the schooling of african-american male students: the role of male teachers and school administrators
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This article was downloaded by: [University of Colorado at Boulder Libraries]On: 20 December 2014, At: 22:07Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
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The schooling of African-Americanmale students: the role of maleteachers and school administratorsLionel C. Howard aa Department of Educational Leadership, Graduate School ofEducation and Human Development , The George WashingtonUniversity , Washington , DC , USAPublished online: 24 Jun 2011.
To cite this article: Lionel C. Howard (2012) The schooling of African-American male students: therole of male teachers and school administrators, International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16:4,373-389, DOI: 10.1080/13603116.2011.555093
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International Journal of Inclusive Education
ISSN 1360-3116 print/ISSN 1464-5173 online© 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandfonline.com
The schooling of African-American male students: the role of male teachers and school administrators
Lionel C. Howard
Department of Educational Leadership, Graduate School of Education and Human Development, The George Washington University, Washington DC, USATaylor and FrancisTIED_A_555093.sgm(Received 18 March 2010; final version received 30 March 2011)10.1080/13603116.2011.555093International Journal of Inclusive Education1360-3116 (print)/1464-5173 (online)Article2011Taylor & [email protected]
Drawing on interview and informal observation data collected from eightadolescent African-American boys residing in an urban community and attendingan urban charter school, this paper describes and explores their relationships withAfrican-American male school personnel. This paper highlights how adolescentAfrican-American boys’ experience and make sense of their interactions withteachers, school administrators and staff, as well as discusses the implications forschool engagement and masculine identity development. The boys’ narrativesreveal relationships that are confrontational and strained, as well as respectful andcaring. Furthermore, they highlight the ways in which masculinity is being shapedthrough the reciprocal-posturing of adult males.
Keywords: adolescents; African-American boys; African-American maleteachers; teacher–student relationships
Introduction
Research focusing on the educational experiences of African-American students hasspotlighted the myriad ways in which they experience schooling across grade level,school type and context (e.g. Hudley and Graham 2001; Reid and Moore 2008;Strayhorn 2009; Wigfield and Eccles 1994; Wood, Kaplan, and McLoyd 2007). Suchresearch has raised our awareness of the educational challenges and underachievementexperienced by African-American students. National statistics have also revealed thedisparate educational outcomes and experiences. In 2008, the National Center forEducational Statistics (NCES), reported that the percentage of African-Americanstudents who drop out of high school (9.9%) is twice the rate of White and AsianAmerican students, 4.8% and 4.4%, respectively (US Department of Education,National Center for Education Statistics 2010a). Disaggregated by gender, it wasreported that 11.1% of African-American female students dropped out of schoolcompared to 8.7% of African-American male students and 4.2 % of their Whitefemale counterparts (US Department of Education, National Center for EducationStatistics 2010b). It has also been reported that African-American students have alower probability of going directly to college than non-Hispanic White high schoolgraduates, 58% and 69%, respectively (US Department of Commerce, Census Bureau2008). Furthermore, it was reported that 19% of African-American students
*Email: [email protected]
Vol. 16, No. 4, April 2012, 373–389
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completed a bachelor’s degree compared to 37% of White and approximately 56% ofAsian students (US Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics2010c).
Although educational research and national statistics have revealed the educationalchallenges and disparities of African-American female and male students, this paperspecifically focuses on the schooling experiences of African-American males. Giventhe extant educational research on African-American males revealing alarming trendsin their level of underachievement, disengagement and dis-identification with school-ing, and over-identification as learning disabled (Hosp and Reschly 2003; King 2000;Osborne 1997; Wood, Kaplan, and McLoyd 2007), it seems especially important tocontinue to research their schooling experiences to have a more balanced understand-ing of African-American male students and their experiences. Although such studieshave called for and contributed to increased efforts to support the educational trajec-tory and outcomes of African-American boys, they simultaneously have contributedto a limited understanding of the ways in which they experience school and a percep-tion of ‘chronic and extreme’ educational challenges (Davis 2003, 520). Even more,educational research often falls short in capturing the complexity of developing a posi-tive academic identity when the barriers to success (structural and cultural) outnumberthe factors that are most likely to contribute to academic success and engagement(Ferguson 2000; Lopez 2003; Noguera 2008). For African-American boys, theprocess of academic identity development is even more complex as they simulta-neously negotiate their racial and gender identities which are often framed by stereo-types and pathology (Ferguson 2000; Gibbs 1988; Moore and Stuart 2005; Noguera2008; Osborne 1997).
In response, several initiatives are underway to address the racial and gender gapin achievement. Such initiatives include, for example, single-gender schools and all-male academies. There has also been a call for a greater presence of African-Americanmale teachers (Williams 2001), which is largely motivated by research linking socio-emotional, academic and personal challenges experienced by adolescent African-American males to the lack of role models, limited access to mentors and fatherabsenteeism (Bryant and Zimmerman 2003; Chmelynski 2006; Taylor 1989). Accord-ingly, African-American male teachers are often framed as the panacea to a range ofchallenges African-American male students are likely to encounter within an educa-tional setting.
