem that peyote can be labeled as a

narcotic. Thusly, at this point it doesn’t seem that peyote fits either the medical or

anthropological definition of a narcotic. The usage of the term narcotic to describe peyote was

maybe due to a generalized usage of the word. To describe drugs overall and not based in any

formalized definition.

Peyote doesn’t seem to fall under a definition of a narcotic, medically or anthropological,

undermines any valid use of term. In legal sense peyote is judged quite differently, with

particular focus on the substance’s relation to society and religious freedom. Since the

reservation period, peyote’s legal status on both state and federal levels has been controversial.

Some major court cases both at the state Supreme Court level and U.S. Supreme; ruled that

| Peyote Religion 8

actions not beliefs can be limited, if determined that it would protect the larger society (Verges,

1974, p. 73) if a religion can be limited in order to protect the greater good of society. What does

that mean for the peyote movement legitimacy as a religion legally and socially? The exercise of

the religion seems to be at the mercy of state and federal restrictions in the end.

Considering such limitations impressed upon by the non-Indian community. Could the

peyote ritual be considered a legitimate religion or written off as a cult? In order to properly

address this question an anthropologically and sociologically is required. On a sociological basis

a ‘cult’ is identified as group lead by a charismatic leader with a particular purpose inside a larger

religion (Hultkrantz, 1977, p. 14). The peyote religion lacks a central leader with a singular

purpose that operates as a faction of a larger religion. The peyote religion functions as its own

independent religion. Followers can also practice independently outside of a particular church so

there is no need for a shared purpose or a particular leader. The definition of a cult is highly

problematic and vague. If this definition is strictly held then many world religions maybe termed

a cult.

The peyote religion doesn’t fill the sociological criteria, yet there are other characteristics

of the peyote religion that speak against its legitimacy as a religion in the eyes of some

anthropologist. One particular factor why it is criticized is it tends to be a pan-Indian movement,

meaning that it functions across many tribes. Also, that it carries Christian elements to some is

proof that it is not an ‘Indian religion’. Peyote researcher Perrine states the peyote religion is a

nativistic movement against the larger white population (2001, p.21). Which is similar to the

positions as stated before of Barber who claims that the peyote religion was a direct effect of

Ghost dance’s failure (1941, p. 674). Verges states the peyote religion was simply an alternative

| Peyote Religion 9

to the failed promised return to a pre-colonized North America (1974, p.71).

Upon further examination the criticisms provided by those anthropologists do not negate

the legitimacy of the peyote movement as a religion. The incorporation of Christian elements

doesn’t exclude the peyote movement from being a full religion. In the same way that

Christianity isn’t excluded from being a religion, because of its traditional Jewish elements. The

acceptance of particular religious characteristics from one religion doesn’t counteract a practice

from being a religion in itself. Notions or stereotypes of what is an ‘Indian religion’ continue to

persist in prejudices against any Christian symbolisms. Practiced among many different tribes

doesn’t impede it from being a religion either. As with many major world religions, peyote

religions are not limited by group boundaries.

As a result the peyote tradition can be defined as a religion. To label the peyote religion

as simply a nativistic movement due to the failed promises of the Ghost Dance undermines its

legitimacy as a religion. This claim is largely unfounded. In part due to the fact that

communication with the peyote Mexican tribes proceeded the relocation period. The Kiowa may

have acquired peyote during the documented raids in to native Mexican tribal territory (Stewart,

1987, p.45). The importance of this finding is that Peyote is native to the southern Texas and

northern Mexican region (Mumey, 1951, p.183). The influence most likely had to come from

those tribes and area where peyote is native. The Kiowa have documented that during the 1834 -

1874 raids were conducted along with Comanche, and Kiowa-Apache in to northern Mexico

which predate reservation period since the tribe was still nomadic (Stewart, 1987, p. 52).

Consideration of the evidence the argument that the peyote religion was acquired as a

| Peyote Religion 10

result of the reservation conditions is less convincing. So is the claim that it was a direct result of

the loss of confidence in the Ghost dance. The Ghost dance being a ritual that was conducted in

the 1890’s and beyond, that promised the return of a pre-colonized North America (Kracht, 1992,

p.452 -453). Exposure to the peyote religion was most likely before either situation. It is quite

plausible that in these early raids not only did the Kiowa acquire familiarity with peyote, but was

in direct contact with the Comanche and Kiowa-Apache. As a result this could have been a

further possible source for an earlier exposure to peyote. So that acceptance of the ritual maybe

more meaningful than simply a result of unfortunate conditions.

