the roles, contributions and challenges of ngo in ethiopia

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I UNIVERSITY OF READING Graduate Institute of International Development and Applied Economics The Roles, Contributions and Challenges of NGOs in Ethiopia By Ayele Angelo Ago Dissertation Prepared in partial fulfilment of the requirements for MA Degree in Social Development and Sustainable Livelihoods, University of Reading, United Kingdom October, 2008

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Page 1: The Roles, Contributions and Challenges of NGO in Ethiopia

I

UNIVERSITY OFREADING

Graduate Institute of International Development and

Applied Economics

The Roles, Contributions and Challenges of NGOs in

Ethiopia

By

Ayele Angelo Ago

Dissertation Prepared in partial fulfilment of therequirements

for MA

Degree in Social Development and Sustainable Livelihoods,

University of Reading,

United Kingdom

October, 2008

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II

Acknowledgements

I extend my deepest appreciation to my supervisor Dr Henny Osbahr who is also the

program director, for social development and sustainable livelihoods and my other two

courses conveyor, in the Graduate Institute of International Development and Applied

Economics. Her intellectual guidance and keen insight immensely helped me to come up

with this thesis.

I am grateful to all individuals who have taken part to make this study successful. My first

gratitude goes to Mr. Achame Shana Degebusho and his family who have supported me at

various stages of my study.

I am thankful to my wife and children who have tolerated my long absence due to my

study program. I am particularly grateful to Mr. John Clements, Managing Director for

Jade Security Service LTD Company for his kind and wholehearted support by providing

me with part time job, without which completion of my study was impossible.

At last but, my greatest appreciation to Mrs. Ingrid Hartman for her moral and financial

support which was instrumental to my success.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements I

Table of Contents II

List of Tables IV

List of Figures V

Abbreviations (Acronyms) VI

Abstract VII

Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1. Background 1

1.2. Aims, objectives and research questions 3

1.3. Structure of the research 4

Chapter 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 5

2.1. Introduction 5

2.2. Definitions 5

2.2.1. Civil society 5

2.2.2. Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) 7

2.2.3. Democratisation 8

2.2.4. Livelihoods 9

2.3. General overview of civil society 9

2.4. NGOs in Ethiopia 15

2.4.1. The Roles of NGOs and Livelihood situation in Ethiopia 17

2.4.2. Major NGOs achievements 21

2.4.2.1. Food security 22

2.4.2.2. The role of NGOs on democratisation process in Ethiopia 25

2.4.3. The challenges of NGOs 26

2.4.3.1. External Challenges 29

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2.4.3.2. Internal challenges 31

Chapter 3. METHODOLOGY AND LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH 33

3.1. Introduction 33

3.2. Framework Approach 33

3.3. Method 36

3.3.1. Semi-structured interview 36

3.3.1.1. Interview with a research person 37

3.3.1.2. Interview with government organizations 38

3.3.1.3. Interview with non-governmental organizations 39

3.3.2. Secondary data sources 42

3.4. Limitations of the research 42

Chapter 4. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS 44

4.1. Introduction 44

4.2. Major findings 44

4.2.1. Civil society in Ethiopia 45

4.2.2. Roles and Contributions of NGOs in Ethiopia 46

4.2.2.1. Genesis and importance of NGOs 47

4.2.2.2. Major contributions of NGOs in livelihood transformation in

Ethiopia 49

4.2.2.3. Roles and Contributions of NGOs in democratisation process in

Ethiopia. 55

4.2.3. Challenges of NGOs 61

4.2.3.1. External challenges 61

4.2.3.2. Internal challenges 66

Chapter 5. CONCLUSION 71

5.1. Civil society in Ethiopia 71

5.2. NGOs in Ethiopia 72

5.2.1. Identified Contributions of NGOs 73

5.2.2. Identified Challenges for NGOs 74

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5.2.3. Future direction 76

5.2.4. Opportunity and future challenges 77

REFERENCES 78

Annexes 86

List of Tables

Table 1. Growth of Local and International NGOs 1994-2000 16

Table 2. Expenditure by NGO Category in millions 23

Table 3. Regional distribution of NGOs staff as at December 2002 24

Table 4. NGOs contributions by programs (1997-2001) 50

Table 5. Share of sectors intervened by NGOs in the period 1997 – 2001 54

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Non-Democratic States: Unbalanced Sectors where the state plays predominant roles

and the roles of civil society and private sector is limited 13

Figure 2. Balanced sector which is the characteristic of Matured democratic system 13

Figure 3. Position of NGOs’ within civil society under unbalanced sector 14

Figure 4. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework 34

Figure 5. Approximate location of capitals of sample regions for semi-structured interviews

(http://flagspot.net/flags/et (.html) 37

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Abbreviations (Acronyms)

AI Amnesty InternationalCRDA Christian relief and development associationsCBO Community based organizationCSO Civil society organizationDFID Department for international developmentDPPA Disaster prevention and preparedness agencyDPPC Disaster prevention and preparedness commissionEPRDF Ethiopian peoples’ revolutionary democratic frontFBOs Faith based organizationsGDP Gross Domestic ProductGTZ German technical cooperationHa HectaresHIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency SyndromeHRW Human Rights WatchICG International Crisis GroupIFPRI International food policy research instituteIRIN International Reality Investors NetworkKm KilometreMOA Ministry of agricultureMOCB Ministry of capacity buildingMOE Ministry of education

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MOEDAC Ministry of economic development and cooperationMOFED Ministry of finance and economic developmentMOH Ministry of healthMOJ Ministry of justiceLNGOs Local non-governmental organisationsINGOs International non-governmental organisationsNGO Non–Governmental OrganisationODS Overseas development studyODI Overseas development institute ODA Overseas development authorityQa QuintalSNNPR Southern nations, nationalities and peoples’ regionUK United KingdomUN United NationsUSD United state dollarUSAI United States Agency for International Development

Abstract

It is now eighteen years since the present government came into power by overthrowing

the communist regime. Much hope was placed that better democratic system of leadership

would prevail in Ethiopia. Except at the initial stages of power shift where by relative

improvement in the operating environment was observed, the nongovernmental

organization has remained less recognized, struggle for definition, operating space, and

suffer from policy bottlenecks and institutional capacity limitations.

Civil society in general and the NGOs sector in particular, traditionally weak in Ethiopia

due to lack of democratic system of governance, remain underdeveloped and somewhat

misunderstood in the current era of relative political liberalization.

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Many government officials see NGO as political opponents and NGOs are needed when

there is some kind of disaster, such as famine and war that challenge the capacity of the

governments. Such was the case during the famines of 1973/74/ and 1984/85 and during

the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

In spite of excessive and repressive regulation and bureaucratic requirements that consume

much of valuable time, NGOs are providing credible services in the area of relief, food

security, health, education, capacity building and infrastructure programs in Ethiopia.

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Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION

Chapter 1.1. Background

The need to address a wide range of problems adversely affecting vulnerable groups

prompted the emergence and growth of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) globally

as we experience them today (De Waal, 1997: 66–68). The famine of 1970s and 1980s has

largely contributed for the influx and emergence of NGOs in Ethiopia (CRDA, 2004). The

modern understanding of NGOs is new to Ethiopia with a history not extending more than

four decades (Desalegn, 2008:1).

The first indigenous organizations, that were functioning apparently similar to the present

NGOs, were traditional self-help groups that existed for generations before they were

developed into organized entities. Those traditional self-help groups, which have been

registered as proper organizations, are today known as community based organizations

(Van, J. 1998:1). In this thesis, NGOs refer to both indigenous and international

non-governmental organizations that involve in relief and development programs. NGOs

emerged in Ethiopia in 1930s as a result of urbanization and economic development

(World Bank, 2000). The early pioneers were missionaries or Faith-Based Organizations

that had started operating in 1930s (CRDA, 2006: 2).

The NGOs sector is the strongest part of the civil society in Ethiopia (Zewdie and

Pausewang, 2002: 105). NGOs can be classified either by the country of origin (local or

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international) or by their engagement (relief, development and advocacy) (GTZ, 2001). In

Ethiopia, 90% NGOs are assumed to be local and the rest are accounted by international

NGOs (Van, J. 1998:1). However, these are not consistent with Zewdie and Pausewang

(2002) that states the proportion of indigenous and international NGOs as 34%:66%,

50%:50%, 59%:41% and 67%:33% in 1994, 1996, 1998, and 2000, respectively.

Iddir and Equb are the two common traditional institutions that existed for generations in

Ethiopia serving as funeral and saving associations, respectively. In this thesis, these

institutions are not treated as NGOs or as part of civil society as they are established with

the purpose mainly to protect only the interests of their members rather than serving

interests of wider citizens. Civil society is considered not only from associational life point

of view but also from their contribution to influence the government for the desired

changes. AusAID (2007) supports the above statement in that “civil society is expected to

play roles as a watchdog and countervailing agent to influence government for change”

AusAID (2007:18-19).

World Bank,2002)stated that, eight years of uneven, but continued move towards

democracy, the NGOS sectors struggle for definition, operating space in Ethiopia. Civil

society traditionally weak in the country remains underdeveloped, misunderstood in the

new relatively political liberalization. The historical centralization of power in Ethiopia has

left long shadows and the impulses to extend strict and at times arbitrary authority over

various civil society entities remains embedded in the psychology of some officials and for

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many to consider civil society actors as political opponents” (World Bank 2002:2). The

roles of NGOs sector is not limited to relief and developmental work, they are also

involving in the area of democratisation process in the country. NGOs have played

significant roles in the Ethiopian election of May 2005, however; the crisis that followed

the election lefts shadows on the survival of civil society and the NGOs sector in particular

(Amnesty International, 2008:1).

Currently, Ethiopia is hosting an estimated number of 1,200 civil society organizations of

which about 500 indigenous and international NGOs that are operating in different parts of

the country (Ministry of Capacity Building, 2004).

There is relatively increasing research works on civil society since recent years. However,

evidence-based studies on NGOs are scarce. Moreover, the existing one consists of short

pieces and unsatisfactory quality that focus mainly on service provider NGOs and their

unhappy relation with government (Desalegn, 2008,). This research, therefore, will

contribute to the existing scarce literature on NGOs by assessing and evaluating the roles

and challenges of NGOs in Ethiopia.

Chapter 1.2. Aims, objectives and research questions

The overall aim of the research is to indicate the place of NGOs and identify their major

contributions in food security and democratisation process in Ethiopia and the challenges

they encountered in their operation.

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The specific objectives of the research are:

1 To identify the key contribution of NGOs and review from a historical point of view.

2 To evaluate the contributions and challenges of NGOs in the democratisation process

in Ethiopia since 2005.

3 To assess the challenges of NGOs operation in the country.

The key research questions to be answered in this thesis are introduced to achieve the

objectives mentioned above.

What is the overall policy environment the NGOs are operating in?

What are NGOs? Why are they there?

How friendly are the government-NGOs relations for partnership?

To what level have the NGOs internalised democratic cultures and values?

Are there challenges for NGOs operations and what are they?

33. Structure of the research

This thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one introduces the topic and the research

objectives. Chapter two provides a detailed review with background information about

current research on civil society and NGOs at global, regional and national levels. Chapter

three explains why qualitative techniques are preferred and how they are applied. The

analysis and discussion chapter explores the data and present findings in relevant themes

and discuss on them. Finally, the conclusive chapter provides an overview of the main

research findings.

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Chapter 2.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

Chapter 2.1. Introduction

Chapter two outlines general aspects of civil society and NGOs in particular at global,

regional and national levels. Some basic concepts, which are closely related to the

research, are defined. The problems related to operational environment for NGOs sectors

are discussed under external and internal challenges.

Chapter 2.2. Definitions

Different but essential concepts frequently mentioned in this thesis need to be defined in

order to give better understanding to the subject matter.

The main concepts are:

1. Civil society

2. NGOs

3. Democratisations

4. Livelihoods

4.2.1. Civil society

Civil society embraces different sections of social community. Civil society includes

NGOs, professional associations, cooperatives, trade unions, religious institutions,

independent media organizations, and think tanks which operate at different levels; global,

regional national and local etc (ODS, 2005:2). Civil society therefore refers to the arena;

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distinct from the market and the state; in which citizens come together to pursue common

interests through collective actions; neither for profit nor for the exercise of political

power. Thus, all organizations and associations that lie between the family and the state

(except firms and political Parties) are part of civil society (World Bank, 2003b: 2-3). This

research is based on World Bank’s categorization of civil society. In addition to the World

Bank requirements, one requirement is added to define civil society into Ethiopian

context. Any group or entity regarded as civil society is required to fulfil one or more of

the following conditions.

Representations:

Organizations, which aggregate citizens’ voice.

Advocacy and technical inputs:

Organizations, which provides information and advice, and lobby on particular issues.

Capacity building:

Organizations, which provide support to other civil society organizations, including

funding.

Service delivery:

Organizations, which implement development projects or provide services.

Social functions:

Organizations, which foster collective recreational activities.

Legal status*:

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If any associational entity is considered as a civil society organization, then it is required to

have legal status/registration (*this requirement is added taking the Ethiopian situation

into account).