Although much is known about the impact of student–teacher relationships onstudent academic engagement, sense of belonging and achievement (e.g. Gregoryand Ripski 2008; Monzo and Rueda 2003; Murray 2009; Murray and Malmgren2005; Oates 2003; Pianta, Hamre, and Stulman 2003), far less is known about theimpact African-American male teachers have on the educational experiences andpersonal development of African-American male students (Lewis 2006; Lynn 2006).Moreover, even less is known about the nature and context of these relationshipsfrom the student perspective. Recognising the gap in knowledge, this paper seeks toadd to the extant literature in its investigation of the role of male school personnel inthe schooling and socialisation of adolescent African-American male students. Inparticular, this paper describes African-American male students’ relationships withAfrican-American male teachers and school personnel and discusses the implicationsof these relationships for academic and identity development. As a part of a largerqualitative investigation of adolescent African-American boys’ gender socialisationand identity development, this paper prioritises the student perspective in an effort to
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further an understanding of the ways in which relationships are experienced by aselect group of adolescent African-American boys and the unique impact these rela-tionships likely to have on identity development (i.e. gender, race/ethnicity, etc.) andacademics.
African-American teachers impact on student learning and achievement
Much of the research on student–teacher relationships has focused on relationshipsbetween teachers (mostly White) and students of colour, very young children, andstudents identified as ‘at-risk’ because of academic underperformance, socio-emotional and/or behavioural problems (Baker 1999; Goodenow 1993; Gregory andRipski 2008; Murray and Malmgren 2005; Pianta, Hamre, and Stulman 2003). Giventhe majority White teaching force in the USA, an underlying topic of much of theresearch is the racial dynamics within the student–teacher relationship (Gregory andRipski 2008; Stevenson 2008). Regardless of framing and foci, however, the researchon student–teacher relationships has consistently found that supportive and positiverelationships with teachers promote positive adjustment, social and emotional health,and contribute to increases in academic striving and performance among students,especially those most at-risk (Murray 2009; Murray and Greenberg 2001; Wolley andBowen 2007).
In spite of these positive outcomes, it is important to investigate the role of teachers’and students’ racial/ethnic identity, their congruency, and the impact on student–teacherrelationships and educational and psychosocial correlates (Oates 2003). Research hasshown that when students of colour are taught by teachers from their own racial/ethnicbackground they tend to perform better academically and show improvements in theirpersonal and social development. These teachers are also more likely to employ culturallyresponsive teaching practices, and to have high expectations for students with whomthey share similar racial/ethnic and cultural backgrounds (Foster 1994; Irvine 1990;Ladson-Billings 1995; Monzo and Rueda 2003).
Although much has been learned about the experiences of African-Americanteachers and the implication for student achievement in general, the research hasbeen disproportionally limited to the experiences of African-American female teach-ers (e.g. Dixon 2002; Foster 1997; Ladson-Billings 1994; Mitchell 1998). Few stud-ies have investigated the ways in which African-American male teachers contributeto the schooling experiences of African-American students in general and males, inparticular (Lynn 2006). Nonetheless, the increased emphasis on recruiting and retain-ing African-American male teachers is, in part, related to the belief that African-American students need such role models (Lewis 2006), are more likely to be ‘firmdisciplinarians who establish positive learning environments’ (Kunjufu 2002, inLewis 2006, 225), and provide an alternative example of who African-Americamales can become – beyond an ‘athlete, entertainer and inmate’ (Lewis 2006, 226).These beliefs rest upon the stereotype that African-American boys are wayward,resistant to rules and regulation, and lack the ability to self-regulate (in terms ofbehaviour), all of which have been attributed to the lack of positive male influence.While the benefits of having an African-American male teacher and/or schoolpersonnel seem logical and theoretically reasonable, there is little empirical evidencesupporting such claims.
In the following pages, the voices of adolescent African-American boys arepresented as evidence concerning the impact African-American male teachers and
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school personnel likely to have on their schooling and developing sense of self. Theirstories speak to the importance of context (namely, socio-cultural) and relationshipsin understanding behaviour and identity development. Their stories also speak to therelational dynamics operating within an educational context that undoubtedly impactstheir educational experience and achievement. The presented narratives provideaccess to their relationships with school personnel, relationships that seeminglyinfluence the many parts of their identity. To this end, qualitative methods of inquiryare used to investigate the relationships of a select group of adolescent African-American males and the male school personnel, predominately African-American,with whom they encounter in the course of a typical school day. Furthermore, thismode of inquiry appreciates the ways in which my identity and educational experi-ences as an African-American male who attended a small suburban public high schoolwith no African-American male teachers or administrators informs the researchendeavour. In particular, it accounts for the ways in which my identity and experi-ences influence how I engage and relate to the boys and adult males, my reading andinterpretation of the boys’ narratives, and my commitment to giving voice to a groupof students who are often marginalised.
