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The significance of toddler pretendplay in child careJeffrey Trawick‐Smith a

a Eastern Connecticut State UniversityPublished online: 30 Jul 2010.

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SECTION I

Researches with Major Focus on Children

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Early Child Development and Care, Vol. 68, pp. 11-18 © 1991 Gordon and Breach Science Publishers S.A.Reprints available directly from the publisher Printed in the United KingdomPhotocopying permitted by license only

The significance of toddler pretend play inchild care

JEFFREY TRAWICK-SMITH

Eastern Connecticut State University

(Received 18 February 1991)

This article reviews research on the pretend play of children before age threeyears and draws implications for play intervention within toddler care programs.The course of play development in the first three years of life is reviewed.Emphasis is given to early object pretense and the emergence of social pretendplay. Intervention strategies designed to facilitate this development are thendescribed. These include provision of developmentally useful play materials andspecific caregiver interactions to promote make believe.

Key Words: Pretend play, symbolic thought, toddler development

As children develop beyond infancy they are able mentally to transform objectswithin the immediate environment into make believe ones (Piaget, 1962). Twoquestions will be raised in this article: 1.) Does this make-believe activity serve adevelopmental function? and 2.) If so, how might caregivers facilitate its developmentwithin toddler care programs?

When children pretend that a toy telephone is a real one, or that a long block is abroom, they are engaging in significant symbolic activity, which involves complexanalogous thought. The child must ignore some features of the real object, in suchactivity (ie., that the block doesn't have bristles attached to its end), while acceptingothers (ie., that the block is long, and can be handled in the same way as a broom)(Fein, 1975).

Vygotsky (1967) has argued that pretending plays a direct and vital role incognitive development. He noted that objects are often used, in such play, as"signifiers' to stand for things which are not actually present. This substitutionalactivity represents an important mid-step between early thought which is tiedexclusively to the immediate environment and pure symbolic representation which isfully liberated from the concrete world in adulthood.

To Vygotsky this substitution of one thing for another can be viewed as essentialpractice at symbolizing, a developmentally useful exercise leading to intellectualadvancement. His perspective has been supported by researchers reporting linksbetween pretending and a range of cognitive and language-related measures (Dansky,1980; Golomb & Cornelius, 1977; Johnson, Ershler, & Lawton, 1982; Lieberman,1977; Pellegrini, 1980; Saltz, Dixon, & Johnson, 1977; Sylva, Bruner, & Genova,1976; Wolfgang, 1974).

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A logical implication of this work is that home and school environments should bestructured and equipped to encourage young children to transform the real into thenon-real. Adults should interact with children in ways that encourage make-believe.At what age are such interventions appropriate and useful?

Development of Object Pretense

Most work on pretend play has focused on children over the age of three years. (Forgood reviews see Fein & Rivkin, 1986; Johnson, Christie, & Yawkey, 1987). A carefulexamination of the literature on young children's use of play objects, however, revealsthat the roots of symbolic activity may be traced to the very earliest stages oftoddlerhood, where children are quite active in using one thing as if it were another.

Though the play of young infants has generally been found to be devoid of symbols,a number of researchers have found that pretend enactments with objects areperformed as early as age 1 year. Fenson, Kagan, Kearsley, and Zelazo (1976) havereported that when children younger than 1 year were provided with realistic toys,such as spoons, cups, saucers, or pans, they most often acted upon these motorically,rarely using them for make-believe.

Thirteen-month olds were occasionally observed using these items to make simplepretenses (eg., pretending to drink imaginary liquid from a cup). Subjects older than20 months regularly pretend to drink, stir, pour, or eat with these objects.

Other researchers have also demonstrated that children as young as 1 year performthis simple form of pretend play in which familiar objects are used to enact thosecustomary behaviors associated with these objects in real life (Fein, 1975; Lowe, 1975;Rosenblatt, 1977; Watson & Jakowitz, 1984).

These simple symbolic activities have not always been viewed as instances ofgenuine symbolic play (Fein, 1975; Piaget, 1962), though it has been argued thatthese do require some mental transformational activity and, so, allow practice atsymbolizing (Trawick-Smith, in press).