Traditional institutions such as Iddir and Equb, associations for funeral and savings,

respectively, existed for generations in the country. This thesis, however, will not treat

these institutions as civil society organization for reasons that there are no sufficient

documented evidences for their contribution in the democratisation process and

influencing the governments for change for the interests of citizens beyond the interest of

their limited members.

Political organizations and business firms are not also treated as civil society organizations

in this study. The exclusion of political parties and private business organizations is that

the former is struggling to change the government and take over the power while the

private business organizations aspire for profit making to protect the interest of limited

members in the groups.

4.2.2. Non-Governmental Organization (NGO)

Like other civil society organizations, NGO has no commonly agreed upon definitions

globally. NGOs in their broader definitions are “associations formed within civil society

bringing together individuals who share common purpose” (Turner and Hulme,

1997:200). In the Ethiopian context, as defined by German technical Cooperation (GTZ)

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(2001), the term is broadly used to denote an organization that meets the following

requirements:

NGOs are voluntary in their genesis

NGOs engage in relief, service delivery, advocacy or development activities

NGOs are non-profit or self serving organizations working to serve the

disadvantaged groups of the society

NGOs are non-political

NGOs have no permanent program interest or geographical context

Legal status: any organization to be considered as NGO, it requires a legal

status/registration. NGO refers to both indigenous and international

non-governmental organizations (GTZ, 2001:89).

4.2.3. Democratisation

The word democratisation is a widely used terminology in the present development

discourse. It is derived from democracy that comes from two Greek words demo means

people and kratia means power or rule. Therefore, in Greek democracy means system of

governance that was characterized by direct exercise of political powers by citizens’ actual

participation in city-state gathering. The small size of the city- state made it possible for

citizens to gather freely and cast votes for or against something under discussion (Sisay

and G, 2002: 3, citing Sartori, Giovanni, 2000).

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Although democracy comes in many forms, nowadays, the concept generally implies

majority rule, minorities and individuals’ rights, equality of opportunities, equality under

the law and civil rights and liberties. A democratic government is a form of government in

which supreme power is held by the people and exercised directly or through elected

representatives (Sisay and G, 2002:3-4, citing Rohman, 1999). Therefore, “the democratic

process includes the recognition of the people as sovereign and as the ultimate source of

any political authority; freedom to form associations and organizations for all interest

groups and the unhampered advancement of their causes by all peaceful means; freedom of

the press; freedom of all political parities to operate in every part of the country; free and

fair elections through which the people elect their representatives and administrators; and

the total rejection of violence or war as a means of acquiring or maintaining political

power.” (Sisay citing EHRCO, 1995).

4.2.4. Livelihoods

The term livelihood is used in different ways. The following definition by department for

international development (DFID) captures the broader notion of livelihoods. Livelihood

comprises the capacities, assets (including both material and social resources) and

activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when it cope with and

recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both

now and in the future while not undermining the natural resource base”(DFID, 1999:1).

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4.3. General overview of civil society

Civil society is an aggregate of many community groups, such as NGOs, professional

associations, trade unions and human rights advocators. The concept of civil society is not

new. It has been contested with political philosophy, sociology and social theory for

hundreds of years. What is new is the increasing emphasis on the concepts over the last

decade. Civil society has become a buzzword within international development (Anheier et

al. 2004, Edwards, 2004). The importance and place of civil society for Africa’s

development is well articulated by many writers. For example, Murunga and Shadrack

(2007:19) stated the importance of civil society by saying that “literature on African

politics indicates that civil society is the missing key to sustain political reform, legitimate

state, improved governance, viable state-society and state-economy relationships, and

insurance of political renewal”.

The International Crisis Groups (2001) and Kasfir (1998) indicated that, much hope has

been placed on civil society to secure democracy and sustainable development in

developing countries and in Africa in particular. They considered, civil society as a major

force to change or remove undemocratic governments or make the states democratic,

more transparent and more accountable to their people. In Africa, because of the

prevailing, “social, economic, cultural, colonial and political history, civil society assumes

different characteristic when compared to Western liberal democracies. The prevailing

ethnic and kinship structure, the legacy of colonialism, the pattern of economic

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development, and authoritarian governance system gave rise to civil society that markedly

differ from the voluntary associational form that characterise the civil society in United

States or Western Europe”(Fatton, 1992; Kasfir 1998, cited in IDS 2005: 7).

African governance system and its civil society is perceived and looked at in accordance

with exactly the situation that is prevailing in Europe or United States. Perceiving African

politics and its civil society in this manner will lead to wrong recommendations and

solutions to Africans’ problems. Abbink (2006: 173) stated that, the African politics is

conceptualised from the point of view of western context without taking the historical and

cultural aspects into account. Abbink further states the need to revisit and reconceptualise

the analysis of politics in Africa in more cultural and historical terms. Although politics

and civil society are misconceived, there are many in which it has played vital roles in

improving, for example, good governance and exhibited unprecedented growth in social

sector. Civil society organization in Ghana, Zimbabwe and Kenya now provide 40% of all

health care and education services (ODI, 2005) and globally 15-20% of the world’s poor

has been reached by the NGO sector (Fowler, 2000) and development NGOs have an

annual global budget of some US$5.5 billion (ODI, 2005).

The expectations of international institutions from civil society for Africa’s development

and democratization are increasing from time to time. The problem is that the African

political, historical and institutional environment under which African civil society is

working is not treated contextually, for which reason most of the expectation does not

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match with achievements. The ambitious aspiration of international organizations and

donor community is well expressed by Zewdie and Pausewang (2002:103) who stated

that,” the hopes that are put on civil society in Africa, excitement with which the donor

community has embraced the concept make it appear as if some one had just discovered a

magic formula called “civil society” which would painlessly make African governments

more democratic, transparent and accountable”. Crugel (1999) states that the political

context under which the civil society operates at local, regional and global levels

conditions the extent to which the civil society can influence government policy. The

contribution of civil society like in other social issues mentioned above, have been

significant in supporting and promoting pro poor policy formulation.

ODI (2005) suggests that civil society generate issues or actions, raises new ideas or

questions, and creates new ways of framing policy issues. Civil society represents the

views of others, shares expertise and experiences, put forward new approaches. They can

add, correct or change policy issues, hold policy makers accountable; evaluate and

improve own activities, particularly with regard to service delivery and learn from each

other (ODI, 2005:2-4). Despite tremendous potentials that the African civil society has,

the political environment for civil society involvement has not been encouraging and

improving. Civil society and governments in Africa see each other in hostility rather than

as partners for development.

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The following statements by Kukah (2003) explicitly reflect the present African civil

society government relation and the political environment. “The relationship between

states and civil society in Africa seems to have some of the basic characteristics of a

fortified city, communication between those inside and those outside is severely restricted

by the nature of the fort itself. So there are naturally outsiders and insiders. These

characteristics are supposed to inspire awe and causes intimidation in the minds of the

observers. When civil society feels completely locked out it begins to seek relevance by

resorting to such alternatives as migration, informal economic activities, sorcery

witchcraft, cults, genocide, forced relocation, intra-and inter-ethnic, communal or religious

violence, ethnic cleansing etc” (Kukah, 2003:9-10).

Figure 1. Non-Democratic States: Unbalanced Sectors where the state plays predominantroles and the roles of civil society and private sector is limited

Civil society

SocietySource: Rahamato, (2008)

Figure 2. Balanced sector which is thecharacteristic of Matured democraticsystem

State Sector

PrivateSector

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Source:Rahamato,(2008)

Figure 3. Position ofNGOs’ within civil societyunder unbalancedsector

NGOs

C i v i lSociety

Source: Rahamata,

(2008)

NGO sector as a different

part of civil society

emerged as the aftermath

of World War II. The

prevalence of varied

socio-economic problems that followed the war encouraged the emergence of NGOs as

we experience them today. Massive dislocation, destruction that followed the war

challenged the capacities of governments requiring resources and structure that could

address the problems outside of the state domain. The 1950’s and 1960s witnessed the

emergence and rapid proliferation of NGOs to support and assist the people that need

Society

Private Sector

State Sector

Civil Society

SOCIETY

Privatesector

State Sector

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support (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002). For example, there was a dramatic increase in the

number of NGOs worldwide. The number of international NGOs increased by 345% in

last 20 years, from 13,232 in 1981 to 45,674 in 2000(International labour organization,

2001: 10).

4.4. NGOs in Ethiopia

Ethiopia was hit with two devastating famines in almost in a decade. The first famine

occurred in 1973/74 and the second more devastating occurred in 1984/85 causing

involuntary mass migration and huge loss of lives and properties. These two famines

resulted in dramatic increase in the number of NGOs operating in the country. During the

first famine 1973/74 various groups engaged in relief operations formed a network that

became known as Christian Relief and Development Association (CRDA) World Bank,

2000). CRDA is an umbrella organization for more than 150 both international and

indigenous non-governmental organizations in Ethiopia (CRDA, 2004).

The significance contribution of NGOs has increased since these devastating famines. The

role of NGOs during these famines was very essential in saving the lives of famine victims

when the government’s capacities were completely eroded. These famines compelled the

then governments to allow a large influx of western NGOs into the country. During the

first famine, the total number of NGOs mostly operating on relief in the country was not

more than twenty-five; of which the vast majority were church based and very few of local

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origin. This number increased to 70 at the later part of 1980s (Zewdie and Pausewang

2002).

Table 1. Growth of Local and International NGOs 1994-2000

NGOs 1994 1996 1998 2000

LNGOs 24 96 160 246

INGOs 46 96 119 122

Total NGOs 70 192 270 368

Source; DPPC, (2000)

The increase in the number of NGOs is not a unique phenomenon to Ethiopia. An increase

of 525% was recoded from 1994 to 2000. The increase in indigenous NGOs was 1025%

while international NGOs increased by 265%. In a similar way tremendous increase has

also been observed in different parts of the world. For example globally, the number of

international NGOs increased by 345% in the last 20 years, from 13,232 in 1981 to 45,674

in 2000 (International Labour Organization, 2001: 11). In Bolivia in 1980 the total number

of NGOs operating in the county was only 100. This number increased to 1000 in 1999

(ODI, 2005). In a similar way in Bangladesh there were only 70 NGOs in 1970s, but in

2000 this number surged to 22,000 (Matin and Taher, 2000). A tremendous increase

(1025%) in the number of indigenous NGOs was observed from 1994 to 2000 in the

Ethiopia, however; the increase has not been matched with institutional and human

capacity.

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Civil society in Ethiopia remained the weakest by all measurements due to the governance

history, which was based on, centralized states ruled by autocratic governments, which

gave no or little space for associational structure (World Bank. 2000:2). This together

with the inflexible, controlling and bureaucratic nature of the government has made the

NGOs sector to remain very small when compared with other African countries, where we

have more than 54,000 operating NGOs in South Africa, Kenya and Zimbabwe each has

more than 700 NGOs and about 2,700 NGOs in Palestine (GTZ, 2001). NGOs forceful

involvement started following the famine of 1973/74. However, missionaries or

faith-based organization came and engaged as a non-governmental organization in

Ethiopia in 1930’s. Norwegian Lutheran Federation was the first that started its program

in the then Gamo-Gofa- region now under SNNPR State in 1930s (CRDA, 2004; CRDA,

2006).

The second famine 1984/85, which was more devastating, highly, boosted the visibility of

NGOs and created opportunity to expand their areas of operation, relief, rehabilitation,

development and so on.

4.4.1. The Roles of NGOs and Livelihood situation in Ethiopia

There is scarcity of studies done on NGOs in Ethiopia and most of the existing ones focus

on the activities of the organizations, especially in the areas of relief and rehabilitation and

their unhappy relations with government (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002). The NGO being

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relatively the strongest part of civil society has pivotal roles in the political and economic

transformation in Ethiopia (World Bank, 2000).

“Perhaps the greatest challenge that the country faces is that of ensuring food security.

This is so because of the low technological base of agriculture, limited rural infrastructure

and off-farm employment compounded by neglect and inappropriate policies over many

years. The food security strategy, whose implementation has begun, is meant to break the

complex problems to close the food gap and ensure food security.” Mekonnen

Manyazewai (2000 as cited in Devereux, 2000: 1) Vice-Minister, Ministry of Economic

Development and Cooperation (MEDAC), Government of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia is known for its wealth of natural resources and biodiversity as a result of its

extreme altitudinal variations that range from 4620 metres above sea level to 116 metres

below sea level with more than 100 ethnic groups. Ethiopia is the second most populous

country in Africa and yet one of the least urbanized countries in the world (USAID,

2007). Most of its population of more than 65 million people lives in highlands, where

land degradation and drought threatens food security. The highland households are mainly

dependent on better market access or external assistances in order to avoid starvation

(international food policy research institute (IFPRI), 2005). Ethiopia has an estimated

population of more than 78million in 2008(Index Mundi, 2008).

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The total population, which was 42 million in 1984 and 53 million in 1994, surged to more

than 78million in 2008, increasing at 2.9% per year. About 15% of the population is

accounted by nomadic people occupying 60% of estimated landmass of the country, which

is highly inaccessible, and food insecure (USAID, 2007). Agriculture is the source of

livelihood for 85% of the population where the bulk of the poor live (MOFED, 2002,

USAID 2007). Food security problems in Ethiopia are consequential to a combination of

factors. Ethiopia has been structurally food deficit since at least 1980(Devereux, 2000:1).

