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TRANSCRIPT
1
The Role of the Media in
Countering Radicalisation
in Bangladesh
JUNE 2014
2
Table of Content
Executive Summary 3
1. Introduction 5
1.1 Background 5
1.2 Overview of the project 6
1.3 Structure of the report 6
2. Methodology 7
2.1 Literature review 7
2.2 Perception survey 7
2.3 Key Informant Interviews 8
2.4 Focus Group Discussions 8
3. The State of the Media in Bangladesh 8
3.1 Print media 8
3.2 Electronic media 9
3.3 Social and new media 9
4. The State of Radicalisation in Bangladesh 10
4.1 Bangladesh: State and Social fabric 10
4.2 Various manifestations of radicalisation 11
4.3 Focus on religious radicalisation 13
4.4 Radicalisation and youth 13
4.5 Radicalisation and social media 14
5. How Radical Groups Use the Media 15
6. How the Media Use Radical Groups 17
7. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Building Cooperation 17
7.1 Media and counter radicalisation: Which media? 18
7.2 Counter radicalisation and the role of the media 18
7.3 Media in counter radicalisation awareness building 20
7.4 Countering radicalisation through counter narratives 20
7.5 Level of cooperation between government and the media 22
7.6 Government initiatives in counter radicalisation through the media 24
8. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Challenges Ahead 24
9. Media Control vs. Media Freedom in Counter Radicalisation: A Debate 26
10. Conclusion 27
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Executive Summary
This paper entitled “The Role of the Media in Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh” is one
of the deliverables of the project “Towards Developing a Better Counter Terrorism Regime in
Bangladesh- Phase II”, being implemented by Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI). The paper
aims at providing a detailed understanding of the role of the media in creating awareness and
national consensus against threats emanating from radicalisation in Bangladesh. In order to
provide a broader spectrum on different aspects of the role of the media in countering
radicalisation, this report systematically uses both qualitative and quantitative data in
interpreting current trends and dynamics.
Bangladesh has been currently facing multifaceted threats of radicalisation from different
angles. Therefore, it has become important to integrate various actors of different sections
of the society as stakeholders to devise a comprehensive strategy to counter radical ideology,
narrative and propaganda. The media in Bangladesh is vibrant and has been working to bring
about positive social changes in the country.
This study shows that the media has been a vanguard in protecting and enhancing the security
of the masses by pointing at the lurking intentions that aim to undermine the very social fabric
of a secular and peaceful Bangladesh. The vibrant media of Bangladesh has always been
prompt to help the law enforcement agencies to unearth the trends in radicalisation. This
paper presents a current scenario of the vibrancy of the existing media including the potential
use of social media as a new tool in countering radicalisation.
Various manifestations of radicalisation in Bangladesh, with explicit references to some new
and regrouped radical groups, have been analysed in this paper. Currently, the most potent
threat is Islamist radicalisation and its recent trends are quite different from previous
manifestations. The children and youths are the groups most vulnerable to the concocted
preaching and propaganda of the Islamist radicals. The narratives developed by the radicals
find the children and youth as easy lucrative targets because they are easy to manipulate and
emotionally more gullible. Though Islamist groups have not been very successful to use the
mainstream media for their purposes, the study shows that the social media has been a safe-
haven for the radicals to lurk and continue spreading their messages.
Given the utility and the outreach potential, the radical Islamist outfits often try to exploit the
mainstream media to promote their cause. The media, unintentionally, can often be used by
the radicals to attract attention of the masses, to achieve recognition and gain legitimacy from
them. At the same time, the carelessness and lack of professionalism of the media
professionals can often lead to spreading the wrong message to the general public, and help
the radicals indirectly. Though this glorification may not be intentional, the profit making
tendency often lies beneath such behaviour in order to attract the public sentiment for their
business. Such trend in the long-run can impact and eventually help the radicals to achieve
their objective of “winning the hearts and minds” of the population.
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As radicalisation has various manifestations, the study suggests that it would be wise to use
all possible combination of the media to counter radicalisation. The study suggests that, as a
potential stakeholder, the media can intervene to play several significant roles in addressing
the problem of radicalisation. As radicals have narratives to extend their support base and to
recruit new members, the media should be given utmost priority for the successful
propagation of counter narratives to that of the radicals. This may halt the processes and
undermine the strength of the radicals by preventing the newer prospective targets from
falling under the spell of radicalisation. The study also puts importance on the need for
greater cooperation between the media and government to address the problem.
Several challenges exist in using the media as a potential arsenal against radicalisation. The
political bias, lack of objectivity, lack of skill and expertise, inaccurate information, profit
making tendency, trust deficit between security agencies and the media, and low level of
cooperation are some of the challenges that may undermine the potential of the media in
creating awareness and a national consensus against threats emanating from radicalisation.
Moreover, the radicals lurk freely in social media with all their radical propaganda which has
made the possibility of using the media as potential stakeholder even more difficult.
Most recently a debate has arisen with regard to the ICT Act, which is argued by many to be
an instrument of controlling the media. While the government authorities expect it to be a
medium to counter radicalisation and terrorism, there are many media professionals and
social activists who believe that it would usher in more authoritarian control on the freedom
of the media, thereby systematically decapitating the potential of the media to address this
social problem.
Despite all the challenges radicalisation still holds a strong ground and the media, if harnessed
properly, can be used as a strong medium of delivering counter ideological narratives. The TV
channels in Bangladesh have a reach to remote places and the content broadcast has greater
acceptance. This acceptability and outreach can be harnessed to raise public awareness
against radicalisation. The youth have appeared as a strong force in the spectrum of social
media and their energy can be used to raise voice against the spectre of radicalisation in social
media to prevent their fellow youths and children from falling under the influence of
extremist ideology. It may be noted that to counter radicalisation, the cultural history of
Bangladesh can be a useful tool providing an alternative narrative to keep the young minds
away from radicalisation. The media can spread counter-propaganda and accurate
interpretation of religious scriptures. Engaging the media in countering radicalisation is just
one part of the exercise. Identifying and employing all forms of interventions can best form a
common defence against the threat of radicalisation.