Methodology
Participants1
Eight African American boys attending a predominately African American publiccharter school, Angel’s Academy, were recruited for this research study.2 The boyswere purposely selected from a pool of 16 boys who returned signed informed consentforms and missed fewer than five days of school each month (42% of the boys attend-ing the school). The boys were also selected based on their responses to pre-interviewquestions, grade level and age. The pre-interview questions rated the degree to whichthey thought about or talked to friends and family about being a young man/boy(relative to their race, social status, religion, and identity as a student or teenager).Given the purposeful small sample, the attendance requirement was necessary toreduce the chances of attrition during data collection.
The selected boys ranged in age from 14 to 15 years old, were in the ninth andtenth grades, and varied in their household constellations (see Table 1). The boys arefrom lower-income to working-class families, where few of the parents had earned
Table 1. Participant demographics (age and grade) and familial constellation.
Participants Age Grade Familial constellation
Bartholomew 14 9th Single motherCharles 15 10th Mother and fatherDavid 14 9th Single motherMichael 14 9th Single motherRandy 14 9th Mother and stepfatherRick 15 10th Mother and boyfriend*
Sean 15 9th Mother and stepfatherTalib 15 10th Single father
*Boyfriend was included because he lived with the family for a significant period of time during theparticipant’s childhood.
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higher than a high school diploma. Six of the eight boys resided in the same urbancommunity, while the other two lived in neighbouring suburban communities. In spiteof the different geographical locations, the communities were close enough in prox-imity that they shared many of the same socio-cultural overtones.
Methods
Twenty-four semi-structured interviews, three with each of the boys, were conductedover a three-month period.3 The interviews were conducted approximately one monthapart and lasted approximately 45–60 minutes. The first interview sought to lay afoundation for a relationship of trust and respect, while also gathering importantsocio-demographic information (e.g. family constellation, interest and activityinvolvement). The second and third set of interviews sought to elicit narratives aboutthe socializing messages they received from adult males and how their relationshipswith these men informed the boys’ masculine sense of self.
Informal observations were also conducted and were not regularly scheduled, norconducted with a particular focus in mind. They usually occurred while waiting forparticipants to arrive for their interviews (in the school hallways) and while serving asa school volunteer.4 Data collected through this process contributed to a more nuancedunderstanding of the school environment and the development of additional interviewquestions.
Analysis of interview data
An interpretive approach (Miles and Huberman 1994) was taken to analyse the datagathered from the boys’ interviews with particular attention to the relationship theboys had with male school personnel and the impact of these relationships on theirschooling and masculine identity. With this focus in mind, the data were coded forinstances where the boys articulated a response to questions about their relationshipwith male school personnel and the behaviours, characteristics and attributes theyascribe to these men. The data was also coded for comments made with regards to theinfluence of male school personnel on their academic engagement and achievement.Through this strategy, several themes emerged that contributed to an understanding ofAfrican-American male students’ relationship with school personnel. In honouring thevoices and experiences of the boys, illustrative quotes are presented in the ‘Findings’and ‘Discussion’ sections.
Validity
Several strategies were employed to address possible threats to validity as outlined byMaxwell (1996). First, all interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim toensure descriptive validity. Second, multiple data sources (e.g. student interviews andinformal observations) were used to ensure interpretive validity. Third, theoreticalvalidity was obtained by examining discrepant data against the guiding theories andmy interpretations to determine if how I was making sense of the data should bemodified and alternative understandings/explanations considered. Lastly, on-goingfeedback was solicited from members of my research and writing group (who areexperts in the areas of adolescent and identity, ethnographic methodologies and urban
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education), which allowed me to refine my coding scheme and furthered my under-standing of the data.
Findings
Recognising that the boys’ description and understanding of masculinity are informed,in part, by their interactions with adult men, I asked the boys to identify and describethe males present in their school. The boys were also asked to identify adult males inthe school with whom they could talk about personal matters. I was particularly inter-ested in the context of these interactions and the characteristics, behaviours andattributes they associated with these men. Salient across the boys’ narratives is thattheir interaction with these men was often around a shared activity (e.g. playing sport,academics) or conflict. While some boys reveal interactions that could be interpretedas meaningful and supportive connections, others revealed interactions that seemed tobe inconsistent, contentious, superficial and without real depth or commitment. Themen in the school include the assistant principal, a security guard and five teachers.5
Six of the men identified as Black/African-American and one Caucasian. They variedin aged, marital status and number of years teaching (see Table 2).
