the source for global inequality data · 2. global income inequality dynamics 3. public vs. private...

Harvard Kennedy School -7 September 2018

Global economic inequality: New evidence from the World Inequality Report

Report coordinated by:Facundo Alvaredo, Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, Gabriel Zucman

Lucas ChancelGeneral coordinator, World Inequality Report

Co-director, World Inequality LabSenior Research Fellow, IDDRI

WID.WORLDTHE SOURCE FOR

GLOBAL INEQUALITY DATA

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§ Reduction of global inequalities since the 1980s thanks to stronggrowth in the emerging world

§ Trickle down works (the higher the growth at the top, the higher at the bottom)

§ No serious alternative to rising inequality within countries (it’s due to technology and trade)

àWorld Inequality Report revisits these claims thanks to novel data spanning over 40 years.

Three « sticky ideas » on globalization and inequality

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§ Report based on WID.world, the most extensive database on the historicalevolution of income and wealth distribution. Project regrouping more than 100 researchers over 5 continents. 100% transparent, open source, reproducible.

§ The first systematic assessment of globalization in terms of economic inequality. Despite high growth in emerging countries, global inequality increased since 1980. The top 1% captured twice as much global income growth as bottom 50%.

§ Diverging country inequality trajectories highlight the importance of institutionalchanges and political choices rather than deterministic forces. This suggests muchcan be done in the coming decades to promote more equitable growth.

World Inequality Report 2018: highlights

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1. Introduction: the WID.world project

2. Global income inequality dynamics

3. Public vs. private capital dynamics

4. Global wealth inequality dynamics

5. Conclusion: tackling inequality

This presentation

§ The World Inequality Report 2018 seeks to fill a democratic gap and to equipvarious actors of society with the necessary facts to engage in informed publicdebates on inequality.

§ The World Inequality Report 2018 relies on the most extensive database on thehistorical evolution of income and wealth inequality. Our methodology is fullytransparent, open access and reproducible.

PART I THE WID.WORLD PROJECT AND THE MEASUREMENT OF ECONOMIC INEQUALITY

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§ Continuation of pioneering work of Kuznets in the 1950s and Atkinson in the 1970s combining fiscal and national accounts data

Kuznets, 1953 and Atkinson and Harrison, 1978

§ WID.world started with the publication of historical inequality seriesbased on top income shares series using tax data

Piketty 2001, 2003, Piketty-Saez 2003, Atkinson-Piketty 2007; 2010, Alvaredo et al., 2013.

§ In 2011, we released the World Top Incomes Database, graduallyextended to over thirty countries and to wealth

Alvaredo et al., 2013, Saez-Zucman , 2016, Alvaredo-Atkinson-Morelli, 2016, etc.

History of the WID.world project

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§ New website WID.world launched January 2017: collaborative effort

§ Key novelty: we combine National accounts, tax data and surveys in a systematic manner àDistributional National Accounts (DINA, cf. Alvaredo et al. 2016)

§ Three major extensions underway1. Emerging countries 2. Entire distribution, from bottom to top3. Wealth distribution and not only income distribution

WID.world today

http://www.wid.world/

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§ Constantly extending database on the historical evolution of income and wealth• Income shares, averages, thresholds: 80 countries • Wealth income ratios, wealth distribution: 30 countries• Net National Income, CFC, GDP: 190 countries

§ All computer codes, technical papers available online: 100% reproducible data

§ Open access, multi-lingual website and visualization tools• Chinese, English, French, Spanish : reach more than 3 billion people

§ State of the art tools for inequality research• GPINTER package: manipulate distributions online• Stata and R packages: access our data from Stata directly

WID.world today

http://www.wid.world/

§ The top 1% captured twice as much global income growth as the bottom 50% since 1980

§ We observe rising inequality between world individuals, despite growth in the emerging world

§ Different national trajectories show rising global inequality is not inevitable

PART IIGLOBAL INCOME INEQUALITY DYNAMICS

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§ Official statistics do not provide an adequate picture of global inequality§ Official data mostly based on self-reported survey & underestimates inequality§ No global distribution based on systematic combination of top and bottom income

or wealth data (National accounts, tax, surveys and wealth rankings)

§ WID.world follows a step-by-step approach towards a consistent global distribution of income and wealth§ We only aggregate countries for which we have consistent series, in line with

Distributional National Accounts§ We confirm and amplify the « Elephant curve » pattern (Lakner-Milanovic) with

more systematic use of tax and national accounts data.