How the Kiowa acquired the peyote tradition from various tribes, negate the claim that

the religion was merely a reaction. Many authors have cited numerous possible ways of

acquisition. Some of those possible paths of acquisition for the Kiowa include: Mescalero

Apache, Lipan Apache, and the Kiowa-Apache. Anthropologist Omer C. Stewart writes that they

are the most likely tribes to have spread the tradition, due to the fact that they occupy areas

where peyote may have grown or was readily accessible (1987, p.45). Particular accounts of the

Kiowa acquiring such knowledge vary. For example James Mooney, professed the Mescalero

Apache were the source of the tradition among the southern plains tribes. He even reported that

the Kiowa themselves acknowledged the Mescalero as the “high priest of the ceremony” (1987,

p. 48).

Stewart provides various accounts of peyote origin stories from the Kiowa themselves.

Such as Quanah Parker, a major figure in the peyote movement provided the Lipan with the

peyote ritual who in turn had learned it from the Mescalero. The Mescalero were the link to the

tradition for the Kiowa and Kiowa-Apache. Stewart reports in his research that many


anthropologists such as McAllister and William E. Bittle claim that the Lipan were the most

likely means by which peyote traveled to the southern plains (1987, p.60-61). Despite the

Mescalero and Lipan stories, Stewart states the most likely candidates are the Carrizo. He claims

this is due to the fact that the Carrizo have occupied native peyote lands much longer than the

Lipan. (1987, p. 49-51).

Anthropologist Weston La Barre, who has worked extensively in field of Indian peyote

practices, credits the Kiowa to be users of the cactus around 1880 at which time their where only

two practicing shaman (Brant, 1950, p.212). La Barre supports this by relaying the story told by

the Kiowa Apaches about “a Mescalero or Lipan Apache named Nayokogal who introduced the

ritual to the Kiowa Apache around 1875” (1960, p.49) which would imply five years of regular

contact among the Kiowa and the Kiowa Apache, establishing a lasting acceptance of the

religion. Anthropologist Kracht seem to abide along these lines when he states the Kiowa,

Comanche, and Plains Apache were introduced to peyote around 1870 and it was popularized in

the 1880’s.

The path of acquisition of the peyote ritual is complex and not well defined, particularly

for the Kiowa who have been cited as the one of the main tribes that supplied a pathway to

numerous other tribes beyond the southern plains. As Stewart points out, it is practically

impossible to separate the Kiowa, Kiowa-Apache, and Comanche due in part regular exposure

(Stewart, 1987, p.79). As anthropologist Charles S. Brant says, “Inter-tribal participation was the

rule rather than the exception” (1950, p.212). Considering the plethora of accounts of acquisition

among the Kiowa, an exact path is unlikely to be found or to exist.


In light of the situation the variety of stories of acquisition may not simply be true or

false, but may instead be a pluralistic account of many complex and dynamic cultural

experiences. Because of the Kiowa’s traditional pragmatic nature, this pluralistic characteristic

may have later allowed the acceptance of the Peyote Religion among some of the Kiowa. Most

likely the peyote religion practiced among the Kiowa is a combination of elements from many

sources. If that is the case then, a definitive cause for acceptance seems inadequate for such a

complex context.

While the path by which the Kiowa were introduced to the peyote ritual is poorly

defined. The ability as stated before to accept many sources is imbedded with the traditional

Kiowa culture itself. An examination of the religious vision structure is necessary to demonstrate

how peyote could have been accepted easily within traditional values. The ritual of the vision

quest for the Kiowa was a marked “as an affair of maturity” within adulthood (Schultes, 1938,

p.703). The Kiowa vision quest was not limited to a rite of passage for young men. Grown adults

also participated in vision quest. Ruth Shonle professes that the vision quest ritual was key a

factor in the acceptance of peyote among the plains tribes (Hultkrantz, 1977, p.84). The vision

quest supplied a purpose it seems beyond a rite of passage. It supplied direction and power.