Supportive and inconsistent relationships
When asked if there were male teachers or administrators with whom they could talkto about personal matters, the majority of the boys identify Mr Harold who is a firstyear teacher, serves as an advisor, and coaches the boys basketball team. Standing justover 6′ 2″, the boys describe Mr Harold as ‘caring’ and open to them expressing their‘opinion’ and ‘selves’ without the fear of repercussions or assuming an authoritativeposition. For example, Talib says, ‘Mr Harold be like real cool … he like really let usbe us. You know, like he gets us to try to express ourselves instead of [saying] … I’mthe adult, you the child’. Similarly, Rick states that, ‘he [Mr Harold] respects me, herespects my opinion’ and goes on to describe him as someone he could talk to, to‘relieve stress’, and that ‘he talk[s] to you one on one … [and] has better responses’to their problems and questions (than the other teachers). Randy, who has Mr Harold
Table 2. Male school personnel demographics.
Name Subject areaYears teaching/admin. role Race/ethnicity
TeachersMr Thomas English lit. & composition Less than 1 Caucasian/WhiteMr Harold English lit. & composition Less than 1 African American/BlackMr Hughes Math Less than 3 African American/BlackMr Richardson History Less than 1 African American/BlackMr DeAngelo Math Less than 1 Caucasian/White
Other male school personnelMr Z Assist. principal Less than 5/
Less than 1African American/Black
Mr Jones Security guard Less than 1 African American/BlackTotal 7
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as his advisory teacher, states that ‘he understands you … [and is] fun to be around[and he’s] young … [and] joyful’. Such descriptions are echoed by other students inMr Harold’s advisory class; for example, David describes Mr Harold as being ‘a funperson … exciting’.
Mr Harold is also well liked and respected among the boys because of his athleti-cism and broad interest in sports, his concern for their future, and the patience he exer-cises when it comes to supporting the boys’ academics and learning. Consider thefollowing examples:
I don’t know … maybe cause he … he the cool one, he know … he know how, he knowhow to play ball and he be tryin’ to help me figure out different types of ways of, whereI can, umm … pursue my career of bein’ a basketball player or football. (Rick)
… the best teacher in here [is] Mr Harold … cause he … I mean, I learned a lot fromMr Harold, but when he give us work, it’s like you get it and you’re like, say for instance… okay, you messed up in class you in there talkin’, don’t get your work done. He’ll say,‘you know you messed up, but I’m going to still give you some time to do it. Some ofthese [other] teachers [say] you gonna have … to do that when you get your packet for[make-up work]. (Charles)
I just like Mr Harold … I don’t know. He’s like … he’s just so cool. He’s so fun. Weplay basketball together. You know, I’m in his basketball class. He tells me, you got toget this … he tells me, ‘you got to get these boys together’, cause he know I can do it …He got faith in me. That’s why I … he never … he just treat me like I’m his son.(Charles)
Evident in the narratives is that Mr Harold has a genuine concern for the well-beingof his students. In comparison to other teachers, he is described as being more flexiblein classroom management, which seemingly allows the boys to remain academicallyengaged. Mr Harold also recognises individual personality traits (e.g. Charles being aleader among his peers), which has contributed to at least one boy to describe hisrelationship with Mr Harold as paternal.
Several of the boys also identified Mr Thomas, the only White male working in anall-African-American school, as a teacher that they like and who they thought was‘real cool’. For example, Michael says, ‘… one teacher I do like, I probably do likethat is really cool … this dude [Mr] Thomas’. Although he is described as being‘cool’, one of the boys expressed concern about being able to have ‘deep’ conversa-tions with him:
Mr Thomas, I’m just sayin’ this … Thomas, I can’t talk to him cause I’m like … yeah,I can’t talk to him, talk to him like real deep down things. But, I have to give it toThomas. Thomas don’t act like nothin’, he cool … But Thomas, he’s brave. Thomas thestrongest man that’s here. We had so many men in here that quit so fast, and Thomasbeen here since the beginnin’ of the school year, and still here. (Bartholomew)
In spite of the concern, Mr Thomas is described as being ‘strong’ and ‘brave’. Theseattributes are bestowed on Mr Thomas because he has persevered in a school contextwhere other non-African-American men have not. In other words, he was able tosuccessfully navigate a school environment that can be described as challenging, espe-cially for individuals who are seen as outsiders, and has often driven other teachersaway – two teachers quit mid-year, one was a man (Mr DeAngelo). Mr Thomas is also
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well liked because of his ability to ‘break down’ school material so that the boys areable to understand and learn.