Towards a global distribution of income and wealth

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II. What are our neW fIndIngS on global Income InequalIty?

We show that income inequality has increased in nearly all world regions in

recent decades, but at different speeds. The fact that inequality levels are so

different among countries, even when countries share similar levels of develop-

ment, highlights the important roles that national policies and institutions play

in shaping inequality.

Income inequality varies greatly across world regions. It is lowest in Europe and highest in the middle East.

▶ Inequality within world regions varies greatly. In 2016, the share of total national income accounted for by just that nation’s top 10% earners (top 10% income share) was 37% in Europe, 41% in China, 46% in russia, 47% in us-canada, and around 55% in sub-Saharan Africa, Brazil, and india. in the middle east, the world’s most unequal region according to our estimates, the top 10% capture 61% of national income (Figure E1).

In recent decades, income inequality has increased in nearly all countries, but at different speeds, suggesting that institutions and policies matter in shaping inequality.

▶ since 1980, income inequality has increased rapidly in north america, china, India, and Russia. Inequality has grown moderately in europe (Figure E2a). From a broad historical perspective, this increase in inequality marks the end of a postwar egali-tarian regime which took different forms in these regions.

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In 2016, 37% of national income was received by the Top 10% in Europe against 61% in the Middle-East.

Source: WID.world (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

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Figure E1 Top 10% national income share across the world, 2016

ExEcuTIvE SummaRy

World inequaliT y rePorT 2018 5

Income inequality varies widely across world regions

Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, F igure 2 .1 .1 . See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

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▶ There are exceptions to the general pattern. in the middle east, sub-saharan africa, and brazil, income inequality has remained relatively stable, at extremely high levels (Figure E2b). Having never gone through the postwar egalitarian regime, these regions set the world “inequality frontier.”

▶ The diversity of trends observed across countries since 1980 shows that income inequality dynamics are shaped by a variety of national, institutional and political contexts.

▶ This is illustrated by the different trajec-tories followed by the former communist or highly regulated countries, China, India, and russia (Figure E2a and b). The rise in inequality was particularly abrupt in russia, moderate in China, and relatively gradual in India, reflecting different types of deregula-tion and opening-up policies pursued over the past decades in these countries.

▶ The divergence in inequality levels has been particularly extreme between Western europe

and the united states, which had similar levels of inequality in 1980 but today are in radically different situations. While the top 1% income share was close to 10% in both regions in 1980, it rose only slightly to 12% in 2016 in Western europe while it shot up to 20% in the united states. meanwhile, in the united states, the bottom 50% income share decreased from more than 20% in 1980 to 13% in 2016 (Figure E3).

▶ The income-inequality trajectory observed in the United States is largely due to massive educational inequalities, combined with a tax system that grew less progressive despite a surge in top labor compensation since the 1980s, and in top capital incomes in the 2000s. continental europe meanwhile saw a lesser decline in its tax progressivity, while wage inequality was also moderated by educational and wage-setting policies that were relatively more favorable to low- and middle-income groups. In both regions, income inequality between men and women has declined but remains particularly strong at the top of the distribution.

In 2016, 47% of national income was received by the top 10% in US-Canada, compared to 34% in 1980.


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Figure E2a Top 10% income shares across the world, 1980–2016: Rising inequality almost everywhere, but at different speeds

ExEcuTIvE SummaRy

World inequaliT y rePorT 20186

Income inequality rises almost everywhere, but at different speeds


Top 10% income shares across the world, 1980-2016

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How has inequality evolved in recent decades among global citizens? We pro-

vide the first estimates of how the growth in global income since 1980 has been

distributed across the totality of the world population. The global top 1% earners

has captured twice as much of that growth as the 50% poorest individuals. The

bottom 50% has nevertheless enjoyed important growth rates. The global mid-

dle class (which contains all of the poorest 90% income groups in the EU and the

United States) has been squeezed.

at the global level, inequality has risen sharply since 1980, despite strong growth in china.