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The Role of the Media in Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh
1. Introduction
1.1 Background
The media performs important functions in maintaining and guaranteeing democratic norms
and values. It is the media that shares updates, both national and international, among the
people within the nation, as well as with people around the world. Media performs the task
of acting as a “watchdog” within the society to monitor and report the progress of growth
and development, among others. The media serve as an intermediary between individuals
and the government; informing the latter of people’s needs and acting as a shield against
crises and situations of extreme deprivation; it holds governments accountable and makes
their actions more transparent; and, along with other indicators of good governance, it
creates a business-enabling environment, a climate conducive to more effective public affairs
management, and so forth. Media’s traditional roles include informing, educating, building
awareness, communicating to people, acting as a forum for debate and discouse, promoting
country’s image, entertaining, advocacy, publicity, medium of exposing, playing the role of
civil society vis-à-vis state and promoting public good. Enhancing communication,
understanding and cooperation between the government and the media, two crucial societal
actors, can bring about a win-win situation for the government, the media and society at
large.1
The role of the media in countering Islamist radicalisation and terrorism has been a topic of
discussion for quite sometime now. The fateful incidents of September 11, 2001 have ushered
in a new trend in analysing counter-terrorism studies. Radicalisation research and subsequent
de-radicalisation and counter radicalisation programmes have sprung out in many countries
around the globe. Increasing trends are noticable that use various social, political and
economic actors in countering the threat of radicalisation in developing countries where poor
governance, inadequate public service delivery, corruption, nepotism and political volatility
are rampant. As a case in point, Bangladesh is facing the threat of Islamist radicalisation.
Hence, it has become necessary to assess the usefulness of various religious and other social
actors in countering the menace of radicalisation. From this vantage point assessing the role
of a crucial social actor, the media, is not only timely but also very relevant in the context of
Bangladesh.
1 Raphael F. Perl, Engaging with the Media in Countering Terrorism: Challenges and Opportunities, paper presented at the OSCE Conference on “The War on Words – Terrorism, Media and the Law,” Vienna, 5-6 October, 2009.
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1.2 Overview of the Project
Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI) has completed a 3-year project, entitled “Towards
Developing a Better Counter Terrorism Regime in Bangladesh”, with support from the Royal
Danish Embassy, Dhaka. The research findings suggest that radicalisation is a greater threat
for Bangladesh in the long run that needs to be dealt with in a systematic manner.
Radicalisation in Bangladesh is witnessing a new wave of indoctrination of which youths are
at the forefront. Youths are being used in all activities of radicalisation. This radicalisation is
founded on misinterpreting Islamic scriptures, challenging the peaceful, democratic and
secular narrative of Bangaldesh. Islamist extremist groups are spreading radical ideologies
that undermine the secular and progressive fabric of the society. These groups are exploiting
the weaknesses of governance and legal systems, political division, and most seriously the
simplicity of peace loving populace. Alarmingly, the contemporary Islamist radical doctrines
are targeting the middle class, educated and influential people including those in the public
and private universities and professions. The prime objective of their activities is to radicalise
the Bangladesh society for establishing a theocratic regime based on the Shariah.
In order to counter radicalisation and nip it in the bud, a combination of steps is necessary.
The areas of preventive solutions include the role of the media and civil society in countering
terrorism, the role of education system in shaping youth perceptions against terrorist
ideologies, terrorist financing, the impact of Bangladeshi diasporas on Islamist radicalisation,
and the building of a coherent counter narrative.
1.3 Structure of the Report
The organization of the report is divided into ten chapters with an Executive Summary and an
Annex. Preceded by the Introduction, the report goes on with the following chapters:
methodology; the state of the media in Bangladesh; the state of radicalisation in Bangladesh;
how Islamist groups use the media; how the media use radical groups’ activities; counter
radicalisation and the media; what challenges the media face in countering radicalisation; the
debate over media control vs. media freedom in counter radicalisation; and finally, concluding
remarks. This report benefits from inputs received from a Perception Survey conducted by
BEI on more than 100 media people. Additionally, findings of 10 Key Informants Interview (KII)
and 4 Focus Group Discussions (FGD) are also used to prepare this report.
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50%
30%
20%
Types of Media surveyed
Electronic
Social
2. Methodology
2.1 Literature Review
A comprehensive literature review has been undertaken to analyze the trends, incidents,
prospects and challenges of the use of the media in countering radicalisation in Bangladesh.
Salient literature includes newspaper articles, books, peer reviewed journals, scholarly
reports, policy papers, working papers, issue briefs, special reports and various national and
international policy documents of renowned research institutions from home and abroad. As
a contested concept with regards to defining radicalisation, it is widely acknowledged that
radicalisation is predominantly a process. For the purpose of this report functional definition
of radicalisation is determined as:
“Radicalisation is a process in which a person gets indoctrinated by others or self-
motivation into a rigid ideology, religious or otherwise, equipped with a set of
goals and plans that may eventually lead to extremism, militancy and terrorism
aiming at national and/or international systemic change for governance and
regulating human lives.”2
Defining radicalisation still lacks consensus. There are definitions that capture radicalisation
in general forms, while some definitions capture only Islamist radicalisation. In the absence
of any widely recognised definition of radicalisation in Bangladesh, the report aims to adopt
the abovementioned definition for functional purpose.
2.2 Perception Survey
BEI has conducted a comprehensive perception survey on 100 media people in Dhaka City,
covering print, electronic and social media. The survey enquired several critically important
issues like trends in Islamist extremism in the country, inherent causes of radicalisation,
vulnerable sections of society to radicalisation, media’s counter radicalisation role,
effectiveness of media’s role, level of cooperation between media and law enforcement
agencies in counter radicalisation and many more.
2 Quoted from a presentation, entitled “Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh”, made by Mohammad Humayun Kabir at a Bangladesh-India Security Dialogue held in New Delhi on 3 April 2014.
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2.3 Key Informants Interview (KII)
As part of the study, BEI conducted 10 key informants interviews (KIIs) from journalist
community, academics, NGO community, politicians, civil society, and religious community
members. The key informants provided in-depth information, which is not available in the
public domain. Such empirical inputs contributed significantly to the understanding of
radicalisation, and the existing and possible role of media in countering radicalisation. Strict
research ethics has been followed in collecting information to ensure utmost confidentiality
of the interviewees.
2.4 Focus Group Discussion (FGD)
In order to consolidate the findings of perception survey and KIIs, BEI went further and carried
out 3 focus group discussions (FGDs) separately with print, electronic, social media, and 1 FGD
with a combined group of representatives from all three media communities. In each FGD,
persons were present to discuss and suggest issues related to Islamist radicalisation and the
role of the media in counter radicalisation.