In describing a toddler pretending to feed a realistic replica of a horse from a realcup, for example, Fein (1975) has observed

The child is able to shift roles, attribute living functions to an inanimate object, add liquid to anempty cup, and importantly, establish the relation between horse and cup. (p. 293)

In the second and third years of life, pretending with objects becomes a predominantform of spontaneous activity. In fact, in late toddlerhood children perform morefrequent make-believe enactments with realistic play props than their older preschoolpeers (Trawick-Smith, in press). Further, their symbolic use of objects changes inform and complexity as they get older.

A number of studies have demonstrated that between 1 and 3 years of age childrenperform make-believe enactments with a growing variety of objects, some of whichare quite dissimilar from the absent referents they are used to represent (Watson &Jackowitz, 1984). Fein (1975), for example, found that most of her 2-year-old subjectscould use two realistic materials to complete a pretend enactment (eg., pretending to

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SIGNIFICANCE OF TODDLER PRETEND PLAY 13

feed a model horse with a cup). A smaller percentage of children studied couldsuccessfully complete a make-believe task when one of two objects was nonrealistic(eg., pretending to feed a model horse with a shell). Only one-third of those testedcould successfully complete the enactment when transformations of two nonrealisticobjects were required (eg., pretending to feed a horselike shape with a shell).

Similar findings have been reported by Elder and Pedersen (1978) who comparedchildren of three age levels on their ability to represent familiar objects under varyingconditions. All children, even those under age 3 years, performed successfully whenan object similar in appearance to that which they were to represent was provided(eg., using half an egg-shaped plastic container as a cup).

Under a second condition, where objects dissimilar to the ones being representedwere provided (eg., using a plastic toy guitar to represent a cup), only subjects 3 yearsand older were successful. Children older than 3y years were the only subjects in thisstudy who could represent an object when no concrete materials were given at all (eg.,using one's hand with spread fingers to represent a comb).

This research indicates that the course of the development of symbolic play in thefirst three years of life is characterized by an increasing ability to use signifiers whichare dissimilar from the objects they are intended to represent and by a gradualindependence from objects, altogether, in make-believe as children approach thepreschool years.

Other studies document that as children develop they incorporate greater numbersof objects into their make-believe schemes (Rosenblatt, 1977). Whereas children up to1 year tend to play with a single toy, older toddlers are more likely to transform andcoordinate a larger collection of objects. During the second and third years of life,children perform a greater number of consecutive make-believe acts with objects(Johnson, Christie, & Yawkey, 1987). A 1-year-old might simply pretend to drinkfrom a cup, without variation in action, for example, but at age 2 would pretend topour liquid into it, take a sip, then offer a drink to an adult caregiver.

Watson and Jackowitz (1984) suggest that in early pretend play, children primarilyperform "self-as-agent" enactments with toys. One-year-olds, for example, will feedthemselves with toy dishes and eating utensils. Having another person or make-believe character do the eating is a cognitively more complex endeavor. The childmust now transform two aspects of the real world — the empty cup must betransformed into a real cup, filled with real liquid, and the doll into a real person whois really drinking. It is only in later toddlerhood that children may be observedenacting such "other-as-agent" behaviors.

Until recently, toddlers' pretend activity was viewed as an idiosyncratic andexclusively solitary affair. Since children of this age play alone a great deal and haveonly recently acquired an ability to use symbols, it has been argued, they would beunsuccessful at sharing the meaning of make-believe enactments with other immatureplaymates.

Howes, Unger, and Seidner (1989) have reported gradual increases in thefrequency and complexity of social pretend play during the first three years of life.They identified several stages of social pretense development which correspond to,though lag slightly behind, advances in general social participation. They observed

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only incidental social engagement during make-believe among subjects under age 2.In the second year of life a progression toward shared make-believe was noted. Theearliest of these social pretenses were simple exchanges of play materials or jointpursuit of similar play enactments.

Between 24 and 30 months toddlers were observed sharing play themes. Twochildren might pour and drink "tea" together, for example. Only in the last half of thethird year did subjects fully integrate their pretenses, each performing a complemen-tary role. Older subjects, for example, would pretend to be doctor-patient or mother-baby.