▶ The poorest half of the global popula-tion has seen its income grow significantly thanks to high growth in Asia (particularly in china and india). however, because of high and rising inequality within coun-tries, the top 1% richest individuals in the world captured twice as much growth as the bottom 50% individuals since 1980 (Figure E4). Income growth has been sluggish or even zero for individuals with incomes between the global bottom 50% and top 1% groups. This includes all

north american and european lower- and middle-income groups.

▶ The rise of global inequality has not been steady. While the global top 1% income share increased from 16% in 1980 to 22% in 2000, it declined slightly thereafter to 20%. The income share of the global bottom 50% has oscillated around 9% since 1980 (Figure E5). The trend break after 2000 is due to a reduc-tion in between-country average income inequality, as within-country inequality has continued to increase.

In 2016, 55% of national income was received by the Top 10% earners in India, against 31% in 1980.


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Figure E2b Top 10% income shares across the world, 1980–2016: Is world inequality moving towards the high-inequality frontier?

ExEcuTIvE SummaRy

World inequaliT y rePorT 2018 7

Is the world moving towards the high inequality frontier?

Top 10% income shares across the world, 1980-2016


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This graph is scaled by population size, meaning that the distance between different points on the x-axis is proportional to the size of the population of the corre-sponding income group. The income group p0p1 (lowest percentile), for instance, occupies 1% of the size of the x-axis. On the horizontal axis, the world population is divided into a hundred groups of equal population size and sorted in ascending order from left to right, according to each group's income level. The Top 1% group is divided into ten groups, the richest of these groups is also divided into ten groups, and the very top group is again divided into ten groups of equal population size. The vertical axis shows the total income growth of an average individual in each group between 1980 and 2016. For percentile group p99p99.1 (the poorest 10% among the richest 1% of global earners), growth was 74% between 1980 and 2016. The Top 1% of income earners captured 27% of total growth over this period. Income estimates account for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.

Source: Chancel & Piketty (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

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Figure a1 total income growth by percentile across all world regions, 1980–2016: scaled by population

In this representation of global income inequality dynamics discussed in Chapter 2.1, we scale the horizontal axis by population size, meaning that the distance between different points on the x-axis is proportional to the size of the population of the corre-sponding income group. (See box 2.1.1)

World inequalit y report 2018 293

aPPendIx

Riseof emergingcountries

Squeezed bottom 90%IntheUS&Western Europe

Prosperity oftheglobal 1%

Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, Appendix Figure A1. See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

The global elephant curve of inequality and growth: scaling by population

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This graph is scaled by the share of growth captured by income group, meaning that the distance between different points on the x-axis is proportional to the share of growth captured by the corresponding income group. The top 0.001% (p99.999p100), for instance, captured 3.6% of total growth. Therefore, the distance between p99.999 and p100 (the last two points of this graph) corresponds to 3.6% of the total size of the x-axis. On the horizontal axis, the world population is divided into a hundred groups of equal population size and sorted in ascending order from left to right, according to each group's income level. The Top 1% group is divided into ten groups, the richest of these groups is also divided into ten groups, and the very top group is again divided into ten groups of equal population size. The vertical axis shows the total income growth of an average individual in each group between 1980 and 2016. For percentile group p99p99.1 (the poorest 10% among the richest 1% of global earners), growth was 74% between 1980 and 2016. The Top 1% of income earners captured 27% of total growth over this period. Income estimates account for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.