To a lesser degree, the boys identified Mr Hughes and Mr Richardson as support-ive and teachers they can talk to if having a problem or if something is ‘going down’with them:
I mean Mr Richardson, he cool. Mr Hughes, I mean … I mean I can talk to any of mymale teachers you know … (Talib)
[I can talk to Mr Hughes] cause that’s my, ahh, my advisory teacher. He, that’s my advi-sory teacher, and he know my cousin. (David)
Mr Richardson cool, Mr … Mr Hughes … They just … they not cool every day [though.]Some days they got attitudes, some days they don’t. (Charles)
Like Mr Harold, one of boys was drawn to Mr Richardson because of his outside inter-est. For example, Charles makes the following comment:
He … I feel he like, real diverse, you know. Cause I seen him on TV … Yeah, I seenhim on TV. I didn’t even know he could play the saxophone. He was on TV playin’ thesaxophone. You know, I came to school, ‘hey … Mr Rogers, you know [I] seen you onTV’. Then it was like man, he was like … he started up some kind of camp something,like Black Panthers or something, you know, he like … he into the Black Panther typeof thing, I’m sayin’ stuff like that … catch my attention. (Charles)
Charles’ interest in Mr Richardson is piqued when he sees him in a different context,which leads to a school-based interaction that might not have otherwise occurred.Furthermore, Charles appears to be intrigued by Mr Richardson’s interest in the BlackPanther Movement, which may unintentionally give him more credibility withCharles, who has an interest in issues of social justice. It is likely that Charles isattaching certain ideas about Mr Richardson’s values and beliefs based on his involve-ment in a camp that reflects the underlying principles of the Black Panther Movement.
Although Messrs Hughes, Richardson and Thomas are considered to be ‘cool’, theboys’ narratives also suggest that their labelling of ‘cool’ is not without critique. Forexample, Bartholomew offers the following comments about Mr Hughes and MrThomas, respectively:
Mr Hughes, he all right…Yeah, he one of them dudes like they act like a little girl. Yeah,he acts like them little girls. He all right, though, but yeah, he one of them people [who]act two faced. Like he cool right there, but then you see him another place, he all…‘Don’t you need to be in class? don’t you need to do this? don’t you need to do that?’
[Mr] Thomas, cool…[but] he’s got a problem with touchin’ you, man…any time hewant you to do somethin’ he got to put his hand on you, I’m like, man get your handoff me.
Bartholomew offers similar commentary when discussing Mr Jones, who is the malesecurity guard at the school: ‘he [Mr Jones] off and on. He actin’ like he on his period’.Bartholomew’s narrative suggests that his interactions with Mr Hughes and Joneswere inconsistent and context dependent. For him, these inconsistent interactions arecongruent with being ‘two-faced’, a behaviour or way of being that he seemingly asso-ciates with girls and femininity. Of the eight boys in the study, Bartholomew mostoften offered an emasculating critique of the school’s male personnel. In the examples
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above, he describes Mr Hughes as ‘act[ing] like [a] little girl’ and Mr Jones as ‘act[ing]like he [was] on his period’. In a similar, yet different manner, he also calls into ques-tion Mr Thomas’ masculinity in his critique of Mr Thomas’ interpersonal skills(namely, lack of awareness about personal space and touching). Bartholomew’scritique of these men is not only intended to emasculate them, but is reflective ofmisogynistic and homophobic thinking. In an effort to ‘get back’ at these men forperceived unjust and unfair treatment, Bartholomew directly challenges theirmanhood. When the other boys did offer a critique, however, they were tempered andunrelated to masculinity, sexual orientation and identity.
Finally, none of the boys identified Mr Z, the assistant principal, as someone theywould seek out for support or with whom they had a meaningful relationship. Aformer high school English teacher (less than five years), he was a first year adminis-trator whose primary responsibilities included enforcing the school’s discipline poli-cies. The boys only mention Mr Z when asked to list the various men working in theschool and in their discussion of non-supportive and contentious relationships withschool personnel.
Contentious relationships and reciprocal-posturing
Although the boys were able to identify male school personnel with whom they feltsupported and with whom they had meaningful connections, it was evident in theirnarratives that such relationships were contingent upon the context in which theyknew the men, as well as the scope and degree (e.g. superficial or deep). Accordingly,while some boys enjoyed meaningful relationships and positive interactions withparticular male school personnel, others did not. When asked specifically why theydid not enjoy such relationships with particular male school personnel, the boys statethat ‘they don’t know too much about me’ and ‘I don’t sit down and talk to them’. Forseveral of the boys, their interactions with these men typically do not go beyond theclassroom or hallway, and are often connected to discipline or confrontations. Forexample, Michael recounts an exchange with Mr Z, the assistant principal:
… he is too, he be actin’ too pressed. Pressed as in, he see you in the hallway on yourway to classes, every time he see me in the hallway, he say, ‘Michael, where you goin’?’I say, umm I’m goin’ to class. He said, ‘well you need to hurry up’. Or, every time hesee me he’ll say, he’ll call my name and say, ahh … ‘Where you goin’ and call me likethat, and stuff like that. Like okay, you ‘pose to be hurryin’ up and goin’ to class. I toldhim about my situation with my leg. And every time he see me he talkin’ about, whenwe at lunch, he see me playin’ basketball. When we at lunch playin’ basketball he noteven down there. So how you see me? And stuff like that, so … he be tryin’ to call peopleparents and stuff like that … he be actin’ press, tryin’ to catch people in the hallway andall that other stuff.