3. The State of the Media in Bangladesh
The media of Bangladesh refers to the print, electronic (broadcast) and online mass media
available in the country. Press freedom and freedom of expression is guaranteed under Article
39(1) of Bangladesh Constitution.3 The Bangladeshi media is ranked at 146th out of 180
countries on the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index, with 1st being most free.4
3.1 Print media
Print media in Bangladesh is predominantly written in Bengali, with only a few in English. Daily newspapers in Bangladesh are published in the capital, Dhaka, as well as in major regional cities such as Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, Sylhet and Barisal. Some newspapers offer online versions. The media in Bangladesh plays the role of informing general people about the governance dimensions of public concerns, socio-economic matters and issues of other national interests. Corruption, on the other hand, has always been under keen vigilance of the media and were instrumental in unearthing plots of corruption cases. The media, especially the print media, is influential in policy making and in shaping the image of the country beyond national borders. The leading English newspapers have a strong impact within policy circles as they are read by the bureaucratic and business elites and, most importantly, by diplomats, lending agencies and development partners.5 According to a website, currently
3 Bangladesh Constitution, Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs (Secretariat, Dhaka: Bangladesh Government Press), p. 21. 4 World Press Freedom Index 2014, Reporters Without Borders. http://rsf.org/index2014/en-index2014.php (Accessed on 5 June, 2014) 5 http://www.igs-bracu.ac.bd/UserFiles/File/archive_file/Governance%20and%20the%20Media.pdf
Figure: Distribution of respondents by types
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there are 566 national and 2475 local newspapers operating in Bangladesh.6 The number has been rising over the years.
3.2 Electronic media
The electronic media provides a visual space for debate and expression of views.7 Currently
there are more than thirty national TV channels including BTV with seven online radio
stations, thirteen private radio stations and one national radio station Bangladesh Betar. Until
1990, the electronic media was limited to the state-run terrestrially beamed Bangladesh
Television, and Bangladesh Betar (Radio), often the only source of news and information for
the rural population. However, entertainment radio channel such as Radio Today, had started
broadcasting from June 2006, with news of more FM radio channels coming soon. A recent
survey, carried out by the market research company AC Nielson, shows a dramatic rise in both
TV ownership and viewing over the last decade in Bangladesh, finding that 41% of households
owned a TV in 2006, as compared to 8% in 1995. The survey also states that over 65% of
Bangladeshis aged 15 or over watch TV at least once a week, indicating a substantial and
growing market for satellite TV channels.8
3.3 Social and new media
A common definition of social media, according to Andreas Kaplan and Michael Haenlein, is
“a group of Internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological
foundations of Web 2.0 and that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated
content”.9 In other words, social media has been transformed from merely a space of a
content provider to a space of content generator.10 According to Socialbakers, a global social
media and digital analytics company, a total of 3,282,600 Bangladeshi users are there in
Facebook, which comprised 2.08 percent of total population.11 Most of these users belong to
youth section of the society. Apart from Facebook, there are Twitter, Myspace, Google+ and
many other application users as well.
6 Bangladeshi Media : At a glance. http://allmedialink.com/bangladeshi-media-glance/ (Accessed on 25 June 2014) 7 Irum Shehreen Ali, Governance and Media, CGS Working Paper 3, December 2006. http://www.igs-bracu.ac.bd/UserFiles/File/archive_file/Governance%20and%20the%20Media.pdf (Accessed on 25 June 2014) 8 Bangladesh Media and Demographic Survey, AC Nielsen, 2005 9 Andreas Kaplan and Michael Haenlein. "Users of the world, unite! The Challenges and Opportunities of Social Media". Business Horizons 53 (1): 59–68. 2010 10 http://www.strategicdialogue.org/allnewmats/Social%20Media%20Intolerance%20Literature%20Review.pdf 11Bangladesh Facebook Statistics. http://www.socialbakers.com/facebook-statistics/bangladesh (Accessed on 5 June 2014)
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4.5 4.8
52.7
24.6
11.3
4.50.4 0.6
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Percentage
Age Range: 13-15 16-17 18-24 25-35 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-100
Source: BTRC/September 2013
Figure: Bangladesh Facebook user’s age distribution. Data from Socialbakers.
4. The State of Radicalisation in Bangladesh
4.1 Bangladesh: The State and Social Fabric
Bangladesh is the third largest Muslim country in the world, with a population of about 160
million. Bangladeshis have traditionally adopted Sufi principles of liberal Islam and secularism.
The country has experienced threats emanating from Islamist radicalisation and violent
terrorist attacks. Youth radicalisation has created an unstable environment within the society.
11
0
50
100
62
28 28
166
2
Which section of soceity is mostly vulnerable to the appeal of radical organizations
The Perception survey has given some indication of vulnerable groups susceptible to the
appeals of radical Islamist organizations. It has found that 62% believe that the youth are the
most vulnerable among other categories including children, women, and adults. Interestingly
respondents found that both children (28%) and women (28%) are equally prone to become
victims of radicalisation.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on vulnerable section of society to radicalisation
Islamist groups have used young students as well as children from madrassas to undertake a
prolonged campaign of terror which resulted in multiple deaths, attacks on law enforcement
authorities, in particular the police, destruction of infrastructure and attacks on minorities. In
addition to home-grown fundamentalism, Bangladesh has also witnessed the rise of
transnational Islamist groups, such as Hizb-ut-Tahrir, which espouse violent doctrines and are
especially active in universities, with the youth being particularly targeted for indoctrination.
Newspaper reports have also revealed that children who attend English-medium schools and
madrassas have also been targeted by these transnational radical groups. These groups, as a
whole, are challenging not only the time-tested and well-practised and established religious
order and the socio-political ethos in Bangladesh, but are resulting in pushing the youth
towards violence and conflict, with severe short and long-term implications for the country
and its future generations.
4.2 Various manifestations of radicalisation
Radicalisation takes many forms. In Bangladesh radicalisation takes root from extremism of
various kinds, namely religious, left wing, splinter groups of ethnic insurgents, as well as socio-
economic causes that are also responsible for breeding extremism and radicalisation.
In Bangladesh, the trends in religious radicalisation are significantly different from that
prevailing in Pakistan, Afghanistan and India, in terms of nature and characteristics. Trends in
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radicalisation in Pakistan are more violent and extensive in nature. Pakistani Taliban is a
serious threat to the national security of Pakistan. Currently, it has been an important concern
to the common people as the rise in religious radicalisation is increasing due to the prevalence
of Islamist views in Bangladesh politics. Along with political Islam, there are other factors
behind religious extremism in Bangladesh. There are both religious and extremist parties in
Bangladesh who carried out terrorist acts in the country. Several years ago, the top leaders of
Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) were caught while planning a terrorist attack; they
were put on trial.
Left-wing extremism is also present in Bangladesh but now it is almost moribund. Some of the
well known left-wing parties were Purba Bangla Community Party (PBCP), Red Flag, Gono
Mukti Fouz (GMF), Biplobi Community Party, Sarbahara Party, Janajuddho, Gono Bahini, etc.12
But over time, lack of popular support and marginalization have weakened these groups and
they are now almost defunct.