In summary, children begin pretending with realistic toys at about age 1 year andgain proficiency at transforming objects into dissimilar make believe ones, as theydevelop. They gradually incorporate more toys and other characters, both real andpretend agents, into their enactments. They begin to share make-believe themes andintegrate their adopted roles as they approach age 3.

Enhancing the Symbolic Use of Objects

How can caregivers enhance these advancements within toddler care programs? Theliterature suggests that realistic symbolic play props should be available in class-rooms of children between 1 and 3 years. Since early object pretense involves thereenactment of schemas previously observed from real life (Piaget, 1962), thesematerials should include familar home-related objects, such as dishes and kitchenequipment, plastic tools, toy telephones, steering wheels, and toy vehicles. Dolls,stuffed animals and other "character" toys should be provided to allow other-as-agentplay.

Since the course of toddler play development is marked by an increase in thenumber and variety of objects used, enough play materials should be provided toallow increasingly complex and coordinated object pretense. A small number ofnonrealistic materials (eg., large boxes, blocks, cardboard circles, and unmarkedcontainers) might facilitate more advanced pretend play. Researchers have foundthat children as young as 2 years can pretend with these, so long as realistic props arealso available (Fein, 1975). It is important to note, however, that the predominant formof toddler pretend play involves the make-believe use of realistic play props in conventional andstereotypic ways. In sum, the development of the traditional preschool "housekeepingcorner" within classrooms of children under age three is suggested.

However, simply providing a well equipped symbolic play area might not beadequate in ensuring the performance of high quality symbolic activity. In a classicstudy of the facilitation of sociodramatic play abilities, Smilansky (1968) found thatwhen adults intervened in young children's play, symbolization was promoted.Subsequently, much research and curriculum development work has focussed onadult intervention in the play of preschool aged children (Christie, 1983).

Precious little attention has been given, however, to the ways adults might facilitatepretend play in toddlerhood, in spite of the fact that this is a formative period inwhich object pretense first emerges. Several strategies, suggested in the literature, arereviewed here.

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SIGNIFICANCE OF TODDLER PRETEND PLAY 15

Intervention research suggests that such strategies be administered in friendly,playful, and nonforceful ways. Adults do not dominate children's activities or tampertoo vigorously with their self-chosen enactments, in such approaches. They intervenefor brief periods and then withdraw.

Johnson et al. (1987) have warned that "too much of the wrong kind of interaction"can lead to a reduction in symbolic activity. The purpose of these interventions is notto provide continuous adult direction of children's play, but to heighten the symboliclevel of their on-going, spontaneous and self-directed pretense. Adults should mainlystrive to help toddlers play compatibly together so that they themselves might createplay interactions with peers and with the materials which have been provided.

Modelling and Prompting Object Pretense

Research indicates that when adults encourage and model pretend enactments withobjects, then young children will perform more of these in their own spontaneous playactivities.(Bruner, 1980; Dunn & Wooding, 1977; Smilansky, 1968; Smith, Dalgleish,& Herzmark, 1981). As young toddlers interact with materials in a symbolic playcenter, then, caregivers might demonstrate their make-believe use. An adult, holdingthe toy telephone as if talking, might state: Hello? Grandpa, how are you? Yes it is avery nice day!" Rocking a doll, the adult might exclaim, "Oh dear! You're crying!Here, let me rock you and help you feel better."

As children show interest in such activity, caregivers might now prompt children toperform pretend enactments. One might state: "Grandma is on the telephone,Jeremy. Here, would you like to talk to her?" Handing the doll to Jeremy, one mightsugest: "Can you rock our baby? She's so upset, she needs to be held and cuddled."

Initial intervention strategies should focus on the make-believe but conventionaluses of highly realistic and familiar home-related props, since even very youngtoddlers have been found to perform such transformations readily.

Encouraging the Use of Greater Numbers of Toys

Coordinating the use of more than one object represents a cognitively advanced anduseful exercise. Once children are symbolizing with single toys, then, a next stepmight be to introduce a second realistic play prop into toddlers' play enactments.