For Michael, to be pressed is to feel under surveillance or not trusted by this schooladministrator. Consequently, his interaction with Mr Z is strained and seemingly tenu-ous. Bartholomew goes on to describe this same administrator, and a few other men(as mentioned earlier), as ‘fake’ and ‘two-faced’, again suggesting superficial andinconsistent interactions. He expresses his discontent about these men by describingthem as acting like ‘little girls’ and having their ‘belt buckled too tight’. He goes onto say they ‘act like fags. Like they got panties on them …’. Again, such descriptionsdirectly confront male school personnel’s masculinity, and are also witnessed instudent–teacher relationships that are inconsistent.
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In addition to being ‘pressed’, ‘fake’ and ‘two-faced’, Mr Z is also characterisedby Sean as someone who abuses his authority. When asked to describe the adultsworking in the school he says, ‘I like some of ‘em, and some of ‘em I feel be abusingtheir authority’. When asked to provide an example of a person in the school abusingtheir authority, he says the following about Mr Z:
The assistant principal … I think he feels he’s the principal and that everybody got todo exactly what he says. Like, he see somebody in the hallway walking slow … Imean, I walk at my normal pace … he tell me to hurry to class, and I say, ‘I’m gettingthere’ and he try and make me speed up. And if I don’t, he try to threaten to suspendme or somethin.’
While Sean sees the threat of suspension as an abuse of power, Charles offers adifferent perspective on abuse in his narrative of school personnel:
Some of them…they are cool, some of them, they are not cool at all. I mean you can justbe walkin’ in the hall with a pass, they grab you, ‘where you goin’?’, ‘you goin’ toclass?’ Come on, I’m 15, I feelin’ my grown man comin’, stop puttin’ your hands on[me]. I don’t like nobody touchin’ me … that’s why I tell them, get off me. I don’t donone of that swing back, I just … I like get off, I don’t like that. Cause you ain’t myparents, you don’t put your hands on me … [I] just go back to what I was doin’. Get mywork together, and just go … and just chill, put some water on my face …
For Charles, school personnel abuse their position of authority when they physicallyhandle students. He also sees such actions as inappropriate for his age and reservedfor only his parents. Rather than ‘swing back’, Charles takes the necessary steps tocalm down before the situation escalates.
There also seems to be a sort of reciprocal-posturing occurring between some ofthe adult males and the boys. Such interactions reflect both the boys and adult malestrying to prove their masculinity in their individual struggle for power and respectwithin the school context. For example, in talking about the interactions between themen in the school and the boys, Talib says ‘[the adult males are] more real … Like,you know, they don’t put on too much of a front. Like, you know, they let you know… [you better] back down, I’m not scared of you, or whatever’. Here, Talib is describ-ing a situation where the boys are directly challenging the adult males who refuse toacquiesce to the posturing of the boys – their talking back and being defiant – by usingtheir physical and positional power to gain control over the interaction. Offering amore explicit example of such counter posturing, Talib recounts an incident involvingthe security guard, Mr Jones:
[The] security guard Mr Jones. I forget who [the student] was. [The student] was sayingsomething to him, was saying something smart to him, or something. He [Mr Jones] alllike, ‘man, what you gonna do? … What’s up?’ You know, stuff like that. He [Mr Jones]is cool with you sometime, can’t say too much about it you know, that’s him. You know,that’s a grown man … somebody got him out of character, so he had to do whatever. Orhad to make sure that it was known that … he ain’t … he ain’t goin’ like that …
In effect, this example suggests that the men and boys are posturing against each otherin their efforts to protect their masculine sense of self (in terms of commandingrespect and having authority) which is likely to contribute to strained and volatilerelationships.
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Discussion
The goal of this paper was to further our knowledge of African-American boys’ rela-tionship with African-American male teachers and school personnel. A secondary, butimportant, goal was consideration of the role of male teachers and administrators inthe shaping of their masculine identities. Accordingly, several themes emerged in theboys’ narratives about their relationships with adult males working in their schools.The themes include the existence of supportive, meaningful, inconsistent and conten-tious relationships that represent a polarity of relational experiences.
Representing approximately 50% of the teachers and administrators in the school,only one of the seven men was consistently held in high regard by the boys. Theirnarratives revealed relationships that are confrontational and strained, as well asimpersonal. One boy, Michael, felt he was under surveillance, while another,Bartholomew, felt as if the male teachers and administrators were inconsistent in theirdealings with him. In contrast, the boys’ narratives consistently describe Mr Harold as‘being cool’ and ‘caring’, someone they could talk to about personal matters, whorespected their opinion, and allowed them to be heard and supported. Researchershave posited that such relationships – that allow for the full expression of a range offeelings and experiences – provide the necessary conditions for healthy psychologicaldevelopment (Gilligan 1996; Spencer 1999; Way 1997, 2004). Given the boys’ narra-tives of less than favourable interactions with other school personnel, Mr Harold isundoubtedly an important figure within the school. Furthermore, by embodying anethic of care, he has developed a trusting relationship with the boys that can help toreduce negative feelings about and experiences in school, as well as indirectly impacttheir academic performance via school adjustment and academic motivation (Gregoryand Ripski 2008; Lee 2007).