Once prominent ethnic radicalisation is now seldom seen after the 1997 Peace Accord. But
inter-party rivalry between PCJSS13 and UPDF14 is at times very fierce.15 Although return of
insurgency is unlikely, several potential conflict-sensitive issues are yet to be resolved, of
which land is the most important one.
There are speculations on the linkages between some Madrassas and radicalisation. Media
reports found that JMB Chief Abdur Rahman was educated from Ahle Hadith madrassa of
Jamalpur.16 Various socio-political factors, such as governance deficit and poor service
delivery, can trigger radicalisation. In the case of Bangladesh economic hardship,
unemployment, illiteracy, anxiety and depression, adverse life events, poverty, migration,
extremist view on religion, etc. often help to facilitate radicalisation.17 A novel dimension of
radicalisation is taking roots in Bangladesh. The use of social media is now increasingly seen
as a tool of radicalisation. As a result, youth section of the society is becoming vulnerable to
the threat of radicalisation significantly.
12 A detail account of leftist organizations of Bangladesh can be found in Zohra Akhter, Trends in militancy in Bangladesh, in Farooq Sobhan (eds.), Trends in Militancy in Bangladesh: Possible Responses, (Dhaka: University Press Limited) p. 16 13 Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS), since its inception in 1973, has fought for autonomy and the recognition of the ethnic identity and rights of the indigenous tribes of the Hill Tracts. Its military arm, the Shanti Bahini was used to fight government forces and Bengali settlers in the Hill Tracts. PCJSS signed the Peace Accord with the government in 1997. 14 United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF) opposes the 1997 Peace Accord. The party declared its aim is to achieve full autonomy of CHT. UPDF condemns PCJSS for compromising with the government. Currently, both the parties are strong rival to each other and vie for influence. 15 Abducted PCJSS man killed in Bandarban, Shot UPDF activist dies in Rangamati, The Daily Star, 26 January 2014. 16 Md. Abdul Mannan, Militant Islamism in Bangladesh: Global Jihadist Connection?, Perceptions, Summer 2006. P. 39 17 Helpdesk Research Report, Bangladesh - Underdevelopment and Radicalisation, GSDRC, 18 January 2008. http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/HD499.pdf (Accessed on 25 January 2014)
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4.3 Focus on religious radicalisation
In terms of religious or communal harmony in Bangladesh, generally there are no religious or
inter-faith tensions in the country. But radicalisation in the name of Islam has been emerging
in the recent past. Growing intolerance-induced violence, and religious violence are seen in
some cases. Islamist parties fighting in the streets were unheard of before. Religious and
extremist parties in Bangladesh had carried out terrorist acts in the country. A number of
religious parties, some of those are proscribed, bring out sporadic processions, vandalize
vehicles in the streets, and set public properties on fire. As a result, increasing attention is
shifted to countering radicalisation as no religion permits vandalism, chaos and the carnage
that the terrorist commit in the name of religion. According to a Dhaka University Professor,
there is a critical question about whether the fundamentalists would stick to the
fundamentals of their religions. He opined that “fundamentalism was a misnomer as they
distort the religion for their specific political purposes.”18
4.4 Radicalisation and youth
Young students are more vulnerable to radicalisation as they are easily lured and attracted by
the religious, ideological and emotional appeal. Students enjoy considerable freedom when
they are away from their home and become easy prey to radicalisation. Nonetheless, young
students are easily attracted by individual with good personality traits and oratory skills. They
also want to associate with groups and desire to develop an identity of their own. They find
it attractive to be a member of a team that collectively works for a certain goal. Assuming
responsibility is synonymous to ‘becoming a grown-up’ for them. Moreover, some madrassas
are reportedly linked with radicalisation. These madrassa students are taught mainly in line
with misunderstood and misinterpreted Islamic schools of thought. Consequently, the
graduates from those religious schools are not capable of getting mainstream jobs due to the
lack of required qualifications and skills. Thus, the limited employment opportunities upon
their graduation from madrassas tend to contribute to radicalisation. It should be mentioned
that the graduates from those religious schools can only obtain jobs in Madrassas or Mosques.
Radicalized groups take advantage of this helpless situation and manipulate a large number
of innocent youths towards radicalisation psychologically. Additionally, it has been seen from
past incidents that the youth are at the forefront of various demonstrations of radical and
proscribed groups, such as Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Jagrata Muslim Janata
Bangladesh (JMJB), Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami-Bangladesh (HuJI-B), Ansarullah Bangla Team
(ABT), Ahle Hadith Andolon, Allahr Dal, Shahadat-e-al-Hikma, Touhidi Janata, Hizbut Tawhid,
and Hizbut Tahrir (HT).
18 Roundtable Discussion on Countering Radicalisation in South Asia: Bangladesh Perspective, BIISS, Dhaka, 25 May, 2009. www.biiss.org/seminar_2009/papers/asia.pdf (Accessed on 9 June 2014)
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4.5 Radicalisation and social media
Although there is comparatively few examples of individuals who are radicalized entirely
through online means, the fact is that the propensity is very likely to increase in the future.
Internet and social media have offered the following means to transform communication: (1)
the communication cost is considerably reduced and dissemination and exchange of
information has become almost free; (2) it has offered unlimited access to every kind of
knowledge; (3) finding like-minded people and creating networks have never been so easy
where distance or national border become irrelevant; and (4) anonymity has made the use of
internet even more attractive as it helps to hide identities and one’s presence. Despite new
media’s burgeoning role and contribution to modern day freedom of expression, it can
simultaneously be used as a powerful tool for the terrorists to promote extremist ideology
and hatred. Extremists vigilantly monitor various web forums and chat rooms to identify and
approach potential recruits. The objectives of using internet and new media platforms by the
extremists can range from sympathizer identification, indoctrination, training, support base
building, influencing, tactical coordination, participation in physical attacks, psychological
warfare, fundraising, communication, know-how seeking, creation of virtual terrorist cells,
radicalisation, self-radicalisation, and even to martyrdom. As the process of radicalisation
often involves religious connotations, internet and new media provide perfect battleground
for the female activists to join and participate in the group and forum activities in online
without restrictions.19
The BEI Perception Survey reveals that half of the respondents believe Hizbut Tahrir excels
using virtual medium in propagating their radical views. Other major radical actors who use
social and other virtual media are JMB, HUJI-B, Ansarullah Bangla Team, Hizbut Tawhid and
others.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on virtually active radical group
19 TR Mostarom, Al Qaeda’s female jihadists: The Islamist ideological view. RSIS Commentaries, February 6, 2009.
0
50 32
10
50
1410
8
Which group is the most active in using virtual means to spread their radical views (%)
15
Bangladesh is currently witnessing the second wave of radicalisation.20 The first wave as in
1999-2005 that resulted in a series of violent incidents. With the government crackdown on
extremist and terrorist organizations, that wave apparently faded out. The evolving patterns
of recent incidents reveal that the second wave of radicalisation is going to be different.