As a child places a pan on a toy stove to cook a pretend meal, for instance, acaregiver might hand the child a spoon and suggest: "Why don't you stir it so all thevegetables mix together." As a child pretends to eat from a toy plate, an adult mightprovide other utensils: "Here's some apple juice to go with your supper. Would youlike to use a spoon or fork to eat?"

Promoting Consecutive Enactments

Early object pretense is marked by simple and brief enactments with objects. Atoddler might sit in a toy car, for example, repetitively turning the steering wheel andperforming car noises. To increase play complexity, a caregiver might pretend to ride

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along with the child, in a make-believe passenger seat, suggesting additionalenactments: "Can you honk the horn? There's a car up ahead! We need to warn himwe are coming."

Facilitating Other-As-Agent Play

In early object pretense, children serve as the agents of their play enactments, doingthe stirring, eating or steering, themselves. As indicated by research cited here,pretending that another character is the agent in a make-believe scheme requireshigher level symbolic thought.

As adults intervene in toddler's symbolic play, then, they might encourage thisother-as-agent play by suggesting that playmates or dolls perform make-believeactions: Why don't you have the baby drink some of the juice. Poor baby; he's verythirsty. He needs a drink."

Stimulating "Symbolic Leaps"

The literature suggests that transforming nonrealistic objects represents the mostcomplex form of make-believe for toddlers. Johnson, Christie, and Yawkey (1987)explain that substituting one object for something completely different requires agreater "symbolic leap," since the child must travel a longer representational distancefrom the actual object to its highly dissimilar referent.

To use a block, for example, which shares very few physical attributes with atelephone, in order to make a pretend telephone call requires complex analogousthought.

For this reason, Vygotsky (1976) has argued that this is an especially useful form ofplay leading to greater separation of thought from the concrete world. The researchcited here suggests that children as young as two can engage in this type ofrepresentation under certain conditions.

Caregivers might incorporate one or a small number of nonrealistic objects into theplay themes of toddlers. As a child plays at the toy stove, a caregiver might, forexample, offer a short wooden rod and state, "Let's say this is our spoon. Can you stirthe soup so the vegetables mix together? That will make your soup so yummy!"

An adult might even occasionally model or prompt a still higher form ofsymbolization by using a body gesture, in the absence of an object, to stand for areferent (ie., forming one's hand as if it were holding a spoon and then handing thismake-believe object to the child: "Let's say this is our spoon. Why don't you take itand stir the soup."

Enhancing Social Pretend Play

Adults can increase social participation among toddlers by playing along with themin the dramatic play center. The very presence of a playful adult might draw groupsof children together. Through skillful intervention the teacher might encourage

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SIGNIFICANCE OF TODDLER PRETEND PLAY 17

isolate children, for example, to participate: "Andre, we would love to have you joinus for our dinner."

Specific strategies might be adopted to promote group make-believe. This can bedone directly by suggesting common pretend themes: "Why don't we all be part of thesame family? This could be our kitchen. Is it almost dinner time?"

A teacher might serve as a bridge between one child's idiosyncratic make-believeworld and another's, by clarifying and interpreting each individual's symbols to therest of the group: "Joseph is pretending to drive a car. Why don't we go for a ride withhim?"

Howes and Farver (1987) have discovered that toddlers exhibit more social pretendplay when in mixed-age groups. Their older peers continue to perform their typicallyhigh levels of make-believe in such settings. These findings suggest that a mixed-ageclassroom may provide the optimal context for development of toddler pretend play.

Summary

Very young children pretend. They mentally transform their toys into imaginativemake-believe persons or objects. They transform themselves and others into passiveor powerful, realistic or fantastic characters as their current emotional needs dictate.This make-believe activity serves an intellectual function, allowing the child topractice "as if or reprsentational thinking. Adults can promote and enhance thisbehavior by providing play props tailored to the needs of this age group and byintervening with prompts in children's play activity.

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economically disadvantaged preschoolers. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 20, 47-58.Dunn, J . & Wooding, C. (1977). Play in the home and its implications for learning. In B. Tizard & D.

Harvey (Eds.), Biology of Play. London: Heinemann.Elder, J.L. & Pederson, D.R. (1978) Preschool children's use of objects in symbolic play. Child Development,

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