Power not in terms of dominance and control, instead power was related to the earth and

environment itself. In order to be granted a vision and power, scared sites were special points of

access. These points of access were chosen for their expressions of power. Those who recognize

such a place are people who have cultural recognition. Anyone can come across such a place and

physically walk around it, but spiritually not all can enter. These points of access are not fixed

and ever present they may change and be dynamic (Meadows, 2008, p.29). The supernatural


power found in everything for the Kiowa was called ‘dwdw’. Everything possessed ‘dwdw’,

visions sites and those who received visions seem to have more (Kracht, 1992, p. 462)

Examples of particular of scared sources of spiritual power for the Kiowa are Bear Butte

in South Dakota and Devil’s Tower in Wyoming. Except places of power are not fixed to one

particular area for the Kiowa, for example the Wichita Mountains became such a place when the

Kiowa migrated to the southern plains. Some lakes, rivers, and springs were also locations of

‘dwdw’ (Meadows, 2008, p. 66-67). Meadows, who conducted an ethnogeographical account of

the Kiowa, documents that vision seekers were not always successful. After some time of

praying and fasting they were informed by the spirits to simply return home (p.85-86). The

notions of power or ‘dwdw’ as open only to those who are aware. Also in understanding that the

access points of power are dynamic, is important in comprehending how the Kiowa were

pragmatic in their search for ’dwdw’.

In understanding the Kiowa’s notions of ’dwdw’ and their acquisition of by means of a

vision quest, it is apparent how the peyote religion could have been a method for acquiring

’dwdw’. The Peyote religion provided a point of access to ‘dwdw’ for all tribal members of

adulthood by inducing visions. Those visions provided the direction and power needed in life

otherwise known as ’dwdw’. Within Kiowa tradition, if the points of access are taken to be

dynamic then there is no discrepancy accepting peyote as way to acquire ‘dwdw’.

Some early Kiowa legends regarding peyote are prime examples of this pragmatic

acceptance of ‘dwdw‘. Mooney recounts a legend in which two men on the war path become lost

and their sister goes into the hills to mourn their probable death. While in her sleep the peyote


spirit tells her they are alive and she will find the means to bring them back located near her

head. Upon finding a peyote plant near her head, she returns to the tribe with instructions on how

to use the peyote to find them. The tribe induces a visionary state with the peyote and sees the

men’s whereabouts. So when they sent out a search party the two men were found (Hultkrantz,

1977, p. 77). This legend demonstrates the pragmatic acceptance and usage of peyote that was so

important for the peyote religions inclusion into Kiowa life.

Another example of pragmatic acceptance in traditional Kiowa culture was the Christian

elements that supplied the fodder for some the criticisms of the peyote religion. It is true that the

Peyote religion as practiced by the Kiowa and other southern plains tribes contain distinct

Christian symbolism and elements. These elements were not forced indoctrination into the

peyote religion, yet many other efforts were in Kiowa society were. Instead, these Christian

elements are also merely an extension of the natural tradition in seeking ‘dwdw’. In fact,

Christian missionary groups were not in favor of the peyote movement even with Christian

elements in the peyote religion. Missionary Niedhammer to the Cheyenne of Tongue River was a

person who carried such a view and reported his view to superiors at Saint Labre Indian Mission.

Brant also points out many missionaries in the late 1800’s early 1900’s thought that the usage of

peyote and the practice of Christianity were irreconcilable (1950, p.220).

The Christian elements in the religion and the proclamation of establishing the peyote

ritual as a religion may have been helpful in defending the peyote religion against missionary

lobbyists and states efforts to limit peyote’s usage. Mooney saw early on that to protect the ritual

from oppressive forces. A legal approach to establish the peyote religion as a recognized religion

or ’church’ was necessary. Mooney advocated a charter to tribal groups in Oklahoma (Brant,


1950, p.220). These suggestions and legal maneuvers eventually developed in to the pan-Indian

religious group the ‘Native American Church’ which at its height contained members in 77

separate tribes (Verges, 1974, p.72). The Native American Church became a huge asset in the

protection of the peyote religion at state and federal levels. When peyote’s religious usage was

challenged, the pan-Indian Native American Church acted as a unified and unwavering force in

the oppressive environment of the U.S. government, at the state and federal level, and dominant

Christian views.

In light of the circumstances it seems Christian influence within the peyote religion, was

another pragmatic fold in the pluralistic fabric of the religion. Along with particular influences

other circumstances help build the greater context for the religion. They do not singularly define

the religion‘s acceptance. Barber and Verges as previously accounted for are examples of such

authors who rely on such singular explanations. Verges’ explanation of the acceptance merely

states it’s the failure of such movements such as the ghost dance. The Ghost dance was also a

pan-Indian ritual; its purpose was to return a pre-colonized North America way of life (Barber,

1943, p.673.). The claim that those who became disenchanted by the Ghost dance resorted to the

peyote religion is not supported.