Observable trends show much more emphasis on new technologies, presence in cyberspace,
and splinter cell like secrecy.
Of particular note, the emergence of a newly formed group called Ansarullah Bangla Team
(ABT) demands attention. Its followers are predominantly consisting of youth from various
universities, mostly from private universities. ABT has transformed itself from a mere group
to an organization with leadership from demagogue Mufti Jasimuddin Rahmani. Five of ABT
members have been arrested in connection with the killing of a blogger of the Shahbagh
Movement. ABT has the expertise and capacity to carry out propaganda activities along with
indoctrination. This group has a strong presence in the internet harnessing resources from it
for their members by translating them into local languages. Hence, ABT has been instrumental
in expanding the reach of radical materials to their members and beyond.
5. How Radical Groups Use the Media
Media coverage is the “oxygen of terrorism.”
-Margaret Thatcher, on media-terrorism relations.
The evolution of mass communication dramatically changed the scene and process of
radicalisation and the way radical activists conduct their affairs. Today terrorists and
extremists are well aware of the power of the media, and manipulate them, to their own
advantage and needs. Bruce Hoffman argues on terrorist attacks that “without the media’s
coverage the act’s impact is arguably wasted, remaining narrowly confined to the immediate
victim(s) of the attack, rather than reaching the wider ‘target audience’ at whom the
terrorists’ violence is actually aimed.”21
Brian Jenkins is said to have stated that “terrorists want a lot of people watching, not a lot of
people dead.”22 Therefore, it is often a calculated violence usually against symbolic targets,
designed to deliver a political or religious message.
20 Iftekharul Bashar, Violent radicalisation in Bangldesh: A second wave?, RSIS Commentaries, October 7, 2013. 21 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, (New York: Columbia University Press), 2006. p. 174 22 B. M. Jenkins, “The Psychological Implications of Media-covered Terrorism,” Rand Paper. http://www.rand.org/pubs/papers/2005/P6627.pdf. (Accessed on 8 June 2014)
16
0
100
22 2860
18 26 26 22
0 0
What types of media are mostly used by the radicals in Bangladesh to spread their ideology(%)
Their intentions are to bring themselves into focus and create influence among the masses.
Yonah Alexander argues that radical groups have three purposes to interact with the media,
namely: attention, recognition and legitimacy.23 Radical groups seek to gain large scale
attention, spread awareness for their cause, spread fear to intimidate the audience to affect
policymaking process, seek to get recognition for their motives, gaining respect and
sympathy, and to create legitimacy through perpetrating calculated violence to attract the
media.
It is seen from the Perception survey that 60% respondents believe social media is most
widely used by the radicals in propagating their cause. Other media used by radicals are: print
(22%), electronic (28%), cell phone (18%), handbills and posters (26%), CDs-books (26%), and
website/email (22%), as found in the survey.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on radicals’ use of media
Radical groups are believed to use all sorts of ways to pressurize the media. They threaten
journalists, write anonymous letters, make phone calls, and even send threatening emails.
Journalists often receive threats to resign from their job or discontinue enquiry if they want
to live. On the contrary, some radical groups want to maintain their interaction with the
media. They demand that their view should be published and broadcast more and more.
Some journalists write against them but still enjoy a good relationship with them; basically
because they are not being professionally dishonest. Radical groups probably also recognize
or acknowledge that. This is why it is frequently seen in Bangladesh that radical groups, such
23 Yonah Alexander, D. Carlton, and P. Wilkinson, eds., Terrorism: Theory and Practice, (Boulder: Westview Press), 1979. P. 162
17
as Hizbut Tahrir, bring out processions in such nick of time when at least one print or
electronic media is present at the scene to catch their activities either in footage or in writings.
6. How the Media Use Radical Groups Activities
There is a view that media provides a disproportionately large share of news coverage to
radicalisation that can raise general awareness about their cause, provoke policy debates and
public discussion by highlighting their radical views and build sympathetic domestic and
international environment. This may provide greater attention to the radical groups’ outputs
resulting in disruption and prevention in counter-radicalisation measures.
Media broadcast reports to make people aware in general about the threats of radicalisation,
but at the same time they have a tendency to exploit radicalisation as an attractive news item.
They broadcast this incident as far as they can with raw edition. It has been asserted that
media reports only the sensational aspects of radical acts, the blood, the gore, the horror of
the victims. As in war, the media, and in particular television, focus on the action and, in doing
so, often present an unbalanced picture of the intensity of the conflict.
The media is alleged to inadvertently glorify the militants. The crux of the problem lies in the
fact that journalists, be it print or electronic, lack proper training in covering violent radical
incidents. They are not trained to avoid inadvertently glorify radical groups and their
activities. All of the news channels feel privileged broadcasting footage of violent radical
activities in the shortest possible time, which allows them little time to think about the
potential of acting in favour of the radical groups. The media tends to take the phenomenon
of radicalisation as a source of hot news. The media focuses on an ongoing conflict. It presents
radicals as daring actors, thus becoming an instrument for them. Sometimes, journalists use
terms such as “warriors”, “believers”, “jihad”, “shaheed” in such a way that these terms
create appeal to those who are very much moved by their faith. Even the media portrays gory
images of the arrested, beaten activists of radical groups which creates sympathy for them in
the minds of the naïve people.
7. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Building Cooperation
In Bangladesh the media plays a dominant role in catching the public attention towards
radicalisation and terrorism. But extremists do not have minimum control over electronic or
mainstream print media. The local extremists never send any video or audio tapes to the TV
channels or any print media offices. It proves that there is considerable distance between the
media and radicalisation activities. It is, thus, the opportune moment to exploit this distance
and build stronger cooperation with the media against radicalisation.
18
0
100
ElectronicMedia Print Media
Social MediaOthers
5854
42
0
Which Media is the most effective in countering radicalization in Bangladesh (%)
7.1 The Media and counter radicalisation: Which media?
From the above discussion it is well acknowledged that both the media and radicalisation
share some reciprocal relationships. The media uses radicalisation as a pretext of hot news
and competition for corporate rivalry. On the other hand, radical groups carefully exploit the
media in furthering their appeal and motives. However, in order to bolster media’s role, which
is significant and urgent in countering radicalisation, it is important to resolve a crucial debate:
which media is best equipped with counter with radicalisation?