The growing and serious food insecurity problems in the country affecting as much as

45% of the population has made more than 5 million people dependent on food aid each

year, even during years seemingly with normal weather and market conditions. Over

700,000 tons of food aid has been imported every year to meet the food needs in the

country (Food security Bureau, 2004:2).

“The agricultural sector remains our achilles heel and source of

Vulnerability. Nonetheless, we remain convinced that agricultural

based development remains the only source of hope for Ethiopia;”

Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, April 2000 as cited in Devereux, 2000:2).

The following report by International Reality Investors Network (IRIN) on the current

food insecurity situation in the country matches with the speech of the Premier after eight

years. “The overall food security situation in the drought-affected areas has not improved.

It has been exacerbated by the country's dependence on rain-fed agriculture. Parts of

Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region and Somali region pastoral and

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agro-pastoral populations are extremely food insecure due to successive seasons of

below-average rains, flooding in riverine areas, livestock disease, an army worm

infestation, conflict, inadequate humanitarian assistance and extremely high food prices.

More than 4.6 million people are in need of emergency relief” (International Reality

Investors Network (IRIN), August 18, 2008 citing in Minister of Ministry of Agriculture,

Abera Deresa).

Ethiopian economy is highly volatile and unsustainable due to structural rigidity, external

shocks, conflicts and is dominated by smallholder agriculture which employed 89% of the

labour force, 56% of GDP and 67% of export earnings in 1997(Devereux, 2000). On the

other hand Aredo et.al, (2007), indicates that approximately half of GDP (45%) is

contributed by agricultural sector and agriculture creates employment opportunities for an

estimated 85% of the total population in the country (Aredo et, al. 2007). It can be

noticed that some improvement was observed between the reporting period of Devereux

and Aredo in the total labour force employed in agriculture and in GDP.

Environmental degradation is one of the most serious problems in Ethiopia. IFPRI (2005)

indicates that Ethiopia is among the most soil nutrient depleted Sub-Saharan African

country. Such land degradation reduces average agricultural productivity; increase

farmers’ vulnerability to drought and food insecurity. More than 1.1 billion tons of soil is

lost every year as a result of soil erosion due to water from highlands (Australian

development cooperation, 2004:7).

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The dominant farm system in Ethiopia is characterized by traditional methods of farming

with little surplus and heavily influenced by changes in the weather conditions. According

to an estimate, 30% of farm produce is supplied to local market while more than 60% of

the produce is used for own consumption. Moreover larger proportion of the rural

population (more than 40%) is a net purchaser and the poverty situation in Ethiopia is

among the worst by most social and human development indicators (Aredo, et al 20007).

Ethiopia ranks 169th from 177 countries in human development index having Gini index

of 30(UN Human development Report 2007/2008: 284). Recent government reports of

Ministry of finance and economic development (MOFED) (2005) indicated that the head

count poverty index was 44% in 1999/2000 implying that about half of the population is

under absolute poverty.

In short, Ethiopia is vulnerable to all sorts of food insecurity, chronic, cyclical and

transitory problems. The major causes of food insecurity problems are drought, war,

poverty land degradation, weak institutional capacity, such as market, land tenure system,

and inconsistent government policy (Devereux, 2000:1).

As can be understood from the speech of premier Zenawi quoted above, the Ethiopian

economy is entirely depended on agriculture. Focusing the economy on which more than

80% of the total labour force is engaged may sound rational, however; depending

dominantly on unsustainable natural resource base, on highly degraded land, on rain fed

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agriculture, which is the characteristics of Ethiopian agriculture, is debatable unless it is

followed by structural transformation of agriculture, such as promotion of technological

inputs or land tenure reforms and gradually reducing the roles of agriculture and

significantly increase growth in other sectors (Befekadu and Berhanu 2000:29).

4.4.2. Major NGOs achievements

It is impossible to list what NGOs have accomplished in the course of their involvements,

however; some highlights on major achievements can indicate program successes,

however; major achievements are summarized below.

4.4.2.1. Food security

Following is the achievements recoded by the NGO sector from 1984 1996 as an

indication of NGOs contribution in the area of food security in Ethiopia. Figures of

disaster prevention and preparedness commission (DPPC and CRDA, as cited in Zewdie

and Pausewang 2002) show that in twelve years (1984-1996) NGOs provided relief

assistance on the average to 6.5 million beneficiaries every year which was about 14% of

the then total rural population. In 1990 alone 13 million beneficiaries have received

assistance from NGOs. The volume of the food assistance distributed by them ranged from

1.5 million quintals in 1984 to 5.1 million quintals in 1992. The development project

undertaken by NGOs in 1990s was estimated to have cost 2.3 billion Birr and was

believed to have benefited 26 million people both rural and urban and created 14,000

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employment opportunities (DPPC and CRDA, cited in Zewdie and Pausewang 2002:

107-108).

Table 2 below demonstrates the extent of the NGOs contributions in the area of food

security, capacity building and infrastructural development programs from 1997-2001

(CRDA, 2004).

In short, the NGOs sector in five regional states, in six program areas in five years

(1997-2001) have benefited 23.2 million people of which 20 million benefited from

development projects and the remaining 3.2 million from relief and rehabilitation

programs. A total of 360 projects were implemented by 271 NGOs (188 Local and 83

International) in development programs. A total budget of 3.53 billion Ethiopian Birr or

about USD 392, 222,200 of which 90% or USD 352,999,980 was spent on development

programs and the remaining 10% on relief and rehabilitation operations (CRDA, 2004)

Table 2. Expenditure by NGO Category in millions

Sector NGOs Share in %

Indigenous International Indigenous International

Food Security 563.02 385.47 59 41

Health/Water 515.83 475.48 52 48

HIV/AIDS 35.96 74.26 62 38

Education 432.95 267.80 62 38

Capacity Bldg 171.54 115.93 60 40

Infrastructure 89.83 119.93 43 57

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Emergency 144.12 202.71 41 59

Source: CRDA & DPPC (2004)

In December 2002, NGOs operating in the five regions had a total 9,803 employees of

whom 64% were males and 36% females. Nearly 98.5% of the NGOs employees were

Ethiopians. About 11% of NGOs staffs hold management positions with executive roles,

39% of the staffs provide technical support and the rest 50% were support-giving staffs.

About 77 %( 7,551) of the NGOs workforce is accounted by local NGOs of whom 36%

were females (CRDA 2004).

As can easily be seen from the Table 4, high NGOs staff concentration was observed in

Addis Ababa (41%), where relatively better facilities are available. On the other hand,

Somali regional state, which is one of the remotest and food insecure parts of the country,

accounts only 3% of staff.

Table 3. Regional distribution of NGOs staff as at December 2002

S/N Regional states Region’s share in

%

Staff gender aggregated in

%

Male Female

1 Addis Ababa 41 62 48

2 Amahara 27 74 26

3 SNNPR 17 83 17

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4 Tigray 12 88 12

5 Somali 3 82 18

Source: CRDA (2004)

The concentration of NGOs workforce indirectly indicates program concentration as well.

It is therefore debatable that NGOs and their programs are concentrated in areas where

there are relatively better facilitates and also questionable whether there is an equitable

distribution in NGOs programs in the country.

4.4.2.2. The role of NGOs on democratisation process in Ethiopia

Ethiopia is one of the African countries, which have become politically unstable since the

overthrow of imperial regime in 1974. The communist regime that took over power from

the emperor ruled Ethiopia with absolute tyranny and shameful killings and imprisonment

of its citizens for 17 years. The feudal monarchy followed by a brutal dictator Marxist

regime made civil society in general and the NGOs sector in particular weak and invisible.

Zewdie and Pauswange, (2002), states that when the Mengistu’s regime collapsed in 1991

some NGOs were tolerated by the government for the fact that the government’s capacity

was completely eroded to address the problems of the then catastrophic famine (Zewdie

and Pauswange, 2002).

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The roles of NGOs in the democratisation process are insignificant for the fact that NGOs

have been operating under restrictive and controlled environment. Advocacy is a risk

business in Ethiopia. NGOs those who involved in advocacy work during the election of

May 2005, have suffered much because of their involvement. A good case in point is

Christian relief and development association (CRDA). CRDA is an umbrella organization

of more than 200 NGOs in Ethiopia. CRDA is currently facing serious challenges because

of its position statement regarding the election crisis of May 2005. The following case is a

good example of the challenges advocacy NGOs currently facing and ahead of their future

involvements.

“During the year under review (2005), due to the political situation in the country, a few

training programs on Resource Mobilization, Leadership, etc., which were planned to be

conducted within the fourth Quarter had to be postponed to the next year (2006). All

programs of CRDA have felt the impact of this situation since it created misunderstanding

between CRDA and the Government. CRDA’s involvement in election-related activities

posed both opportunities and challenges. While CRDA was able to show its shift towards

and/or accommodating lobby and advocacy issues on top of its conventional service

delivery mission, it faced serious challenges in the regions as authorities questioned at

every communication the role of CRDA in politics instead of continuing its development

partnership. This challenge has exacerbated since CRDA voiced its position regarding the

situation in the country following the May 15 National Elections. Cases in point are;

different offices in Oromia did not show interest in inviting CRDA on issues dealing with

NGO category, despite CRDA's recognition as a CSO partner in the region. CRDA has

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also been unable to form partnership with existing authorities of Addis Ababa due to the

pending administration hand-over of ruling party to the opposition”(CRDA, 2005:33).

4.4.3. The challenges of NGOs

The governance system in the past regimes gave little space for the establishment of a

strong and a vibrant civil society in Ethiopia. The centralized and autocratic nature of the

governance highly contributed for the limited number and nascent civil society in general

and the weak disintegrated NGOs sector in particular in the country (World Bank, 2000).

The year 1991 was considered to be more promising for the emergence of a vibrant civil

society in Ethiopia (Milikia, 2006). It was not deniable that more civil society was

established since the indicated period due to relatively improved political environment.

The number of NGOs operating in the country in 1994 was only 70 of which 46 were

international and the remaining indigenous. This number dramatically increased to 368 in

2000 of which indigenous was 246 and the remaining international (Kassahun, 2002).

The year 1991 has never brought favourable situation for the emergence and re-emergence

of a strong and a vibrant civil society in the country, rather the promises and hopes

remained rhetoric. The ever-relapsing relation between the NGO and government seems

going from bad to worst these days. The following statements by World Bank in 2000

surprisingly after eight years are found to be so relevant to the current Ethiopian situation.

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“Eight years into Ethiopia’s uneven, but continuing move towards representative

democracy, the country’s NGOs sector struggles for definition, operating space, and

institutional capacity. Civil society traditionally weak in Ethiopia remains underdeveloped

and somewhat misunderstood in the current era of relatively political liberalization”

(World Bank, 2000: 1). Amnesty international(AI) in its June 2008 report” states that

“Amnesty international is deeply concerned by the repressive Draft Charities and societies

proclamation, which clearly aims not only to undermine and frustrate the work of

independent civil society organizations in Ethiopia but also bar foreign non-governmental

organizations (NGOs) such as Amnesty international from operating in the country. The

proclamation is a clear demonstration of the government’s intolerance of the work of

human rights defenders and civil society organizations, and would seem to be a ploy by the

government to conceal human rights violation and prevent public protest and criticism of

its actions”(AI, 2008:1)

The EPRDF led government soon after taking power, has become hostile to civil society

groups especially; international NGOs some of which provided support for the then

guerrilla fighter groups the present EPRDF (government) when it was still an insurgent

movement. The NGOs who supported EPRDF and hoped for policy environment more

favourable than that of communist regime were disappointed with unfriendly outlook of

the new government-EPRDF (Campbell, 1996).

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Why the then guerrilla fighters, the present leaders became unfriendly to their former

supporters? May be one of the other parties is suspicious that there is no reason why one

should not do what had been done during the guerrilla fighting times, for the fact cleaning

ones own house is better than suffering from the consequences.

What one could easily understand from the above citation is how the political environment

for civil society and the NGO sector in particular is unfriendly and hostile. Zewdie and

Pausewang (2002) stressed that EPRDF after coming to power, was of the opinion that

NGOs, especially international ones were not really needed in the country and that they

could be replaced with local, party-controlled organizations which would be safe and

friendly.

The Ethiopian civil society, especially the NGOs sector has been engulfed with various

external and internal problems for a long time. The challenges may be categorized into two

broad parts; external and internal. This thesis will look at the challenges in relation to the

NGOs operation under the present government.

4.4.3.1. External Challenges

There are various external challenges that NGOs face in Ethiopia today.

Government attitude

Strong, vibrant and independent institutions have been considered by the present

government as a threat and categorized as part of opposition and working to undermine its

power bases (Desalegn, 2008).

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Marked improvement was observed in the relation between NGOs and the state

immediately after the war with Eritrea, for the fact that the government aspire to win the

support of the civil society following the war; nevertheless; the government has no interest

and appetite to consider the NGOs and other civil society sector as real partners for

development (CRDA, 2006; Milkias, 2006; Desalegn, 2008).