Quite the contrary, the Kiowa raids in 1834-1874 of Mexican tribes who practice peyote

rituals predate the reservation period. Provide why the peyote religion was not simply a response

to the failure of the Ghost dance. Comanche Quanah Parker was a major proponent of the peyote

tradition, had during 1890-1893 outright rejected participation in the Ghost dance by peyote

followers. Yet many followers had little problem practicing both (Stewart, 1987, p.66-67). This

flexible approach by followers seems in line with the traditional pragmatic search for ’dwdw’


that was earlier described. The reservation environment was an era of immense difficulty for the

Kiowa and among other plains tribes. The Treaty of Medicine lodge signed in 1867 by Kiowa-

Apache, Comanche, and Kiowa illustrates this. The treaty treated all tribes into one unit ‘the

Kiowa-Comanche Agency’ that relegated them dependant on government assistance (p.55).

Mooney provided a vivid account when tribes people began to receive rations from sold tribal

land, “men, women,, and children walking around with pieces of raw liver & entrails in their

hands, biting off chunks and eating them like candy while the blood ran down their arms” (Bass,

1954, p. 251).

Given such vivid documentation, it’s very apparent how dismal living conditions were on

the reservation. Forcing a nomadic plains tribe like the Kiowa to live a fixed stagnant life style

inhibited and even arrest traditional ways of life. Also, treatment of former tribal lands had

devastating effects. A prime example of this is the decline of the Sun Dance, because the ritual

was dependant on southern buffalo herds were at the brink of extinction (Kracht, 1992, p.458).

This avenue to acquire ‘dwdw’ was no longer accessible. Neither was access to the traditional

springs, caves, or mountains that were considered sacred. The Kiowa and the other tribes of the

Kiowa-Comanche agency, as they were identified by the Government; had to seek ‘dwdw’

through other avenues. The traditional pragmatic search for ‘dwdw’ was a factor in acceptance of

the peyote religion.

In closing, the peyote religion was not simply a drug centered cult. The definitions of a

narcotic that are used both by the scientific and anthropological communities are problematic.

The definitions either don’t apply to peyote or are vague enough that they may apply to a host of

other substances that are not intended. So much so that the word narcotic is used in general terms


and becomes a loaded term. For the Kiowa themselves peyote appeared to be more than a

recreational drug, instead it was a medicinal plant with various purposes in everyday life. The

labels of narcotic and drug are terms used more often for legal purposes involving peyote. The

purposes for legal measures limiting peyote’s usage, rest on poorly defined notions of protecting

the larger society. These efforts to protect society are largely directed towards Indian

communities.

These legal maneuvers in turn have pushed the Indian communities to legitimize peyote

as a recognizable religion by state and federal agencies. Despite the various values acquired from

traditional religious practice, pan-tribal relations, and Christian elements. The peyote religion

appears to be no less an authentic religion than any other. When a religion shares the same

values, it does not discredit any party from being a religion. Sociologically and legally the peyote

religion is just that a religion.

The claims that acceptance was merely a result of reservation life or the failure of the

Ghost Dance are inadequate. Exposure to native peyote cultures predated reservation life.

Furthermore reports of acceptance and practice were reported before the tribes were relegated to

the reservation. That is not to say that some exposure to members did not happen during the

reservation period, but that exposure was quite possible previous to that period. The search for

‘dwdw’ among the Kiowa and southern plains tribes was pragmatic. The reservation life was

difficult, but the Kiowa had these tools to deal with change long before the reservation.

Under these conditions the religious outlook had to be dynamic and adjust to the plains of

the late 1800s to early 1900s. The tradition of the vision quest for the Kiowa was not just a rite of


passage, but a way for instruction and guidance throughout life. Followers of the peyote religion

saw that the ceremony and the peyote way of life provided them the instruction and guidance. It

did so for followers before the reservation period and after. It was not a last resort, or coping

mechanism against the changing environment. It was the search for ‘dwdw’ under different

situations. The Kiowa tribe as either following the herds or on the reservation, the peyote religion

was there facilitating the search for ’dwdw’. The peyote religion was a traditionally pragmatic

response to various changing factors. To merely relegate the acceptance of the peyote religion

simplistically to an external force is an inadequate description. The peyote religion means much

more among followers, it did what any religion should do. It provided sense guidance in life and

self-worth. It provided a way to connect spiritually even if the context changed. So the peyote

religion was simply a natural extension of the traditional values of the Kiowa.


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