The BEI Perception survey indicates that each and every media has individual effectiveness in
countering radicalisation in Bangladesh. The result shows that majority of the respondents
think that electronic media is better suited to counter radicalisation than print and social
media. Fifty-eight percent respondents think that electronic media surpass print media’s role
(54%) in countering radicalisation, whereas 47% see social media has the most effectiveness
in fighting against radicalisation.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on Which media is most effective in
countering radicalisation
All forms of media, be it print, electronic or social, have some capacity to build resistance
against radicalisation. There is no single media that is capable of dealing with all
manifestations of radicalisation. Certain forms of radicalisation require certain measures.
Hence, rather than advocating for any one single media, it is better to opt for all forms of
media simultaneously to build a coherent strategy against radicalisation. Exploiting the
positive inputs of each media is the key to build a consistent counter radicalisation strategy.
7.2 Counter radicalisation and the role of the media
It is increasingly being recognized that the media can play a useful and constructive role in
combating radicalisation. The media’s role as educator and informer is widely acknowledged
19
0
20
40
60
Communityawareness
againstradicalization
Promotingcounter-narrativeagainst terrorist
ideologies
Raising demandfor the
protection of thevulnerable
groups
Organizingworkshops andtalk shows for
developing inter-faith relationship
Others
54
46
14 22
0
The role of the media in countering radicalization (%)
in all circles. The media has a benefit of following up on incidents which is instrumental in
striking a balance. The Perception survey statistics shows more than half the respondents
(54%) are in favour of raising community awareness, 46% advocate for promoting counter
narratives, 14% support protection of vulnerable groups, and 22% support developing inter-
faith harmony as viable means to counter radicalisation with the use of the media.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on media’s role in counter radicalisation
In order to harness the potential of the media to combat radicalisation, the following roles of
the media need to be taken into account:
The media is meant to publicize. But publicity should follow certain restrictions as
long as it does not endanger much greater cause of public safety and security.
The media needs to play instrumental role in portraying accurate interpretation of
religious messages, which radical groups often misinterpret to recruit
sympathizers.
Delegitimizing radical groups’ cause is the best way to counter them. The media
should advocate for the need of tolerance in society and undercut radical appeal
by making the radical group’s ideological flaws public.
The primary role of the media is to frustrate the terrorist design, the fulfillment of
which will depend largely on preventing irresponsible acts on their part.
20
The media must put greater emphasis on exposing the misdeeds of the radical
groups. Showing the extremists as perpetrators of misdeeds, who seek to exploit
religion for narrow ends, will negate their propaganda.
Sensationalist media report needs to be avoided in order not to create hype, rather objective fact-based report with neutral view should get priority.
The media can play a very important role of public service by warning people particularly on how to react to emergencies.
Counter radicalisation is much more than countering violent events. Rather countering the ideas that induce violent events needs to have the priority.
As radicalisation is a process and deprivation, lack of access to public services, human rights abuse and corruption trigger radicalisation, the media is in a suitable position to act as ‘watchdog’ to monitor such irregularities and raise voice for their equitable solution.
The media must be cautious about not aggravating social tensions, and refrain from dissemination of any kind of hate speech.
Finally, effective and regular collaboration between the media and the law enforcement agencies in order to prevent the dissemination of propaganda messages and images by radical groups is a key to a cogent counter radicalisation strategy.
For the media, its only wish is for unfettered access to information and the ability to cover
the issue unhindered. In doing that, while it is ensuring the society’s right to know, it must
not overlook the aspect of ojectivity and accuracy.
7.3 Awareness building through the media
Fighting radicalisation and violent extremism is not only a question of security measures. The best prevention is to stop people from getting involved in violent extremism or terrorist activities in the first place, or to convince them to turn away from such ideas and methods. This task cannot be left to a small number of authorities and actors to deal with. The nature of the phenomenon requires working with a broad range of partners to gain a better understanding of the behaviours and tactics, and to mitigate or prevent that activity.
The media as a viable medium of awareness building can serve the role of educators. All forms of media, print-electronic-social, has a considerable reach to the people and have different impact capacities. This impact factors must be harnessed to get the most out of it and create a resilient society equipped with counter radicalisation ideas and knowledge.
7.4 Countering radicalisation through counter narratives
Drivers of radicalisation and violence are multifaceted and comprise a unique combination of personal, ideological and socio-political grievances, and various push and pull factors. The justification for violence and radicalisation is often provided by extremists by interpreting the Holy Quran and Hadith in extreme ways. Islamists use verses that refer to Jihad out of context and generally censor/conceal many verses in the Holy Quran which preach justice,
21
peace and harmony. Alternative political systems or ideological underpinnings like democracy, secularism or socialism are not only considered alien but treated as Haram.24
The rise of Islamist militancy and radicalisation in South Asia is a widely debated topic. In
Bangladesh, activities such as - ideological indoctrination, international Islamist extremist
financing, cross-border movement of Islamist extremists, illegal migration, etc., have
threatened national security and peace. To combat extremist violence and radicalisation in
the country, we need to acknowledge that, along with hard-power counter-terrorism
strategy, seeking to discredit the ideology that drives many in the world to support Islamist
extremism should be considered as a high priority issue. Counter-narrative is the
ideological part of counter-radicalisation approach, and it should be crafted with a thorough
understanding of Islamist extremist narratives.
Counter-narrative needs to address all the elements of extremist narratives. Extremist
interpretation of justice, struggle for power, Jihad, economic and legal system, social equality,
freedom of religion, status of women, etc. need to be contested in the counter-narrative.
Delegitimising not just extremist narratives but their method of perpetuation and activities is
important and necessary. Hence, developing a counter ideology and devising methods of
countering propaganda is imperative. Counter-narrative must be a subject of public
discussion; it needs to be spread via addressing people in mosques and madrassas,
printing booklets/leaflets, uploading online educational videos, etc. In this way, the
varied tools/ strategies the extremists use can be countered and used to their
disadvantage. Recognising the fact that counter narrative is one element of the counter-
radicalisation approach is crucial; nevertheless, it is an obligatory element to combat
radicalisation and all the other elements (such as: actors and their roles, institutions,
mobilizing factors, forms, etc.) are dependent on it. Commitment to pluralism and religious
freedom can ensure addressing extremist violence in South Asia. Bangladesh is no different.
Exploiting the vulnerabilities present in extremist thoughts and rhetoric is a must. Islamist
extremists’ ideology and structures need to be neutralised.