Bureaucracy

Lengthy and bureaucratic requirements for registration, demanding reporting

requirements, and continued lack of transparency on the part of government executive

bodies exacerbate the ever-volatile Government-NGO relations (GTZ, 2001).

Pro-government NGOs

The state is deliberately promoting its own party controlled parallel civil society groups,

such as local indigenous NGOs, women organizations, youth associations and trade

unions. This highly reinforces the suspicion that is held in the voluntary sector that the

state does not have confidence in independent civil society groups and may be planning to

replace them at some time in the future (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002).

Participation

Major decisions that concern the civil society themselves are passed at regional and federal

levels without the participation of civil society representatives (GTZ, 2001). A good case

in point is that officials in the ministry of justice responsible for drafting new laws that

govern NGOs operations have been unwilling to involve the NGOs sector in the

preparatory efforts (CRDA, 2006). The study of Norwegian Agency for Development

Cooperation (Norad) on capacity building program in Ethiopia (2005) complained that the

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Ethiopian government is considerably more restrictive with respect to the space it allows

to international and national NGOs than the Sri Lankan state (Norad, 2005: 1).

Rules and regulations

It is the state that sets the rules, regulations that govern civil society engagements and that

the rules are vague, ambitious, and subject to arbitrary interpretation by the regulating

organizations (Desalegn, 2008, Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002, CRDA, 1997).

The deliberate provision of regulation contrary to provision of their parent law restricted

freedom of association, violated essential provision of the constitutions and international

human right agreements ratified by Ethiopia (CRDA, 2006: 13). It is possible to mention

more similar challenges in addition to the aforementioned cases. However, what have been

mentioned so far can indicate as how hostile is the working environment for NGOs

operations in particular and civil society engagement in general. What is important to

mention here is that the external constraints are the major bottlenecks that remain the most

difficult to overcome at present, and have been responsible for restricting wider

involvement of civil society in the country (CRDA, 2004).

4.4.3.2. Internal challenges

Internal challenges refer to limitation in the resource and managerial capacity within the

NGOs themselves.

Capacity limitation

There is significant capacity limitation among indigenous NGOs. Limitation in human

resource and budget constraints are the prominent features of local NGOs. GTZ (2001)

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stressed that, lack of access to funds, physical assets and competent human capital is the

features of Ethiopian NGOs.

Weak private sector

In Ethiopia the private sector is so weak and fragile as to become internal funding sources

for NGOs, as is the case in many other countries. The private sector is so weak due to

unfriendly policy environment and government control of major economic sectors,

(Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002).

Dependence on external funding

The overwhelming majority of both international and local NGOs depend on external

funding sources to run their programs. Government and donors play major roles in

supporting NGOs programs which usually has compromised the independence and

effectiveness of NGOs (Hellinger, 1987:137). The NGOs who based their funding source

on governments end up with negative bearing against the poor by failing to distance

themselves and compromising their impendence with the government (Weston, 1994).

Personal interest

Many of the NGOs are not home-grown, they are distant from many of the social and

cultural aspects of the society, and many NGOs have tendencies to preserve institutional

and personal interests rather than the wider beneficiary (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002).

Democratic culture and values

Many of the NGOs, especially indigenous ones have not internalised democratic cultures.

They lack the culture of tolerance and constructive debate and have no media to inform

the general public about their activities (Gebre-egzibiaher and Sisay, 2002).

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Chapter 3. METHODOLOGY AND

LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH

Chapter 3.1. Introduction

Chapter three presents the reasoning behind the selection of the topic, the underlying

livelihood framework, the methodology used and analysis of the research data and

associated limitations.

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Chapter 3.2. Framework Approach

The sustainable livelihood framework has been used as a structural tool to analyse main

inter-related factors that can identify the roles of NGOs in transforming livelihood. The

sustainable livelihoods framework presents the main factors that affect people’s livelihoods

and the typical relationships among them. It can also helps in assessing contributions of

development activities to livelihood sustainability. Sustainable livelihood approach is

mainly concerned with people and seeks to gain an accurate and realistic understanding of

people’s potentials (DFID, 1999:1). In this study, the sustainable livelihood framework is,

therefore, used as a tool to analyse the roles of NGOs in transforming livelihoods in

Ethiopia.

Figure 4. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

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In general, survival of human being depends on livelihood assets. The livelihood assets

include material, social, tangible and intangible assets that people can have in possession.

Livelihood assets are resources that can be seen as the capital base from which different

productive streams are derived to construct livelihoods (IDS, 1997:7). DFID (1999)

focuses on the use of different types of capitals for sustainable livelihood. The types of

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capital are human, natural, physical, social and financial capitals. Human capital represents

the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health that all together enable people to

pursue different livelihood strategies to achieve their livelihood objectives. Social capital

refers to the social resources upon which people draw in pursuit of their livelihood

objectives. Natural capital is a term used for natural resource stocks from which resource

flows and services useful for livelihoods are derived. Physical capital comprises basic

infrastructures and producer goods needed to support livelihoods, and the financial capital

denotes the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood objectives

(DFID 1999:7-17).

Such studies that engage to identify the roles of NGOs in transforming livelihood,

recognizes the fundamental influence of people’s surrounding which includes the broad

political and economic structure and the immediate physical, social and cultural

environment (Hebinck, 2002). The broad political, economic, social, physical and cultural

environment influences the involvement and contributions of NGOs. The sustainable

livelihoods framework that can help to analyze the whole factors is, therefore, selected as

a more appropriate tool for this particular project. Within the sustainability framework, the

theme of the research mainly focuses on “the role of NGOs, in livelihood transformation

and democratisation process in Ethiopia, is mainly developmental. However, their roles on

development are mainly determined by the nature of the governments and system of

governance in the country”.

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Despite the importance and diverse use of the sustainable livelihood framework, it has

weaknesses that need considerations. Firstly, the analysis of livelihoods in relation to

various capitals requires enormous financial, time and personal resources, which are often

lacking. Secondly, its integrated approach considers many aspects that deliver a flood of

information challenging to be analysed. The decision about what aspect to consider with

priority is also another challenge. The difficulties to obtain clear indicators that can help to

measure and compare the analysis. For example, a person’s social capital and asset status

that are highly associated with the amount of resources he/she earns can vary according to

the local context. For instance, some actors might be able to satisfy their needs with low

level of financial capital, whereas others with more financial capital. In this study, to

reduce the above mentioned weaknesses of the sustainable livelihood framework, a

semi-structured interview was used as a source to prioritise issues to be focused.

Chapter 3.3. Method

Qualitative research techniques are used in this research. The advantage of using the

qualitative method is to get an in depth examinations of an issue. It is not also limited to

rigidity on definable variables, it enables examination of issues that otherwise may not be

uncovered through quantitative techniques.

Primary data as well as information from secondary sources are accessed. Literatures

covering the main publications on civil society in general and on NGOs sectors in

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particular at global, regional and national level were reviewed. Information was gathered

from books, reports, journals, and from electronic sources.

Chapter 3.3.1. Semi-structured interview

Primary data were generated through semi-structured interviews conducted on

twenty-seven governmental (15) and non-governmental (12) organizations. The

semi-structured interview was conducted in three federal regional states and two federal

government organizations and twelve non-governmental organizations (see figure: 5

below).

Chapter 3.3.1.1. Interview with a research person

An independent interview was made at the last stage of this research with Desalegn

Rehamato who is one of the researchers who has long research experience with civil

society groups in Ethiopia. The interview was mainly focused on the recent situation of

the civil society in the country. In depth discussion was made in relation to charity and

society draft laws expected to be enacted in October 2008.

Figure 5. Approximate location of capitals of sample regions for semi-structuredinterviews (http://flagspot.net/flags/et (.html)

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KEY:

Sample Federal and regional capitals where interviews made with government

officials

Head office of non-governmental organizations where interview made with

selected officials.

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Chapter 3.3.1.2. Interview with government organizations

Two conditions were considered in selecting regions and organization for semi-structured

interview.

Concentration of NGOs and program diversification

The number of NGOs and program diversifications were taken as conditions while

selecting sample regions and organizations. Regions with many NGOs and diversified

programs were selected for the interview.

Level of partnership programs

Government organizations within the selected regions were screened based on the variety

of programs/projects that are being carried out in partnership with NGOs. Government

organizations those, which have the coordinating roles both at federal and regional level,

were included in the interview.

In accordance with conditions mentioned above, three regional states, one ministry and

one agency were selected for semi-structured interview. From each region four bureaux

that have partnership projects and coordinating roles, two federal organizations with

coordinating roles were selected, which make the total number of interviewees from the

government side to be 15. In many circumstances, department heads and experts working

closely with NGOs-government partnership programs/projects were interviewed as these

staffs were considered to have better understanding about the policies of the government

and the programs and policies of NGOs.

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The government organizations included in the interview were bureau of agriculture,

bureau of health, bureau of disaster prevention and preparedness and bureau of labour and

social affairs. In the case of southern nations, nationalities and peoples’ regional state

(SNNPR), bureau of finance and economic development was included instead of bureau of

disaster prevention and preparedness as the former was responsible to coordinate the

operation of NGOs from the government side in the region.

From federal level government organizations, Ministry of Justice and the Agency of

disaster prevention and preparedness were selected for the interview. Ministry of Justice is

currently responsible to coordinate the over all operation of civil society organization in

the country and Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Agency, formerly responsible for

coordinating the over all operations of NGOs and currently responsible only to coordinate

the operations of relief oriented NGOs in the country.

The attempts made to have interview with Minster of ministry of justice and Directorate of

disaster prevention and preparedness agency could not become successful. However; it

was possible to manage to get valuable information from the interview made with

Desalegn Rahamato, who has done an extensive research work on land use and civil

society in Ethiopia.

Chapter 3.3.1.3. Interview with non-governmental organizations

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Interviewing with non-governmental organization was done at their head office level for

convenience. The interview was carried out with 12 non-governmental organizations of

which 5 are international and the remaining 7 are indigenous NGOs. The screening of

NGOs for the interview was done taking into account their area of specialization such as

advocacy relief, their experience with government-NGOs partnership program/projects,

their knowledge in government policies, programs and in the concept of governance and

democratisation.

The interviewed indigenous NGOs are:

Forum on street children, working on disadvantaged street children,

HUNDEE-Oromo Grass-root organization that involve on micro finance and

natural resource conservation,

Pro-pride working on health and capacity building programs,

Rehabilitation centres for the victims of torture in Ethiopia purely working in the

area of advocacy and rehabilitation of tortured prisoners,

Sustainable Land-use forum, working in the management of natural resources,

Adult and non-formal education association in Ethiopia, purely working on

informal education program,

Water action Ethiopia, working on the provision potable water to rural

community, and

Action for development working in nomadic areas on advocacy on the rights of

nomadic community and capacity building to nomadic people.

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The interviewed international NGOs are:

Pact-Ethiopia which intensively follow right-based approach in effect working on

advocacy and capacity building program in different parts of the country,

Adventist development and relief agency mainly relief oriented NGOs,

Handicap international working with handicapped sections of the community,

Islamic relief organization, working on education and health service provision to

the Muslim community,

World vision international Ethiopia, mainly working on integrated rural

development and relief program,

SOS Sahel UK working on integrated rural development program,

Trocaire, working as funding NGO to indigenous NGOs on HIV/AIDS, capacity

building programs.

A total of 37 and 27 questions were prepared to the NGO sector and to government

organizations, respectively. The questions are prepared in different forms. Many of the

questions are yes or no, agree or disagree, multiple choice and short answer types (see

annex 1and 2).

The semi-structured questions were sent to the interviewees before the interview date so

they can prepare themselves for the response to be simple and systematized. Many of the

interviews were undertaken through telephone directly from reading. Initially the plan was

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to undertake the interview with executive directors and department heads, however, due

to the difficulty to get and make an interview with executive directors and department

heads, interviews made with project coordinators and officers.

Chapter 3.3.2. Secondary data sources

Secondary data were gathered by referring to previous research/study papers, project

survey reports, periodic monitoring and evaluation reports and; electronic sources.

Information on policies and legislation related to the operations of NGOs were mainly

gathered from the resource centre and the webpage of Christian Relief and Development

Association (CRDA), which is an umbrella organization of more than 150 NGOs.

Contemporary literatures on NGOs and civil society in Ethiopia and African situation were

also consulted.

Chapter 3.4. Limitations of the research

The following major limitations were encountered in the research process.

Lack of evidence based research

Lack of detailed and extensive research carried out on NGOs in Ethiopia has limited this

research to depend heavily only on limited secondary data sources.

Lack of cooperation

The semi-structured interview was delayed beyond initially planned timeframe. Some of

the government staffs were busy on their routine; some of them were not cooperative in

providing the required information. The support and collaboration of international NGOs

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was also very limited. In some cases, the lack of collaboration from some of international

NGOs forced to include other NGOs apart from initially planned.

Limited reliability

The reliability of data was very limited. Firstly, there was lack of coherency between the

feedbacks that was obtained from governmental and non-governmental organizations. For

example, for the question “whether the working environment for NGOs is conducive or

not?”, the responses were positive and negative from government and NGOs interviewees,

respectively. Such interest based inconsistent responses created challenges to decide what

is relevant and what is not for the analysis.