Unlike his male counterparts, Mr Harold also represented a standard of masculin-ity from which the boys construct their understanding of masculinity.6 For example,Bartholomew stated that the other men acted like ‘little girls’. His admonishment ofthe men directly confronts their masculinity and suggests an understanding of mascu-linity that is anti-feminine and immature. In contrast, their relationship with MrHarold provides the opportunity for the development of a masculine identity thatallows them to be vulnerable and emotionally expressive, which stands in contrast tostereotypical notions of appropriate masculine behaviour. Posited to be informed byinteractions between the internal and social (Messner 1990), masculinity is beingconstructed through the boys’ relationships with self, each other, other adult males inthe school and Mr Harold.
For all of the boys, their sense of support and meaningful connection was alsodependent on the amount of time they spent with individual male school personnel.Several of the boys had Mr Harold as their advisory teacher and/or basketball coach.Consequently, the boys were afforded many opportunities to interact with and toengage Mr Harold for a significant amount of time and across various contexts (e.g.in class vs. extra-curricular activity) and roles (e.g. coach vs. teacher). Often times, thescheduling of secondary classes and school structure/design prohibit the developmentof meaningful student–teacher relationship (Stipek 2006) resulting in students inter-acting with more teachers for less time compared to their elementary school experi-ences. Evaluation research has suggested a positive correlation between time spentwith a teacher and positive student–teacher relationships (Ashford 1995). For theseboys, having had on-going interactions with Mr Harold has allowed them to develop
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a meaningful and trusting relationship. As heard in the boys’ narratives, Mr Haroldwas able to suspend judgement when interacting with the boys, which seems to be crit-ical when working with boys whose home life and background may put them at-riskfor underachievement and arrested identity development and critical for building atrusting relationship.
A sense of support and connection was also felt when male school personnel knewintimate and personal information about the boys. Michael, for example, underscoresthis point when identifying a select group of male school personnel who know abouthis physical disability – a muscular disorder that hampered his ability to walk.Research has shown when teachers connect with students on a personal level andapproach them as individuals they are better able to elicit the students’ cooperationand diffuse conflict (Gregory and Ripski 2008). In the case of Michael, being able toshare his disability with school personnel was critical in the establishment of asupportive and trusting relationship. Supportive and mutually respectful relationshipswere also likely to emerge when the boys were able to experience male school person-nel in a different context. Most notable in the data, for example, is Charles’ renewedinterest in Mr Richardson, who is sometimes characterised as ‘two-faced’, after seeinghim play the saxophone and talk about his camp on TV. While such interactionsoutside of the school context were minimal, it seems plausible that when studentsexperience school personnel in a different context they might be better able to connectand relate to them in their role as teachers and administrators. In many ways, non-school context interactions allow students and teachers to relate around a shared expe-rience or interest.
In addition to supportive and meaningful relationships with male school personnel,it is also evident in the boys’ narratives that there also exist inconsistent and conten-tious relationships. Inconsistent relationships are essentially relationships whereauthority figures (in this case, male school personnel) act in ways that feel disingenu-ous. For the boys in the study, such relationships were seemingly tied to teachers whowere unpredictable in the ways in which they interacted with the boys. Contentiousrelationships, however, seemed to be grounded most often in the boys’ negative inter-actions with school personnel. These negative interactions contributed to the boys’feeling under surveillance and untrustworthy, and have been framed as an abuse ofauthority by one participant. Furthermore, these negative interactions sometimesinvolve a reciprocal-posturing by adult males, which raises the question about the rolemale school personnel assume in the (re)production of stereotypical ideas aboutmasculine behaviour (e.g. toughness).
Finally, the boys’ narratives revealed little about the direct role of male schoolpersonnel in the shaping of their masculine identities. At most, Mr Harold is identifiedas a teacher with whom the majority of the boys can relate: a male teacher whoembodies particular personality traits and characteristics that are not often associatedwith traditional masculine ideology (e.g. empathy). By embracing such non-traditional masculine behaviours and characteristics, the boys may be resisting hyper-masculine behaviours exemplified in their relationship with other adult males in theschool, like Mr Z (e.g. authoritarian, aggression and lack of empathy). What remainsunclear, however, is the degree to which the boys’ relationship with Mr Haroldinforms their own presentation of self, in general, and masculinity in particular. Thisuncertainty can also be extended to other adult men in the school. Furthermore, theimpact on achievement is unknown. Although the boys speak favourably about theteaching practice of some teachers, none speak about the outcomes of such practices
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on their actual performance. However, based on the research on positive student–teacher relationships, it is likely that supportive and meaningful male student–teacherrelationships will impact academic engagement and striving in some capacity (e.g.Murray 2009; Murray and Greenberg 2001; Murray and Malmgren 2005; Oates2003). Furthermore, there is some evidence that African-American male teachers’understanding of African-American male students’ social and education needs allowthem to tailor their pedagogy in various ways with the penultimate goal of supportingtheir development (Brown 2009).