Along with trans-national ideological grievances, localized/ national resentment/anger based
on material, educational, and other grievances play major role in radicalisation. Therefore,
economic development, creating employment opportunities, social integration, and
educational reform measures are important in curbing extremism in Bangladesh.
Counter-narrative should refute misinterpretation of religious history and distortion of the
verses of the Holy Quran from the viewpoint of religious studies scholars and Islamic scholars.
Islamic scholars are often viewed by the general public as suitable and credible speakers on
matters of religion and their opinions and alternative explanations of a particular verse or
Hadith can delegitimize violence/ radicalisation.
24 C. Blanchard, ‘Al Qaeda: Statements and Evolving Ideology’, CRS Report for US Congress, 2007
22
Women also play a credible role as peace promoter. Engaging women as positive change
agents in their communities has been proven fruitful. Women are the gatekeepers to their
families and, as such, should be involved in creating and maintaining counter radicalisation
initiatives. Women have explicit and implicit roles both is public sphere and private sphere.
Inclusion of new perspectives with the counter radicalisation discussion and distinctive
approaches of women help to ensure gender sensitivity and vulnerability.25
Counter-narrative needs to be complemented by various other components to deal with
extremist ideologies and propaganda. Capacity building (administrative/institutional,
coordination, training, international cooperation) of various institutions (government,
nongovernment, community, etc.); promoting the role of the media, civil society,
education system and Bangladeshi diaspora can all serve as critical elements of a coherent
counter-radicalisation strategy.
Effective counter-narrative needs community engagement/civil society involvement. In order
to disseminate counter-narrative, coordinated and integrated role of the media is crucial.
Mobilizing efforts in various religious and educational institutions, modernizing the
madrassa curriculum, etc., are key applications of counter-narrative to neutralise
extremist appeal. In addition, the Bangladeshi Muslim Diasporas in the Middle East and
West can become a source of strength, rather than a source of concern, in the struggle
against transnational jihadism if they are effectively involved in counter radicalisation
efforts. International extremist linkage plays a major role in spreading narratives; hence
counter-narratives along with addressing local issues should have a universalist appeal.
Finally, it is at the disposal of the media to spread the counter narrative to put it into effect.
The media has the capacity to reach highest number of people within the shortest possible
time. Hence, the effectiveness of the counter narrative lies to a large extent upon the media
to spread the messages of peace and build consensus against radicalisation.
7.5 Level of cooperation between Government and the media
The level of cooperation between the government and the media in Bangladesh is weak, if
not nonexistent. Government law enforcement agencies seldom notify the media before any
counter radicalisation operation on the grounds of effectiveness of the operations. Though
any formal cooperation hardly exists between these two stakeholders, they are often seen to
play an active role towards a common goal. The media’s investigative reports often help the
government and law enforcment agencies to track both existing and newer shoots of radicals
and bring them to justice.
25 Women and Terrorist Radicalisation, OSCE Secretariat – OSCE ODIHR Expert Roundtables. www.osce.org/atu/99919?download=true
23
88%
10% 2%
Level of cooperation & understanding between government and media is required based on shared values and common
goals on countering radicalization (%)
Yes
No
Skip
0
50
Very good GoodSatisfactory Poor
Very poorNo
Response
624 22 30
22
0
Level of cooperation between media and law enforcement agencies in sharing information about countering
radicalization (%)
Perception survey data shows 88% of the respondents believe cooperation and
understanding between the media and the government need shared values and common
goals as a basis for countering radicalisation.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on level of cooperation and understanding
between the media and the government.
Additionally, it is the media that plays the role of attracting attention of the government to
any micro factors of radicalisation. The media in such cases has played a role of ‘monitoring’
government authorities to make sure that the issue is not overlooked or neglected and that
justice is served. Apart from that, the media spreads counter narratives to counter radical
propaganda, thereby enabling the government stakeholders to raise public awareness against
the radicals. Though there is no formal tie between the government and the media, the media
performs a secondary role in Bangladesh with the government hand–in-hand to counter
radicalisation.
Perception survey data indicates that general perception on the media and government
cooperation in counter radicalisation varies. Thirty percent of the respondents think the
collaboration between the media and the law enforcement agencies is poor, while 24% see it
good, 22% feel it is satisfactory and 22% perceive it is very poor.
24
Figure: Perception survey statistics on collaboration between the media
and the law enforcement agencies.
On several occasions media reports have created awareness and provided impetus for the
government agencies to delve deep into radicalisation incidents and unearth plots. Based on
preliminary media reports security agencies come to know about Bangla Bhai, the militant
kingpin of JMB. Even the then State Minister for Home Affairs admitted that “the government
had no clear idea about Bangla Bhai earlier but when it came to know about him, it went for
action against him.”26
7.6 Government initiatives in counter radicalisation through the media
Despite the fact that government law enforcement agencies have low level of collaboration
with the media, there are still ongoing efforts in this regard. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police
(DMP) has launched a web portal (dmpnews.org) to inform the public about their efforts to
combat crimes and let them read statements.27 DMP officials state that this portal will “dispel
all doubts” on police’s statement and will be constantly updated and it would issue ‘breaking
news’ as well. Recently Bangladesh Police has launched online General Diary (GD) service.
Initially this service is open for only Dhaka metropolitan citizens. Later it will be opened district
wise.28 Although these efforts are not specifically targeted to counter radicalisation but
several concerned experts express optimism that expanding such initiatives to tackle
radicalisation will be of great value. Use of Internet and other new media platforms for
counter radicalisation and counter terrorism activities have gained appreciation nationwide.
8. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Challenges Ahead
Counter radicalisation efforts are receiving more attention globally as part of a broader, long-
term approach to respond to the problem of those who have already drifted into the ranks of
extremism. The growing radicalisation of Bangladeshi youth is a worrisome potential indicator
of the challenges to come.
Political use of the media has become a cause of concern in recent times in Bangladesh. There
are several media houses- print and electronic- that advocate for certain political activities of
specific political parties. Media houses are now used to justify political actions. When media
is used as a political instrument to cover ill motives, it suffers from lack of credibility. In
26 “Bangla Bhai not creation of media,” The Daily Star, 7 March 2006. http://archive.thedailystar.net/2006/03/07/d6030701033.htm 27 “DMP launch web portal,” bdnews24.com. http://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2014/01/02/dmp-launch-web-portal (Accessed on 8 June 2014) 28 “Bangladesh Police Launches Online GD.” http://techinews24.com/bangladesh-police-launches-online-gd/ (Accessed on 8 June 2014)
25
Bangladesh, dominant political parties have their own media houses. These houses defend
their respective parties’ stance on specific issues and create, more often than not, confusion.