Time constraints

Exceptionally too much time and resources were spent to arrange and undertake

interviews.

Chapter 4.

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FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

Chapter 4.1. Introduction

Chapter four mainly deals with identifying the major findings and make discussions on

these major findings. The study has dealt with various issues in relation to roles and

operations of NGOs in Ethiopia. Some understandings have been created on civil society,

NGOs, democratisation and livelihoods situation in Ethiopia. The research has identified

the place and position of civil society and the NGOs sector in particular, the contributions

of NGOs in livelihood transformation and democratisation process and major challenges

that NGOs face in their operations. Discussions have been made on the findings which

emanated from the literature review and the semi-structured interview. The discussion

section mainly focused on major areas such as, the role and operational environment for

NGOs, major contributions and challenges of NGOs and livelihoods situation in Ethiopia.

Chapter 4.2. Major findings

The following findings are inferred from the reviewed literatures and semi-structured

interview. The organizations that participated in the interview represent diverse areas of

operations, such as relief and rehabilitation, economic and social development, advocacy

on human rights issue, women, youth, handicapped and street children. Executive

directors, departments heads, program/project coordinators and in some cases project

officers were involved in the interview. In order to protect the anonymity of the names of

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the persons interviewed they will remain unnamed, but the persons interviewed are coded

so as to make the analysis suitable.

Chapter 4.2.1. Civil society in Ethiopia

There is no universally agreeable definition for civil society, however; World Bank

(2003b) defines civil as an arena; distinct from the market and the state; in which citizens

come together to pursue common interests through collective actions; neither for profit

nor for the exercise of political power. Thus, all organizations and associations that lie

between the family and the state (except firms and political parties) are part of civil society

(World Bank, 2003b: 2-3).

The idea that civil society has a key role to play for good governance in developing

countries has risen to prominence in recent years. The UN millennium project report

(2005) “Investing in development for example claims that strong civil society engagement

and participation are crucial to effective governance” while AusAID report (2006) on good

governance states that good governance requires a strong and pluralistic civil society

where there is freedom of expression and association. The contribution of civil society

organizations to democracy is not limited to their capacity to influence public policy; they

also foster voice and participation, which in turn are functions of internal governance

practices. Their capacity to offer citizens a say in decisions and to enhance pluralism may

be as important as their ability to influence policy and demand accountability from state

actors (AusAID, 2006).

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In Ethiopia working space and the contribution of civil society is limited. The state is sole

role player in the country. According to Desalegn (2008), the state has occupied dominant

positions that play important roles in the society; thus, the role of civil society and private

sector has remained invisible. Figure 1, p.17 clearly shows the unbalanced involvement of

private sector, civil society on the one hand and the state on the other in Ethiopia. The

government dominates the role of civil society and private sectors. Rahamato (2008),

states that, with the exception of very few civil society groups, civil society involvement in

democratization and advocacy and human rights issues has been limited. The Ethiopian

human rights council and The Ethiopian Women Layers association have played relatively

significant roles on human rights abuse since their establishment (Rahamato, 2008). For

example, all NGOs interviewees (100%) said that NGOs are ineffective in advocacy work

and advocacy work is a risky business in Ethiopia. This idea is supported by Zewdie and

Pausewang (2002) who have indicated that civil society is operating under restrictive and

highly controlled political environment (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002). The recent draft

of charity and society law is a good indication of the restrictive and controlling nature of

the government. Concerning the genesis of NGO/CSO, article 1, sub article 2(2) of the

draft proclamation states that charities and societies established by Ethiopians under

Ethiopian law are deemed to be foreign institutions solely for receiving more than 10% of

their annual income from external sources (Ministry of Justice, 2008:1).

Chapter 4.2.2. Roles and Contributions of NGOs in Ethiopia

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The first indigenous organizations, that were functioning apparently similar to the present

NGOs, were traditional self-help groups that existed for generations before they were

developed into organized entities. The fact in Ethiopia today is different. Independent and

visionary NGO sector, in the sense we understand them today, is new to the country with

a history of not more than four decades (Rahamato, 2008).

Chapter 4.2.2.1. Genesis and importance of NGOs

In the broader definitions NGOs are “associations formed within civil society bringing

together individuals who share common purpose” (Turner and Hulme, 1997:200).

According to GTZ (2001), in the Ethiopian context, an NGO is an organization that meets

the following requirements:

NGOs are voluntary in their genesis

NGOs engage in relief, service delivery, advocacy or development activities

NGOs are non-profit or self serving organizations working to serve the

disadvantaged groups of the society

NGOs are non-political

NGOs have no permanent program interest or geographical context

NGO refers to both indigenous and international non-governmental organizations

(GTZ, 2001:89).

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The importance and visibility of NGOs is closely related to the Ethiopian famines. Ethiopia

was hit with two devastating famines in 1973/74 and in 1984/85 causing involuntary mass

migration and huge loss of lives and properties. These famines resulted in dramatic

increase in the number of NGOs operating in the country (CRDA, 2004). The role of

NGOs during these famines was very essential in saving the lives of famine victims when

the government’s capacities were completely eroded. These famines compelled the then

governments to allow a large influx of western NGOs into the country. During the first

famine, the total number of NGOs mostly operating on relief in the country was not more

than twenty-five; of which the vast majority were church based and very few of local

origin. This number increased to 70 at the later part of 1980s (Zewdie and Pausewang

2002).

In Ethiopia a dramatic increase in the number of NGOs has been observed between the

years 1994 to 2000 (Table 1). In 1994 the total number of NGOs was only 70 but this

number has surged to 368 in 2000. The increase in number of local NGOs leaped from 24

in 1994 to 246 in 2000. The growth in the number of NGOs resulted due to national and

international situations. Internally, there was relative improvement in the political

environment under which NGOs were operating and globally, associational life of civil

society is considered as a key for development and democratisation in Africa. The increase

in number of NGOs was not unique to Ethiopia. In a similar way tremendous increase was

observed worldwide. Globally, the number of international NGOs increased by 345% in

the last 20 years, from 13,232 in 1981 to 45,674 in 2000 (International Labour

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Organization, 2001: 11). In Bolivia in 1980 the total number of NGOs operating in the

county was only 100. This number increased to 1000 in 1999 (ODI, 2005).

Tremendous increment in the number of NGOs has been recoded in Ethiopia since their

first emergence during the first famine. However, NGOs in Ethiopia remained weak by all

measurements and their roles was limited due to the governance history, which was based

on, centralized states ruled by autocratic governments, which gave no or little space for

associational structure (World Bank, 2000:2).

Chapter 4.2.2.2. Major contributions of NGOs in livelihood transformationin Ethiopia

Food security has become the greatest challenges to Ethiopia. The magnitude and

complexity of the problems require partnership and collaboration of government with

national and international development actors. One of such most potential partners is both

local and international NGOs. According to DPPC and CRDA (2004), about 14% (6.5

million) of the total rural population was served by NGOs relief programs ever year with

volume of food assistance ranging from 1.5 million quintals in 1984 to 5.1 million quintals

in 1992. The development programs undertaken in 1990s was estimated to cost 2.3 billion

Birr reaching more than 26 million people and NGOs programs created employment

opportunity to 9,803 Ethiopians. About 77% (7,551) of the NGOs workforce is accounted

by local NGOs of whom 36 %( see table 3 below) is female (DPPC and CRDA, 2004).

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Table 4. NGOs contributions by programs (1997-2001)

S/N

Program Type of support provided Measurement

Quantity

1 Food security 1. Tools Farm tools number 522,4552. Draft animals Oxen number 1,7643. Irrigation All support for irrigation hectare 4,1744. Agricultural inputs Fertilizer and seeds quintals 2,3745. Soil conservation Biological conservation hectare 27,8586. Soil conservation Physical soil conservation km 644,1447. Seedling production Seedling production & distribution number 50.7 ml8.Income generation Income generation schemes number 4,695

2 Health and Water9. Health post Construction of health post number 65510. Clinics Construction of clinics number 12511. Hospitals Construction & rehabilitation number 2112. Potable water Clean water sources developed number 2,950

3 Education13. Formal education School, construction number 42114. Formal education School expansion number 48

4 Capacity building 15. Training Farmers trained in various skills number 973,56516. Empowerment Children empowered through several skills number 6,76617. Saving and credit Saving & credit schemes number 2,51718. Training centres Establishing training centres number 329

5 Physical infrastructure19.Construction Road construction number 9,78520. Construction Bridge construction number 4021. Construction Residential house construction number 2,844

Source: DPPC and CRDA (2004)

The NGOs and government partner have recorded credible achievement in the country

since the first famine of 1973/74 in different sectors like food security, health, education,

infrastructure development, microfinance and capacity building programs. All programs

that NGOs have been involved have directly or indirectly contribute to food security. It is

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hardly possible to list all achievements recorded by NGOs, however; NGOs have recorded

appreciable achievements from 1997 to 2001 in the different sectors and programs.

Food Security

The major contributions made by NGOs with regard to food security programs include

provision of farm tools, draft animals, fertilizers and seeds for farmers and; financial and

technical assistance on physical and biological conservation measures (Table 4). Although

NGOs have been contributed significantly in food security programs, the percent

contribution made by NGOs in this sector has remained very small compared to its

relatively long existence in the country (Table 5). In addition, the majority (3/4) of the

beneficiaries in the food security programme provided by NGOs are men although women

are more vulnerable to food shortage. Results from the semi-structured interview confirm

that NGOs contribution with regard to food security programme has been significant

particularly in rural areas (Annex 2).

Health Service

The highest percent contribution of NGOs in the country has found in the provision of

health services and developing clean water sources. NGOs have provided health services

and clean water by constructing hospitals, clinics, health posts and by developing

accessible water sources (Table 4). Although the highest percent contribution of NGOS

has made in this sector, the coverage made by NGOs in the health sector in the country

still has remained relatively small (Table 5). The percent share of beneficiaries in the health

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and water sector services provided by NGOs was relatively better for women compared to

the food security programme. Both governmental and non-governmental respondents from

the semi-structured interview further confirm that NGOs contribution with regard to the

health service has been very high as NGOs reached less accessible areas in the country

(Annex 2).

Education Services

The contribution of NGOs in the education sector was significant although the percent

contribution made by NGOs in this sector remained very small compared to its relatively

long existence in the country (Table 5). NGOs have involved in the education sector by

constructing new formal schools and expansion of existing schools mainly in rural areas

(Table 4). The balance percent share between beneficiaries categorized according to

gender found similar to the percent share reported in the food security sector. Analyses

from the semi-structured interview also confirm that contribution of NGOs in the

education sector was good although there is a need to involve more in this sector as the

majority of the society resides in the rural areas (Annex 2).

Capacity Building

NGOs have provided skill accusation trainings for rural farmers and have established

training centres in different parts of the country (Table 4). However, the contribution of

NGOs in this sector was very low relative to the importance of capacity building to

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achieve goals set by the NGOs and government (Table 5). The percent share for

beneficiaries was also biased to men and less number of women had participated in the

capacity building trainings. Results from the semi-structured interview confirm that NGOs

contribution with regard to capacity building programme has been less significant (Annex

2).

Infrastructure Development

The contribution of NGOs in infrastructure development was significant and equivalent to

the health sector (Table 5). However, the percent contribution made by NGOs in this

sector remained very small relative to the importance of infrastructures for day to day

activities of all sectors involved in the development programmes. Infrastructure

developments made by NGOs include construction of new roads, bridges and residential

houses and; also rehabilitation of existing roads that commonly used to access remote

areas (Table 4). The majority of the beneficiaries in the infrastructure development

programme are men as they get paid more during the construction of roads, bridges and

houses. Analyses from the semi-structured interview also confirm that contribution of

NGOs in this sector was significant and valuable in achieving the development goals.

Microfinance

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The contribution of NGOs in the microfinance programme was significant particularly in

the rural areas (Table 4). NGOs had contributed greatly in empowering of women through

providing finance for establishing small enterprises. The major activities of NGOs in the

microfinance programme are establishing and made operational the saving and credit

schemes in different rural areas.

Table 5. Share of sectors intervened by NGOs in the period 1997 – 2001

S/N Major sectors ofinterventions

Percentage share of thesector (%)

Gender aggregatedbeneficiaries (%)

Male Female

1 Health and Water 51 65 35

2 Food security 17 75 25

3 Infrastructure 15 66 34

4 Education 11 73 27

5 Capacity building 5 77 23

6 HIV/AIDS 1 58 42

Source: CRDA & DPPC (2004)

In summary, more than half (51%) of the total budget was invested on health and water

sector, 17% to food security program, 15% for physical infrastructure development, 11%

for education 5% for capacity building and the rest 1% is invested on HIV/AIDS program

(Table 4). The focus on health and water sector and food security is encouraging, while

investment of HIV/AIDs is insignificant since HIV/AIDS endemic is one of the greatest

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development challenges to the country. With regard to NGOs contributions, both

governmental and non-governmental respondents have demonstrated that NGOs have

recorded remarkable achievements in food security, health, education, capacity building

and infrastructure development programs. Majority (60%) of the government interviewees

responded that NGOs programs have contributed towards positive change among the

beneficiary community by creating facilities such as, hospital, schools, infrastructure

development, and training centres. The rural community has been able to easily access to

better health, education and transportation services. The government interviewees traced

and stated that the NGOs contribution in the times of disasters is remarkable, reminding

the credibility of NGOs contribution in relation to the famine of 1984/85 (see annex 2).