Source: Chancel & Piketty (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

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Figure a2 total income growth by percentile across all world regions, 1980–2016: scaled by share of growth captured

In this representation of global income inequality dynamics discussed in Chapter 2.1, we scale the horizontal axis by the share of growth captured by income group, meaning that the distance between different points on the x-axis is proportional to the share of growth captured by the corresponding income group. (See box 2.1.1)

World inequalit y report 2018294

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Riseofemergingcountries

Squeezed bottom 90%IntheUS&Western Europe

Prosperity oftheglobal 1%

Top1%captured 27%oftotalgrowth

Bottom 50%captured 12%oftotalgrowth


Does high income growth for the top 1% really matter? Scaling by share of growth

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growth. The top 1% captured 23% of total growth over the period—that is, as much as the bottom 61% of the population. such figures help make sense of the very high growth rates enjoyed by Indians and Chinese sitting at the bottom of the distribution. Whereas growth rates were substantial among the global bottom 50%, this group captured only 14% of total growth, just slightly more than the global top 0.1%—which captured 12% of total growth. Such a small share of total growth captured by the bottom half of the population is partly due to the fact that when individuals are very poor, their incomes can double or triple but still remain relatively small—so that the total increase in their incomes does not necessarily add up at the global level. But this is not the only expla-nation. incomes at the very top must also be extraordinarily high to dwarf the growth captured by the bottom half of the world population.

The next step of the exercise consists of adding the populations and incomes of russia (140 million), Brazil (210 million), and the Middle East (410 million) to the analysis. These additional groups bring the total population now considered to more than 4.3 billion indi-viduals—that is, close to 60% of the world total population and two thirds of the world adult population. The global growth curve presented in Appendix Figure A2.3 is similar to the previous one except that the “body of the elephant” is now shorter. This can be explained by the fact that russia, the middle east, and Brazil are three regions which recorded low growth rates over the period considered. Adding the population of the three regions also slightly shifts the “body of the elephant” to the left, since a large share of the population of the countries incorporated in the analysis is neither very poor nor very rich from a global point of view and thus falls in the middle of the distribu-tion. In this synthetic global region, the top 1%

On the horizontal axis, the world population is divided into a hundred groups of equal population size and sorted in ascending order from left to right, according to each group's income level. The Top 1% group is divided into ten groups, the richest of these groups is also divided into ten groups, and the very top group is again divided into ten groups of equal population size. The vertical axis shows the total income growth of an average individual in each group between 1980 and 2016. For percentile group p99p99.1 (the poorest 10% among the world's richest 1%), growth was 74% between 1980 and 2016. The Top 1% captured 27% of total growth over this period. Income estimates account for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.

Source: WID.world (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for more details.

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Squeezed bottom 90% in the US & Western Europe

Rise of emerging countries

Prosperity of the global 1%

Bottom 50% captured 12% of total growth

Top 1% captured 27% of total growth

Figure 2.1.4 total income growth by percentile across all world regions, 1980–2016

trends in Global inCome inequalit y


Part II

The bottom 50% grew… but the top 1% captured twice more total growth.


17

Reconciling different narratives on global income inequality dynamics: limits of the Gini

Top 10% to Middle40% average income

Gini coefficient

Middle 40% to Bottom 50% average income

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growth. The top 1% captured 23% of total growth over the period—that is, as much as the bottom 61% of the population. such figures help make sense of the very high growth rates enjoyed by Indians and Chinese sitting at the bottom of the distribution. Whereas growth rates were substantial among the global bottom 50%, this group captured only 14% of total growth, just slightly more than the global top 0.1%—which captured 12% of total growth. Such a small share of total growth captured by the bottom half of the population is partly due to the fact that when individuals are very poor, their incomes can double or triple but still remain relatively small—so that the total increase in their incomes does not necessarily add up at the global level. But this is not the only expla-nation. incomes at the very top must also be extraordinarily high to dwarf the growth captured by the bottom half of the world population.