The media is expected to raise awareness but when it creates confusion, any constructive role
by the media in the area of counter radicalisation will be subject to question.
Timely and relevant reporting is the essence of media coverage. The media, mainly electronic
and social media, runs stories on real time basis where there is little time for cross check and
editing. Similarly, all media contest for news items on a priority basis. Hence, a question arises
on the inaccuracy of information as a result of competition. This is a major challenge as far
as media’s role in countering radicalisation is concerned.
Dedication and work ethics vary from person to person, as well as from organisation to
organisation. As person being the primary referent object, level of individual ethics can
fluctuate. Scope of corruption and influence remain a viable threat to the objective role of
the media in performing its duties against radicalisation.
Professionalism develops over a period of time. Many reporters of print and electronic media
are young and lack skills to cover critical aspects of radicalisation related news items. As a
result, they unintentionally glorify radical groups’ propaganda messages. This lack of skill and
expertise is an emerging challenge in the field of counter radicalisation where the media is
the potential arsenal against radicalisation.
Trust deficit between security agencies and the media is a widely discussed phenomenon in
Bangladesh. There is overt apathy on the part of the security agencies to inform the media
about the progress of any particular incident. Similarly, the media often carry out investigative
enquiries themselves without informing the agencies. There is obviously a trust deficit
between these two crucial stakeholders. Overcoming this challenge will complement the
progress made so far in the area of counter radicalisation.
In Bangladesh different media houses are supporters of different political ideologies. Apart
from competition over acquisition of news items, the media in Bangladesh is also divided in
nature. There is an explicit lack of consensus within the media community over prioritisation
of national interest issues. Sometimes the shortcomings of consensus are manifested in the
contrasting claims of the same event covered in two media outlets. Inter-media mistrust and
distance is a formidable obstacle towards an effective role of the media in building a common
defence against radicalisation.
Expanding growth of Internet and social media is hard to bring under state control. In
Bangladesh over 63 percent population enjoys mobile penetration and 2.08 percent use
Facebook. The Internet has transformed the way we communicate; it has dramatically
reduced the cost of communication; it has enabled unlimited access to much of the world’s
knowledge and begun to organise it in a way that makes it more searchable; it has made it
easier to find people and create networks among like-minded individuals, across great
26
distances and beyond national borders. It can provide the user with the information they are
looking for to confirm their beliefs. Especially important in this regard are videos and images
which reinforce a particular worldview and can be powerful sparks for the radicalisation
process. It allows individuals to find like-minded people where they are not able to do this
offline, creating an online community. There is growing evidence to suggest that the
anonymity of the Internet offers greater opportunity for youths to become active within
extremist and jihadist circles.29 Very recently Bangladesh witnessed a grave radicalisation-
induced conflict situation in Ramu. Sharing of a manipulated photo hurting religious
sentiment triggered the most notorious manifestation of religious radicalisation in
Bangladesh history.30 The unfettered growth of Internet and social media has thus become a
significant challenge to minimising the threat of radicalisation.
9. Media Freedom vs. Media Control in Counter Radicalisation: A Debate
It is said that the state of democracy in a country is equivalent to the health of its press.
However, there is considerable debate not just in Bangladesh, but all over the world that
whether a media freedom or media control measure is best equipped to counter
radicalisation and terrorism. Often referred to as the fourth estate of government, the media
has the power to wield considerable oversight. Free news media will help improve
government respect for human rights. Indeed, one of the main justifications for freedom of
the news media is that lack of censorship will enable the news media to act as a watchdog
over the government and thereby render the government more responsible and responsive.
The global media, for its part, struggles to maintain its democratic responsibilities by providing
the public with extensive information without awarding the terrorists with a worldwide stage
for their propaganda.
Modern wars are fought on the screen as well as on the battlefield. Media coverage of warfare
and conflict has often influenced not only the policies of other nations but also public opinion
back home. This influence has expanded as technological developments enabled the media
to present more information, at a faster rate and of a better quality.
While Islamist extremists of recent years showed little concern for human life, they
nevertheless clearly design a strategy aimed at massive casualties with maximum media
exposure. Video as a medium of communications has long been in use within extremist terror
groups. It is not only a visual tool capable of arousing emotions but also authenticates, to a
29 Institute for Strategic Dialogue, “Radicalisation: The Role of the Internet.” http://www.strategicdialogue.org/allnewmats/idandsc2011/StockholmPPN2011_BackgroundPaper_FINAL.pdf (Accessed on 8 June 9, 2014) 30 Kaberi Gayen, A Known Compromise, A Known Darkness: 'Ramu-nisation' of Bangladesh, The Daily Star, Forum, November 2012. http://archive.thedailystar.net/forum/2012/November/known.htm (Accessed on 9 June 9, 2014)
27
0
50
100
Veryimportant
ImportantSomewhatimportant
Notimportant at
all
No response
70
164 6
4
The importance of free media in countering redicalization (%)
large degree, the origin of the message. While intelligence services have been known to
fabricate fake and deceptive written orders to terrorist cells, a videotaped message is much
less susceptible to manipulation.
Perception Survey response indicates media freedom is more likely to shield against
radicalisation. Seventy percent respondents are strongly in favour of free media to curb the
threats emanating from radicalisation.
Figure: Perception survey statistics on media freedom in counter radicalisation
With the advent of globalisation the world is becoming increasingly more interconnected. It
is indeed very difficult now to conceal events without letting anyone know about it. Hence, it
is wise to device prudently planned policies to counter propaganda and flawed ideological
messaging of radical groups by properly informed media freedom policies. Rather than
imposing stringent restrictions on media, facilitating the media to curb the dangers of
radicalisation should get the thrust. We must acknowledge that creating a vacuum will only
provide the radical groups opportunities to exploit more the social vulnerabilities and
spreading rumors. Independent media with informed citizens are the best defence against
the threat of radicalisation.
10. Conclusion
Counter radicalisation is a comprehensive approach that includes different stakeholders to
play their respective roles. As the media has the capacity to reach the maximum number of
audience within the shortest possible time, the media has and can play an instrumental
leadership role in building a common resistance against radicalisation. The media has an
influential role, but any effective counter radicalisation policy must take into consideration a
number of other issues as well. Understanding the radicalisation process, identifying social-
economic-political-governance vulnerabilities, building a durable relationship of trust
between and among communities, collaborating with other partners of struggle against
28
radicalisation (educational institutions, religious institutions and communities, diaspora, etc.),
devising a coherent counter narrative strategy and an all-encompassing counter radicalisation
national policy are important steps towards creating a safe environment where the threat of
radicalisation will be minimal.