Chapter 4.2.2.3. Roles and Contributions of NGOs in democratisationprocess in Ethiopia.

In the liberal democracy, civil society is expected to play two categories of roles. Diamond

(1994) states that in democratic transition, civil society and NGOs in particular, mobilize

groups to pressure the government for political changes. Organized social groups such as

students, women’s groups, farmer organizations, NGOs, grassroots organizations, trade

unions, and religious groups are crucial sources of democratic changes. Secondly, in

consolidating democracy, checking abuse of state power, prevention of the resumption of

power by authoritarian governments and encouraging wider citizen participation and

public scrutiny of states (Diamond, 1994:5-7).

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In Ethiopia democracy is not a matter of luxury but it is a necessary condition to link

economic and social development with social justice and other basic human rights issues

(Sisay, 2002). Ethiopia has become politically unstable since the overthrown of imperial

regime in 1974. During the time of dictator communist regime democratic way of

governance was unthinkable. Milkias (2006) states that, much was expected from the

present government when it came to power in 1991, that the new system would encourage

democratic system of governance in the country. The attitudes and approaches of western

governments in general the state department in particular was encouraging and appeared

as if democracy was once and for all in Ethiopia. The state department took the first

initiative to say” No democracy, no cooperation” following the coming of EPRDF to

power. EPRDF soon followed an innovative approach to catch the attention of the

western governments and state department in particular. The strategic approach that

EPRDF followed was declaring freedom of expression, associational life and respect of

human rights in its transitional charter (Milikias, 2006). The international situation

together with internal pressures encouraged the mushrooming of civil society groups;

especially NGOs. It is not deniable that relative improvement was observed following the

power shift in 1991 in the operational environment for civil society groups, however; the

start could not continue for unclear reasons (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002).

Overwhelming majority of NGOs respondents (80%) has revealed that government-NGOs

relationship has been deteriorated since 10 years. Further, 100% of NGOs respondents

said that the relationships has progressed negatively since 2000 until it has turned hostile

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after the election crisis of may 2005 where by NGOs are categorized as opposition parties.

The following CRDA and European Union election observations mission reports can

clearly demonstrate the status of democracy and operational environment for NGOs in

Ethiopia. CRDA is the first biggest and oldest umbrella organization of more than 150

local and international non-governmental organizations in Ethiopia. It has been operating

since the first famine of 1974. It has been acting on behalf of civil society groups for last

couple of decades in the country. The following report of CRDA is clear indication of how

the operating environment is becoming hostile for the civil society group in general and to

the NGOs sector in particular.

“During the year under review (2005), due to the political situation in the country, a few

training programs on Resource Mobilization, Leadership, etc., which were planned to be

conducted within the fourth quarter had to be postponed to the next year (2006). All

programs of CRDA have felt the impact of this situation since it created misunderstanding

between CRDA and the Government. CRDA’s involvement in election related activities

posed both opportunities and challenges. While CRDA was able to show its shift towards

and/or accommodating lobby and advocacy issues on top of its conventional service

delivery mission, it faced serious challenges in the regions as authorities questioned at

every communication the role of CRDA in politics instead of continuing its development

partnership. This challenge has exacerbated since CRDA voiced its position regarding the

situation in the country following the May 15 National Elections. Cases in point are;

different offices in Oromia did not show interest in inviting CRDA on issues dealing with

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NGO category, despite CRDA's recognition as a CSO partner in the region. CRDA has

also been unable to form partnership with existing authorities of Addis Ababa due to the

pending administration hand-over of ruling party to the opposition” (CRDA, 2005:33).

Fair and free election is one of the major indicators of democratic governments. The

election that was undertaken on May 2005 was ended up with a very tragic bloody shed.

The European Union Election Observations Mission expressed the situation in the

following way.

“The European Union Election Observation Mission regrets the way in which the counting

of the votes at the constituency level is being conducted as well as the way in which the

release of results is being handled by the electoral authorities, the government and the

political parties, especially the EPRDF”(European election conservation mission, cited in

Abbink, 2006:184).

Variety of cases can be mentioned to demonstrate the ever increasing repression and

controlling nature of the government in Ethiopia. A good case in point to mention is the

charity and society draft law. Many international human-right groups expressed their

concern on the draft law. Some of the human right-groups considered the draft

proclamation as a deliberate act of the government to undermine the roles of civil society

in Ethiopia. Amnesty international on its June 2008 report states “the repressive Draft

Charities and societies proclamation, which clearly aims not only to undermine and

frustrate the work of independent civil society organizations in Ethiopia but also bar

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foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as Amnesty international from

operating in the country. The proclamation is a clear demonstration of the government’s

intolerance of the work of human rights defenders and civil society organizations, and

would seem to be a ploy by the government to conceal human rights violation and prevent

public protest and criticism of its actions” (AI, 2008:1).

On the other hand interviews with NGOs staff illustrate that the relation between

government and NGOs is becoming too weak and the operating environment is

challenging. Overwhelming majority of the interviewees (80%) has indicated that the

present NGO-government relation is too weak and 87% of the respondents stated that the

environment under which NGOs are operating is challenging (see annex 2). An interview

made with Rahamato, pointed out that the draft laws severely frustrated the civil society

working in Ethiopia. He further expressed his fear in that there are many civil society

organizations that may cease to operate in the country if the draft law becomes

operational. According to Sub Article 2(2) of the new draft law, civil society groups those

who have been running their programs with funds from foreign sources, will have no

chance to continue their program with 10% of external support. There is no possibility to

solicit funds locally either. The only chance such organizations have is to cease operating.

Rahamato further indicated that, so far the civil society representatives were able to make

two around discussion with Prime Minister Zenawi, however; the opportunity for the law

to be amended is slim and there is expectation that the draft law will be endorsed by the

parliament at the beginning of October 2008.

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It is the government’s responsibility to ratify laws that facilitate condition for national

development. The attempt to draft separate laws that govern the operation of civil society

in the country is encouraging. However, the most important point is not only ratifying

laws, but also ratifying and enacting laws, design policies and programs that enable to

address the problems of those 45% of the population who live under absolute poverty.

Ethiopia is one of the poorest countries in the world ranking 169th from 177 countries in

human development indicators (UN human development report, 200/2008). It is therefore,

inferable that the path to be food secured without democratic system of governances is

challenging if not impossible. To overcome such complex problems and to become food

self-sufficient, the government of Ethiopia needs to make partnership and collaborations

with civil society groups (Rahamato, 2008). Murunga and Shadrack (2007:19) state the

development roles of civil society as the missing key to sustain political reform, legitimate

state, improved governance, viable state-society and state-economy relationships, and

insurance of political renewal”.

The global recognition of the potentials and contributions of civil society for Africa’s

development does not seem the case in Ethiopia from the point of view of the increasing

hostility in policy environment and the government attitudes towards NGOs. The

opportunity for partnership and collaboration between government and NGOs is getting

slimmer through time. It is questionable whether the government is drafting laws, design

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policies and programs with genuine and keen interest to partnership and collaborate with

NGOs to achieve food security in Ethiopia.

The speculation that, the government’s aspiration and plan is to replace international

NGOs with pro-government and government established NGOs appears to happen.

Zewdie and Pausewang (2002) supporting this idea stressed that EPRDF after coming to

power, was of the opinion that NGOs, especially international ones were not really needed

in the country and that they could be replaced with local, party-controlled organizations

which would be safe and friendly (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002).

There may be some aspiration in theory to replace international NGOs by local NGOs.

Ethiopia is food insecure for the last couple of decades and about half of its population is

living under absolute poverty and more than 5 million people require emergence relief

every year from foreign sources. Therefore, it is highly debatable issue, those countries

like Ethiopia that is engulfed with complex food security and political instability

challenges, to replace international NGOs with local NGOs.

Chapter 4.2.3. Challenges of NGOs

The challenges that NGOs encounter in their involvement in developmental and

democratisation process in Ethiopia can be divided into external and internal.

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Chapter 4.2.3.1. External challenges

The external challenges are related to the policy environment under which they are

operating in the country. The following major challenges are the most common among

both indigenous and international NGOs in Ethiopia.

Government attitude and perception

Marked improvement was observed in the relation between NGOs and the state

immediately 1991 after EPRDF come to power. The fact was that the government aspire

to win the support of the civil society following; nevertheless; the government has no

interest and appetite to consider the NGOs and other civil society sector as real partners

for development (CRDA, 2006; Milkias, 2006). In Ethiopia, strong, vibrant and

independent institutions have been considered by the government as a threat so that

categorized as part of opposition working to undermine its power bases (Zewdie and

Pausewang, 2002).

Bureaucracy

Lengthy and bureaucratic requirements for registration, demanding reporting

requirements, and continued lack of transparency on the part of government executive

bodies weakens government-NGO relations (GTZ, 2001).

Pro-government NGOs

The state is deliberately promoting its own party controlled parallel civil society groups,

such as local indigenous NGOs, women organizations, youth associations and trade

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unions. This highly reinforces the suspicion that is held in the voluntary sector that the

state does not have confidence in independent civil society groups and may be planning to

replace them at some time in the future (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002). About 70% of

NGOs interviewees indicated the existence of pro-government NGOs who work against

independent civil society in Ethiopia. On top of this, inter NGOs collaboration and

information sharing is extremely limited among NGOs themselves, which has made them

more vulnerable to government attack.

Participation

Major decisions that concern the civil society themselves are passed at regional and federal

levels without the participation of civil society representatives (GTZ, 2001). A good case

in point is that officials in the ministry of justice responsible for drafting new laws that

govern NGOs operations have been unwilling to involve the NGOs sector in the

preparatory efforts (CRDA, 2006). The study of Norwegian Agency for Development

Cooperation (Norad) on capacity building program in Ethiopia (2005) complained that the

Ethiopian government is considerably more restrictive with respect to the space it allows

international and national NGOs (Norad, 2005: 1).

Rules and regulations

It is the state that sets the rules, regulations that govern civil society engagements and that

the rules are vague, ambitious, and subject to arbitrary interpretation by the regulating

organizations (Zewdie and Pausewang, 2002, CRDA, 1997). The deliberate provision of

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regulation contrary to provision of their parent law restricted freedom of association,

violated essential provision of the constitutions and international human right agreements

ratified by Ethiopia (CRDA, 2006: 13).

The New Charity and Society Draft law

It very important to take some time and discuss on the charity and society draft law, which

recently has become the concern and frustration of stakeholders including human-right

groups such Amnesty International.

Drafting separate law for civil society organization is a good start. The proclamation may

have long-term merit by encouraging local fund raising practice in the country. However,

it is questionable whether the draft law has considered the reality of Ethiopian civil

society. Concerning the genesis of NGO/CSO, article 1, sub article 2(2) of the draft

proclamation states that charities and societies established by Ethiopians under Ethiopian

law are deemed to be foreign institutions solely for receiving more than 10% of their

annual income from external sources (Ministry of Justice, 2008:1). The draft

proclamation is debatable at least from two angles. World Bank, (2000) states that, civil

society is young, emerging and with extremely limited capacity in Ethiopia (World Bank,

2000). On the other side, unlike other countries, fund raising for charity works, with

exception for burial ceremony, is not a developed practice in Ethiopia (Rahamato, 2008).

Therefore, this research argues that the draft law has not considered the capacity limitation

of civil society and the viability of fund raising in Ethiopian where majority of civil society

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groups, including NGOs mainly depend on external fund sources. The charity and society

draft law, article 2 sub-article 4(J-N) prohibit the engagement of international NGOs on

development policy advocacy, promotion of human rights, the democratisation process,

conflict resolution, citizenship and social development (MOJ, 2008:6). In short

International NGOs are not allowed to involve on advocacy of policy and good

governance. It is the belief of this research that these articles is harmful to the

democratisation and development processes and is contrary to the interest of beneficiaries.

In Ethiopia the current operational environment is not only scary but also frustrating. More

than 87% of NGOs respondents (see annex 2) indicated that the environment for NGOs

operation is challenging. The worries and concern of human right groups and international

community justifies this reality following the draft of charity and society proclamation in

the country. One of such organization that expressed its worry and concern is Amnesty

international. Amnesty in its June 2008 report expressed it deep concern as ” Draft

Charities and societies proclamation, which clearly aims undermine and frustrate the work

of independent Ethiopian civil society and ban on foreign non-governmental organizations

(NGOs) such as Amnesty international from operating in the country. The proclamation is

a clear demonstration of the government’s intolerance on the work of human rights

defenders and civil society organizations, and would seem to be a ploy by the government

to conceal human rights violation and prevent public protest and criticism of its actions”

(AI, 2008:1). Amnesty international and other human right activists have frequently

accused the Ethiopian government for human-right abuse since 1991.

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It is not clear as why the then guerrilla fighters, the present leaders became unfriendly to

their former supporters and sympathizer. It is only the leaders who can answer this

question with certainty, however; the speculation is that EPRDF (government) has

suspicions on some international NGOs based on the previous experience it had with

during the time of guerrilla fighting and cleaning ones own house is better than suffering

from the consequences.