The next step of the exercise consists of adding the populations and incomes of russia (140 million), Brazil (210 million), and the Middle East (410 million) to the analysis. These additional groups bring the total population now considered to more than 4.3 billion indi-viduals—that is, close to 60% of the world total population and two thirds of the world adult population. The global growth curve presented in Appendix Figure A2.3 is similar to the previous one except that the “body of the elephant” is now shorter. This can be explained by the fact that russia, the middle east, and Brazil are three regions which recorded low growth rates over the period considered. Adding the population of the three regions also slightly shifts the “body of the elephant” to the left, since a large share of the population of the countries incorporated in the analysis is neither very poor nor very rich from a global point of view and thus falls in the middle of the distribu-tion. In this synthetic global region, the top 1%

On the horizontal axis, the world population is divided into a hundred groups of equal population size and sorted in ascending order from left to right, according to each group's income level. The Top 1% group is divided into ten groups, the richest of these groups is also divided into ten groups, and the very top group is again divided into ten groups of equal population size. The vertical axis shows the total income growth of an average individual in each group between 1980 and 2016. For percentile group p99p99.1 (the poorest 10% among the world's richest 1%), growth was 74% between 1980 and 2016. The Top 1% captured 27% of total growth over this period. Income estimates account for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.

Source: WID.world (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for more details.

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Squeezed bottom 90% in the US & Western Europe

Rise of emerging countries

Prosperity of the global 1%

Bottom 50% captured 12% of total growth

Top 1% captured 27% of total growth

Figure 2.1.4 total income growth by percentile across all world regions, 1980–2016

trends in Global inCome inequalit y


Part II

The bottom 50% grew… but the top 1% captured twice more total growth.


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§ Key question: are we sure that the enormous rise of the global 1% wasnecessary for the growth of the bottom 50%?

§ Answer: No.

§ A careful analysis of country-level growth and inequality trajectoriessuggest that it is possible to combine higher growth and lower inequality.• US vs Europe: huge rise of inequality in US, but stagnation of bottom 50% average

income• India vs China: higher rise in inequality in India, but less growth

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In 2016, 12% of national income was received by the top 1% in Western Europe, compared to 20% in the United States. In 1980, 10% of national income was received by the top 1% in Western Europe, compared to 11% in the United States.


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In 2016, 22% of national income was received by the Bottom 50% in Western Europe.


Top 1% Western Europe

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Western Europe

Figure E3 Top 1% vs. Bottom 50% national income shares in the US and Western Europe, 1980–2016: Diverging income inequality trajectories

ExEcuTIvE SummaRy


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In 2016, 12% of national income was received by the top 1% in Western Europe, compared to 20% in the United States. In 1980, 10% of national income was received by the top 1% in Western Europe, compared to 11% in the United States.


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In 2016, 22% of national income was received by the Bottom 50% in Western Europe.


Top 1% Western Europe

Bottom 50%Western Europe

Western Europe

Figure E3 Top 1% vs. Bottom 50% national income shares in the US and Western Europe, 1980–2016: Diverging income inequality trajectories

ExEcuTIvE SummaRy


US vs Europe: huge rise of inequality in the US but stagnation of bottom 50% averageincome

Top 1% vs. bottom 50% in the US and Western Europe, 1980-2016


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India vs China: higher rise in inequality in India, but less growth

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In 2015, the Top 1% national income share was 13.9% in China.


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Figure a4 top 1% vs. bottom 50% income shares in China and India, 1980–2015

This graph shows the evolution of top 1% and bottom 50% income shares in India and China. It is an example of the additional graphs which can be produced online on wid.world and which are discussed in the various methodological documents referred to in the report.


aPPendIx

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In 2015, the Top 1% national income share was 13.9% in China.


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Figure a4 top 1% vs. bottom 50% income shares in China and India, 1980–2015

This graph shows the evolution of top 1% and bottom 50% income shares in India and China. It is an example of the additional graphs which can be produced online on wid.world and which are discussed in the various methodological documents referred to in the report.


aPPendIx


Top 1% vs. bottom 50% in China vs. India, 1980-2016

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§ US vs. EU : similar levels of development, size, exposure to globalization and

to new technologies since 1980. Radically diverging inequality trajectories

due to different institutional and policy choices (less progressive taxation,

unequal education, falling minimum wage, etc.).

• US-Canada: average income grew by 63% btw 1980 and 2016, and bottom 50% by 5%;

Europe: average income grew by 40%, and bottom 50% by 26%.