In spite of not knowing the degree to which these relationships informed the boys’ever-evolving masculine identity, their narratives underscore even more the impor-tance of examining teacher–student relationships. Such a focus is of particular impor-tance given the emphasis on increasing the number of male teachers and school-basedmale role models. Far too often, the panacea for African-American male under-achievement and other challenges has been linked to adult male role models. Whilethe presence of adult male role models may prove to be the solution in some instances,it is important to also consider the ways they contribute to the persistence of theunique challenges African-American boys face.
Conclusions and implications
African-American male students’ relationship with African-American male teachersand school personnel, as experienced by a select group of adolescent African-American male students, are at the same time similar and different from their rela-tionships with non-African-American and African-American female teachers andschool personnel. The relationships are similar in that the degree to which theysupport the development of the student (academically, socially, emotionally, etc.) isinformed by the degree to which the student feels cared for, connected to and trustingof the teacher. When teachers and school personnel demonstrate an ethic of care – asdemonstrated through having high expectations, encouraging them to succeed andpersonal sacrifices (i.e. time, resources) – students are more likely to engage in activ-ities and behave in ways that promote positive development. The relationships areunique in that the congruence of race and gender provides the opportunity for adoles-cent African-American boys to expand the possibilities for self as they negotiate theprocess of establishing an identity that feels most authentic and true to self. Theserelationships are further unique in that adult African-American males are able tosometimes help them understand what it means to be both African-American andmale in society. In particular, helping them to understand the ways in which they areboth gendered and racialised within and outside the school context, while offeringsupport on how they might negotiate the terrain. This is not to suggest that allAfrican-American males are alike in their identity and experience of the world or tooversimplify the characteristics of the African-American male teachers and schooladministrators (Martino and Rezai-Rashti 2010; Rezai-Rashti and Martino 2010) .Rather, the point is that there is potential for places of convergence in identity andexperience, and when coupled with an ethic of care, African-American boys can befurther supported in their effort to develop a sense of self that is authentic and tomaximize their academic potential (Milner 2006).
Although the paper focused on African-American students, teachers and schoolpersonnel, it has implications for the preparation and training of teachers and schoolpersonnel who work with students in general and African-American males, in
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particular: namely, that adults working in the school have to go beyond formal anddistant relationships with students. As others have also found, schools that haveadults who foster a community of care are more likely to contribute to studentachievement and engagement (Byrk, Lee, and Holland 1993; Nelson and Bauch1997). In addition, the research on student–teacher relationships for student develop-ment and achievement can benefit from a continued focus on the relational dynamicsoccurring within schools and the implication for students most at-risk and attendingschools where the barriers to success are present at both micro- and macro-structurallevels.
AcknowledgementsThe author is thankful to the participating young men and the school administrators for grant-ing permission for the research to be conducted in their school.
Notes1. Pseudonyms were used for all research participants.2. The school was alternative in the sense that it is a public charter high school where students
apply for admission, participate in externships one and a half days a week, and participatein group and individual counselling. ‘Alternative’ is not an indication of ‘problem students’or receiving a non-college preparatory education.
3. One participant was not able to complete the final interview. He missed several days of schooltowards the end of the term, and I was not successful in rescheduling before the year ended.
4. In an effort to give back to the school, I volunteered as chaperone (on an overnight campingtrip) and substitute teacher. I was cautious not to jeopardise my research relationship withthe participants by limiting my volunteerism to classes where they were not enrolled andto chaperoning other students. However, I was still able to observe their behaviours, actionsand interactions from afar.
5. Mr DeAngelo left the school before data collection began. He is rarely mentioned in theboys’ narratives of male school personnel. He is only mentioned in the context of teacherswho have left the school.
6. ‘Standard of masculinity’ is not intended to imply a singular, one-dimensional, monolithic,nor hegemonic definition of masculinity. Rather, it represents a complex and uniquemasculine identity that is embodied by Mr Harold to which the boys are ascribing their ownmeanings and understanding in their construction of identity.
Notes on contributorLionel C. Howard is an assistant professor of Educational Research in the Department ofEducation Leadership, Graduate School of Education and Human Development at the GeorgeWashington University. He investigates the intersection of race, ethnicity and gender and itsimplication for identity development and educational attainment.
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