Chapter 4.2.3.2. Internal challenges

NGOs are expected to initiate, design and implement projects that can be scaled up by

governments and donors. They are also considered as innovators and models of good

practice. However, in addition to external challenges, NGOs also have major internal

challenges. Some of the main internal challenges are listed below.

Capacity limitation

There is significant capacity limitation among indigenous NGOs. Limitation in human

resource and budget constraints are the prominent features of local NGOs. GTZ (2001)

stated that, local NGOs lack access to funds, physical assets and competent human capital.

Weak private sector

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Unlike in other countries, in Ethiopia the private sector is too weak and fragile as to

become internal funding sources for NGOs. The weakness is due to unfriendly policy

environment and government control of major economic sectors (Zewdie and Pausewang,

2002).

Dependence

The overwhelming majority of both international and local NGOs depend on external

funding sources to run their programs. Government and donors play major roles in

supporting NGOs programs, which usually has compromised the independence and

effectiveness of NGOs (Hellinger, 1987:137). The NGOs who based their funding source

on governments end up with negative bearing against the poor by failing to distance

themselves and compromising their impendence with the government (Weston, 1994).

Interview with Rahamato has indicated that NGOs operating in Ethiopia are mainly based

on external funding sources. Thus, the problem with article 1 sub article 2(2) will mainly

affect those NGOs that secure funds externally. If overwhelming majority of NGOs are

depending on foreign funding source, it is clear that indigenous NGOs should either

change themselves into international NGOs which is extremely challenging to achieve or

should depend their program only on 10% of funding support from external sources,

which is also impossible to run a program after cut off 90% budget due to article 2 sub

article 2(2).

“It does not matter it does not rain in Ethiopia, if it does in Canada” (No 11)

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The above idea is taken from government interviewee No 11. There was some

understanding similar to interviewee No 11 in 1990s. In 1990’s, emergence support in the

form of wheat and edible oil was coming from Canada for the famine victims every year.

Through time the then beneficiaries developed much expectation for the wheat and oil that

was coming from Canada. To indicate higher expectation of the community (farmers), a

statement more or less similar to what was mentioned by interviewee No 11 was

frequently used in Ethiopia. What worth mentioning this quote here is?; that NGOs should

be where they are to bring change not to develop dependency.

Democratic culture and values

Democratic culture and values are very important if NGOs need to involve in the

democratisation process in Ethiopia. NGOs involvement in programs, such as advocacy on

human rights with out proper knowledge and skill lead to conflict and hostility instead of

bringing constructive democratic norms and values. Many of the NGOs, especially

indigenous ones have not internalised democratic cultures. Gebre-egzibiaher and Sisay,

(2002), GTZ (2001) stated that NGOs lack the culture of tolerance and constructive

debate and have no media to inform the general public about their activities. The NGOs

interviewees support the need for democratic knowledge and skill. Majority of NGOs

respondents (75%) said that NGOs have no matured democratic culture, such as tolerance

and constructive debate in Ethiopia (see annex 2).

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Accountability

There is always the issue of accountability. There is no clear-cut understanding as to

whom NGOs are accountable. This is very challenging question to answer, however; it is

rational that this question needs to be answered by the NGOs themselves. One of the

government interviewees (No 11) indicated that it is doubtable if NGOs know that they

are accountable to the beneficiary community. They assume that they are accountable only

to their donors. This notion is problematic. My understanding is such that NGOs are

accountable to three bodies, to the community, to the government and to donors (No 11).

Phase-out and sustainability

Phase-out and sustainability are two most important terms, which frequently are

mentioned in development programs. NGOs should be where they are to bring change

among the needy people. Change will be possible if only NGOs are able to sustain their

programs. Sustainability becomes possible when NGOs start their programs with good

phase-out strategy. There are evidences that indicate that NGOs programs have the

problems of phase-out and sustainability. Interview made with both governmental and

non-governmental organization confirmed this fact. Majority of NGOs respondents (83%)

and vast majority of government (93%) stated that NGOs programs/projects have

phase-out and sustainability problems (see annex 2).

Networking and communication

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Networking and communication is a common tern frequently used by NGOs sector in

Ethiopia, but rarely practiced. In Ethiopia NGOs are seen competing for resources than

working towards common interest and integrity. This has given opportunity to the

government to undermine the sector by using its carrot-and stick policy. GTZ (2001)

stated that, inter NGOs collaboration, public relation, and participation in public issues is

rather limited. There is lack of clear understanding of democratic culture and government

polices and programs among NGOs (GTZ, 2001).

Failure to use opportunities

There were windows of opportunities that NGOs had not exploited in democratisation

process in the country that might be due to integrity and networking problems or

negligence or both. Zewdie and Pausewang, (2002) state that as soon as the present

government came to power in 1991, conditions were fertile for associational life and

image building which could bring civil society into visibility, however; opportunities were

not properly utilised.

Chapter 5.

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CONCLUSION

This study has investigated variety of issues related to NGOs roles and operation in

Ethiopia. Basic terms applied in the research such as, civil society, NGOs, democratisation

and livelihood are defined for better understanding and clarity in the Ethiopian context by

taking into account both global and regional situations. The status and place of NGOs

sector at global, regional and national levels are demonstrated in the research. The

operational environment for NGOs is considered from different angles. Livelihood

situation in the country is explored. The roles and contribution of NGOs in livelihood

transformation and democratisation is discussed. Major problems that NGOs have

encountered during their involvement are explored.

Chapter 5.1. Civil society in Ethiopia

During a democratic transition, civil society is expected to play major roles by mobilizing

pressure groups for political change. Organized social groups such as students, women,

farmer organizations; NGOs, grassroots organizations, trade unions, and religious groups

are crucial elements for democratic changes. Civil society also play countervailing and

watchdog roles to check and balance the abuse of state power, prevention of the

resumption of power by authoritarian governments and encouraging wider citizen

participation and public scrutiny of states. In Ethiopia, eexcept for few human-right

advocacy groups (such as Ethiopian human rights council and Ethiopian professional

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women layers’ associations), the contribution of civil society in the process of democratic

change is not found significant. This was due to the repressive nature of governments that

highly restricted the participation of civil society in democratic processes. The relative

improvements observed in the political environment during the power shift in 1991 had

increased the numbers of civil society groups in the country, especially local NGOs,

however; the observed improvements could not continue at the pace it started and

expected. After few years of EPRDF on power, the relations between government and

civil society have been reported deteriorating until it got collapsed after the crisis of May

2005 election. In Ethiopia, civil society in general and NGOs in particular, have limitations

in human, financial and material capacity to play countervailing and watchdog roles in the

democratic process.

Chapter 5.2. NGOs in Ethiopia

The history of NGOs in Ethiopia in many circumstances is related to famine of 1973/74.

Ethiopia was hit with two devastating famine in almost in a decade. The first famine

occurred in 1973/74 and the second most devastating one in 1984/85. These famines

contributed for the influx of international NGOs and for the emergence of indigenous ones

in the country. The second famine relatively magnified the NGOs significance and widened

the roles of NGOs in Ethiopia. After the famine situation subsided in the country NGOs

started involving in rehabilitation and development works. The first groups that started

operating in Ethiopia as NGOs in 1930s were faith-based organizations.

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Chapter 5.2.1. Identified Contributions of NGOs

Due to the restrictive nature of the government that limited the space for NGOs, the roles

and contributions made by NGOs are limited in Ethiopia. However, after the occurrences

of the two devastating famines in the country, the roles and contributions of NGOs

significantly increased in different sectors. Identified major contributions made by NGOs

since their establishment in Ethiopia are listed below.

Food Security: credible roles in saving the life of famine victims in food insecure

parts of the country through emergency relief support of NGOs. NGOs

involvements in the area of food security are increasing through times because of

the recorded achievements in last couple of decades.

Health and Education: remarkable contributions in improving the health and

education of the society through constructing and made operational health centers

and schools.

Capacity Building: considerable achievements in uplifting the capacity and skill

of the rural people through constructing training centers and intensive trainings on

skill acquisition capacity building.

Infrastructure Development: improved infrastructures developed by NGOs

enabled millions of people to have access to health, education and market services.

Microfinance: remarkable achievements in increasing the income of the rural poor

through creating local credit and saving institutions.

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Democratization: contribution of NGOs in the democratic process is also

remarkable although it is less significant compared to other contributions made by

NGOs.

Chapter 5.2.2. Identified Challenges for NGOs

NGOs, being the strongest part of civil society in Ethiopia, contributed much to the

poverty reduction efforts in different ways. However, in their involvements NGOs faced

various external and internal challenges. The major external challenges are associated to

the government policies and laws enforced with regard to civil society. The major external

challenges that limited the contribution of NGOs are listed below.

Negative Attitudes and Perceptions: categorizing NGOs as an alliance to

opposition parties that restrict roles of NGOs in the country. The NGOs roles in

the area of advocacy on human-rights are highly scrutinize by the government.

Emergence of Pro-Government NGOs: formation NGOs that only promote the

policies of the ruling party rather than mobilizing the society to development.

Bureaucracy: Lengthy and less transparent processes to establish and operate

NGOs reduced the influx of NGOs in the country.

The New Charity and Society Draft law: this law is expected to be enacted in

the near future and may ban international NGOs from involving on advocacy

programms, including on human-rights, conflict resolution and development

advocacy. Under article 2 sub-article 4(J-N) international NGOs are prohibited to

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operate on any advocacy work. Local civil society groups will be considered if

their annual financial supports exceed 10% from outside sources. There are many

articles in the draft law that can scare NGOs operation in Ethiopia. The challenges

mention here and elsewhere hint that rigorous tasks are ahead of NGOs in the

democratisation process in Ethiopia. The ever increasing negative attitude of

government towards NGOs and unfriendly relations that is being observed between

government and NGOs demonstrates that government is resistant to recognise and

accept the significance and contribution of NGOs for the country’s development.

The objective of charity and society law is not clear whether to maintain public

trust, promote compliance, enhance accountability, strengthen and provide

autonomy for civil society involvement or to repress and scrutiny their

involvements in Ethiopia.

The major internal challenges that encountered NGOs and limited their contribution

towards development are listed below.

Capacity Limitations: shortage of skilled power, financial and material resources

has limited the roles and significance of NGOs in Ethiopia.

Dependence on External Donors: the freedom to run activities and effectiveness

of NGOs has limited by the interests of external donors.

Accountability: lack of clear accountability by NGOs exposed for corruption and

made less effective in their destined goals.

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Poor Networking and communication: lack of structured networking and

communications among NGOs limited the available resources as they compete for

resources to execute similar interests and projects.

Chapter 5.2.3. Future direction

The challenges faced in the program implementation process can be made learning

experience by NGOs. The challenges faced demonstrates that NGOs should work harder

towards creation of autonomous home-grown civil society group actors that stand for the

interest of wider citizens by playing countervailing and watchdog roles in spite of the

challenges they are currently facing. NGOs are required to represent the interest of the

marginalized groups within wider public arena, campaign on their behalf and seek to

influence public policy and play countervailing and watchdog roles at both national and

local scale.

In Ethiopia, NGOs are required to work towards image and constituency building up by

promoting the role and programme of their organizations. Image and constituency build

up of NGOs can only be possible when NGOs have programs that are sustainable and

result oriented. NGOs should be accountable for their organization, government and the

community whom they are working.

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There are some programs that need precaution of involvements of NGOs. It is well-known

fact that NGOs do play pivotal roles in the democratisation process in any country. The

effort will bring the intended outcomes if only if NGOs involve having the required

knowledge and skill about democratic culture and practices. It is curial that NGOs should

be knowledgeable about the rules, regulation and polices and programs of the country they

working for.

NGOs are operating under highly resource competitive environment. The global situation

requires that NGOs should exhibit democratic leadership in their operation, design their

programs giving greater focus for sustainability and effectiveness. NGOs are always

expected to be legitimate in their involvements and base their program on design programs

on sustainable funding sources.

Chapter 5.2.4. Opportunity and future challenges

Opportunity

The two around discussions held between civil society representatives and the Prime

Minister of Ethiopia concerning the current draft law is an encouraging for NGOs future

opportunity in the country. Discussions between government and civic society are

instrumental to smooth the relationships in effect to develop partnership and collaborative

mentality.

Threats

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Ever declining resources-funding and the charity and society draft law expected to be

enacted in the near future are main threats for NGOs to operate in the country.

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Annexes

Annex 1Semi-Structured Questions

1. Introduction of who I am and why I am completing this particular research:2. Assurance of anonymity:3. Provide my contact detail:

Question to Government staffs

3.3 General

1. What do you understand by local and international NGOs?

1.2 ----------------------------------------------1.2 ----------------------------------------------1.3 -----------------------------------------------

2. Please indicated at least three program areas that you consider have been moreeffective for NGOs involvement?

2.1 ----------------------------------------------2.2 -----------------------------------------------2.3 ----------------------------------------------

3. Indicate at least three program areas that you consider have been less effective forNGOs involvement?

3.1 ----------------------------------------------

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3.2 ----------------------------------------------- 3.3 ----------------------------------------------

1.2 Relationships and collaborations: -

4. What are the program areas that your organization collaborates with NGOsector? ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5. How strong your collaborations have been with the sector?

(a) strong (b) weak

6. What do you think about the reasons for having strong/weak or nocollaboration? ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------

7. What does the working environment look like for NGO operation in Ethiopia?

(a) conducive (b) less conducive (c) not conducive

8. Why conducive/less conducive or not conducive?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9. What do you feel about Government-NGOs working relationships? (a) strong (b) weak

10. why do you think, it is strong/weak?--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

11. Are you satisfied with the present working relationships you have with thesector? (a) yes (b) no

12. If no, Why? And how can better relationships be (re) established?----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------13. The election irregularity that occurred during May 20005 has worsened theworking relationships between government and NGOs. Do you agree? yes (b) no

14. NGO involvement in the area of advocacy will rather weaken and hamper governmentNGOs-Relationships in the future. Do you agree?(a) yes I agree (b) no I disagree

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15. NGOs have critical role in the democratisation process in Ethiopia. Do you agree (a)yes I do agree (b) no I disagree?

1.3 Program efficiency and effectiveness

17. NGOs programs are sustainable and are credible.

(a) yes they are (b) no they are not

17. The contributions of NGO sector in May 2005 election were significant. (a)yes (b) no

18. NGOs have critical roles in the democratisation process in Ethiopia. Do you agree on

this? (a) yes (b) no

19. Please list three areas of involvements that you encourage for NGOs to focus on intheir future involvements?

1. ---------------------------------------------2. ---------------------------------------------3. ---------------------------------------------

20. List three program area(s), which you consider may be ineffective for NGOsinvolvement taking the present Ethiopian situation in account

1. ---------------------------------------------2. ---------------------------------------------3. ---------------------------------------------

21. NGOs have made contributed for positive changes in the lives of beneficiarycommunities in Ethiopia. Do you agree? (a) yes (b) not at all

22. If you consider NGOs have contributed for positive changes, please specify atleast three major indicators that justify NGOs contribution?1. -----------------------------------------------------2. -----------------------------------------------------3. ----------------------------------------------------

1.4 Constraints and measures

23. Please indicate three major weaknesses of NGOs that need improvement for bettercollaboration and partnership:1. ----------------------------------------------------

----------------------------------------------------

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2. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3. ---------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------

24. NGO programs have sustainability problems. (a) Yes (b) No

25. If yes, what remedial measures are required?

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-----------

26. NGO programs have no phase-out strategy. Do you agree (a) Yes (b) No

27. If yes, what measures you recommend for better phase-out strategy?

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Annex 2Semi-Structured Questions for NGOs

1. Introduction of who I am and why I am completing this particular:2. Assurance of anonymity:3. Provide my contact detail:

2.1. General

1. What is the purpose of your organization?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2. What activities does your organization engage with?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.2 Democratisation:

3. Which of the government policy/constitution/ documents you have under yourorganization as a reference material?--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

4. How do you perceive the Ethiopian constitution in relation to the rights of civilsociety to association and freedom of expression?----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

5. The Ethiopia civil society is considered at its nascent stage and has limiteddemocratic culture, such as tolerance, constructive debate. Therefore, the civilsociety involvement in advocacy and human rights issues is neither timely noradvantageous. Do you agree on this statement? (a) yes (b) not at all

6. Do you consider the NGOs those involve on advocacy and human rights issues areequipped with the required knowledge and skill to challenge the government forchange? (a) yes (b) not at all

7. There are some who fiercely complain that advocacy is not the priority area thatNGOs are expected to involve relating to the present Ethiopian situation. Do youagree? (a) yes (b) partially yes (c) not at all

8. There are many, who speculate that the election crisis of May 2005 have worsenedthe ever-volatile government NGOs relationships. Do you agree?(a) yes (b) No

9. What implication does the election crisis of May 2005 have on NGO operation inE t h i o p i a ?

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-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.3 Relationships:

10. How do you feel the present government NGOs relationships?(a) it was positive (b) it was negative

11. How could you perceive the relationships ten years back?(a) it was positive (b) it was negative

10. How could you perceive the relationships five years back? It was(a) positive (b) negative

11. There are some government created NGOs and government sympathizers working against independent civil society and against the NGOssector in particular. Do agree on this statement? (a) yes (b) not at all

12. What are the program areas that your organization collaborates with Government sector? ----------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13. How strong your collaboration is with the sector?

(b) strong (b) weak

14. What do you think about the reasons for having strong/weak or no collaboration? ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------ 15. What does the working environment look like for NGO operation inEthiopia?

(a) conducive (b) less conducive (c) not conducive

16. Why conducive/less conducive or not conducive?--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 17. What do you feel about Government-NGOs working relationships? (a) strong (b)weak

18. Why do you think, it is strong/weak?-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

19. Are you satisfied with the present working relationships you have with thesector? (a) yes (b) no

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20. If no, Why? And how can better relationships be (re) established?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

21. There are some who say that the election irregularity that occurred in May20005 has worsened the working relationships between government and NGOs.Do you agree?

(b) yes (b) no

22. There are some Ethiopians who complain that NGO involvement in advocacy will rather weaken and farther worsen Government-NGOs relationships in the future. Do you agree?

(a) yes I agree (b) no I disagree

23 NGOs have critical role in the democratisation process in Ethiopia. Do you agree (a) yes I do agree (b) no I disagree?

2.4 Program related 24. Please indicate at least three program areas that you consider have been more effective for NGOs involvement?

1. -------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------2. -------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------- 3. ------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------

25. Which three program areas do you consider NGOs have been less Effective? Please list them in their order of importance.

1. --------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------2. --------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------3. --------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------

2.5 Program efficiency and effectiveness

26. Many government officials consider that NGOs programs are not sustainable. Do you agree to this?

(b) yes I do (b) yes I do to some extent (c) no I do not

27. The contributions of NGO sector in May 2005 election were very tremendous. (a) yes (b) no

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28. Many academia, professional and donor agencies are very keen to see vibrant civil

society in Ethiopia, with special emphasis to NGO sector with the belief that they will play

pivotal role in the democratisation process in the country. Do you agree on this?

(b) yes (b) no

29. Please list three program areas that you encourage for NGOs to focus on in theirfuture operation?

1. ---------------------------------------------2. ----------------------------------------------3.----------------------------------------------

30. List three program area(s), which you consider ineffective for NGOsinvolvement taking the present Ethiopia’s situation in account

1. ---------------------------------------------2. ---------------------------------------------3. ---------------------------------------------

31. There is some understanding that NGOs have made some contributed forpositive changes in the lives of beneficiary communities in Ethiopia. Do you agree?(a) yes (b) not at all

32. If you consider NGOs have contributed for positive changes among thebeneficiary community, please specify at least five major aspects/indicators thatjustify NGOs contribution for the change in lives of the beneficiary.(Establishments, such as hospitals, schools when and where). 1. ----------------------------------------------

2. --------------------------------------------3. ---------------------------------------------4. ---------------------------------------------5. --------------------------------------------

2.6 Constraints and measures

33. Please indicate major policy bottlenecks that need improvement for bettercollaboration and partnership:

1. ---------------------------------------------2. ---------------------------------------------3. --------------------------------------------4. -------------------------------------------5. --------------------------------------------

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34. Indicate three major steps that you consider should be taken by the governmentto make NGOs performance effective and efficient

1. -------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------

2. -------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------3. ------------------------------------------

35. NGO programs have sustainability problems. (a) yes (b) no

36. If yes, what remedial measures are required?

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

------------

37. NGO programs have no phase-out strategy (a) yes (b) no

38. If yes, what measures you recommend for better phase-out strategy?

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-----------------------------------------------------------------

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Annex 1Summary of responses for Semi-structured interview (Government staff)

S/N Questions Responses Responses in %

Positive Negative

Positive

Negative

1 What do you understanding by local and InternationalNGOs?

2 Please indicate at least three program areas that youconsider have been more effective for NGOsinvolvement

3 Which three program areas do you consider NGOshave been less effective?

4 What are the program areas that your organizationcollaborates with NGO sector?

5 How strong your collaborations have been with thesector?

12 3 80 20

6 What do you think about the reasons for havingstrong/weak or no collaboration?

7 What does the working environment look like forNGO operation in Ethiopia?

13 2 87 13

8 Why conducive/less conducive or not conducive9 What do you feel about Government-NGOs working

relationships?12 3 87 13

10 Why do you think, it is strong/weak11 Are you satisfied with the present working

relationships you have with the sector?8 7 53 47

12 If no, Why? And how can better relationships be (re)established?

13 The election irregularity that occurred during May20005 has worsened the working relationshipsbetween government and NGOs. Do you agree?

5 10 20 80

14 NGO involvement in the area of advocacy will ratherweaken and hamper government NGOs-relationshipsin the future. Do you agree?

9 6 60 40

15 NGOs have critical role in the democratisationprocess in Ethiopia. Do you agree?

2 13 13 87

16 NGOs programs are sustainable and are credible. Doyou agree?

1 14 7 93

17 The contributions of NGO sector in May 2005election were significant. Do you agree?

2 13 13 87

18 NGOs have critical roles in the democratisation 7 8 47 53

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process in the country. Do you agree?29 Please list three areas of involvements that you

encourage for NGOs to focus on in their future

involvements?

20 List three program area(s), which you consider maybe ineffective for NGOs involvement taking thepresent Ethiopia’s situation in account

21 NGOs have made some contributed for positivechanges in the lives of beneficiary communities inEthiopia. Do you agree?

9 6 60 40

22 If you consider NGOs have contributed for positivechanges, please specify at least three major indicatorsthat justify NGOs contribution?

23 Please indicate three major weaknesses of NGOs thatneed improvement for better collaboration andpartnership

24 NGO programs have sustainability problems. Do youagree?

15 0 100 0

25 If yes, what remedial measures are required?26 NGO programs have no phase-out strategy. Do you

agree?13 2 87 13

27 If yes, what measures you recommend for better

phase-out strategy?

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Annex 2Summary of responses for Semi-structured interview (NGOs Staff)

S/N Questions Responses Responses in %Positive Negativ

ePositive Negativ

e1 What is the purpose of your organization?2 What activities does your organization engage with?3 Which of the government policy/constitution/

documents you have under your organization as areference material?

4 How do you perceive the Ethiopian constitution inrelation to the rights of civil society to association andfreedom of expression?

12 0 100 0

5 Civil society in Ethiopia is at its nascent stage withlimited democratic culture, such as tolerance,constructive debate. Do you agree on this statement?

3 9 25 75

6 Are NGOs those involve on advocacy and humanrights issues are equipped with the requiredknowledge and skill to challenge the government forchange?

2 10 17 83

7 Advocacy is not the priority that NGOs are expectedto involve under current Ethiopian situation. Do youagree?

1 11 8 92

8 The election crisis of May 2005 has worsened theever-volatile government NGOs relationships. Doyou agree?

10 2 83 7

9 Does the election crisis of May 2005 have animplication on NGO operation in Ethiopia?

5 7 41 59

10 How do you feel the present government NGOsrelationships?

1 11 8 92

11 How could you perceive the relationships ten yearsback?

8 4 67 33

12 How could you perceive the relationships five yearsback?

5 7 41 59

13 Government created NGOs are operational inEthiopia working against independent NGOs sector.Do agree on this statement?

4 8 33 67

14 What are the program areas that your organizationcollaborates with Government sector

15 How strong your collaboration is with the sector? 4 8 33 6716 What do you think about the reasons for having

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strong/weak or no collaboration?17 What does the working environment look like for

NGO operation in Ethiopia?0 12 0 100

18 Why conducive/less conducive or not conducive19 What do you feel about Government-NGOs working

relationships1 11 8 92

20 Why do you think, it is strong/weak?21 Are you satisfied with the present working

relationships you have with the sector?0 12 0 100

22 If no, why? and how can better relationships be (re)established?

23 NGOs involvement on Advocacy will further weakenand worsen Government-NGOs relationships in thefuture. Do you agree?

3 9 25 75

24 NGOs have critical role in the democratisationprocess in Ethiopia. Do you agree?

12 0 100 0

25 Please indicate at least three program areas that youconsider have been more effective for NGOsinvolvement?

26 Which three program areas do you consider NGOshave been less effective? Please list them in their orderof importance.

27 Many government officials consider that NGOsprograms are not sustainable. Do you agree to this?

10 2 83 17

28 The contributions of NGO sector in May 2005election were very tremendous.

5 7 41 59

29 The NGOs will play pivotal role in thedemocratisation process in the country. Do you agreeon this?

12 0 100 0

30 Please list three program areas that you encourage forNGOs to focus on in their future operation?

31 NGOs have made contributed for positive changes inthe lives of beneficiary communities in Ethiopia. Doyou agree?

12 0 100 0

32 Please indicate major policy bottlenecks that needimprovement for better collaboration and partnership:

33 Indicate three major steps that you consider should betaken by the government to make NGOsperformance effective and efficient

34 NGO programs have sustainability problems 10 2 83 1735 If yes, what remedial measures are required36 NGO programs have no phase-out strategy 8 4 67 3337 If yes, what measures you recommend for better

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phase-out strategy