Diverging trajectories among similar regions highlight importance of policy

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§ China vs. India: rise in inequality in both countries but was extreme in India, moderate in China. More investments in education, health, infrastructure for the bottom 50% in China.• China: average income grew by 831%, and bottom 50% by 417%;

India: average income grew by 223%, and bottom 50% by 107%.

§ NB: none of the above countries meets new SDG targets (bottom 40% issupposed to grow faster than the average)

Diverging trajectories among similar regions highlight importance of policy

Part IIIPUBLIC VERSUS PRIVATE CAPITAL DYNAMICS

§ Economic inequality is largely driven by the unequal ownership of capital, which can beeither privately or public owned.

§ We show that since 1980, very large transfers of public to private wealth occurred in nearlyall countries, whether rich or emerging.

§ While national wealth has substantially increased, public wealth is now negative or close to zero in rich countries. Arguably this limits the ability of governments to tackle inequality; certainly, it has important implications for wealth inequality among individuals.

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Countries have become richer, but governments have become poor.

iii. why does the eVolution of PriVate and PubliC CaPital ownershiP matter for inequality?

Economic inequality is largely driven by the unequal ownership of capital, which

can be either privately or public owned. We show that since 1980, very large

transfers of public to private wealth occurred in nearly all countries, whether

rich or emerging. While national wealth has substantially increased, public

wealth is now negative or close to zero in rich countries. Arguably this limits the

ability of governments to tackle inequality; certainly, it has important implica-

tions for wealth inequality among individuals.

over the past decades, countries have become richer but governments have become poor.

▶ the ratio of net private wealth to net national income gives insight into the total value of wealth commanded by individuals in

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In 2015, the value of net public wealth (or public capital) in the US was negative (-17% of net national income) while the value of net private wealth (or private capital) was 500% of national income. In 1970, net public wealth amounted to 36% of national income while the figure was 326% for net private wealth. Net private wealth is equal to new private assets minus net private debt. Net public wealth is equal to public assets minus public debt.


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Private capital

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Figure e6 the rise of private capital and the fall of public capital in rich countries, 1970–2016

exeCutIve summary


Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, F igure E6 . See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

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… in China the share of public capital in national capital is now comparable to richcountries during the mixed-economy period (1950-1980).

Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, F igure E7 . See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

a country, as compared to the public wealth held by governments. The sum of private and public wealth is equal to national wealth. the balance between private and public wealth is a crucial determinant of the level of inequality.

▶ There has been a general rise in net private wealth in recent decades, from 200–350% of national income in most rich countries in 1970 to 400–700% today. This was largely unaffected by the 2008 financial crisis, or by the asset price bubbles seen in some coun-tries such as Japan and spain (Figure E6). in China and russia there have been unusually large increases in private wealth; following their transitions from communist- to capi-talist-oriented economies, they saw it quadruple and triple, respectively. private

wealth–income ratios in these countries are approaching levels observed in France, the uk, and the united states.

▶ Conversely, net public wealth (that is, public assets minus public debts) has declined in nearly all countries since the 1980s. in China and russia, public wealth declined from 60–70% of national wealth to 20–30%. net public wealth has even become negative in recent years in the united states and the uk, and is only slightly positive in Japan, Germany, and france (Figure e7). This arguably limits govern-ment ability to regulate the economy, redis-tribute income, and mitigate rising inequality. The only exceptions to the general decline in public property are oil-rich countries with large sovereign wealth funds, such as Norway.

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China

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Figure e7 the decline of public capital, 1970–2016


exeCutIve summary

Part IVGLOBAL WEALTH INEQUALITY DYNAMICS

§ Wealth data remains particularly opaque around the globe.

§ The combination of rising income inequality and large transfers of public toprivate wealth led to a steep rise in wealth inequality in Russia, US, CN since1980.

§ Wealth inequality rose at a more moderate speed in FR, UK, partly due todampening effect of housing prices.

28

Combination of rising income inequality and transfers of public to private wealthcontributed to rise in wealth inequality after historical decline (1920-1970)

market, and by 2002, 85% of urban housing was privately-owned. this property privati-zation process was very unequal as access to quoted and unquoted housing assets often depended on how wealthy and politi-cally connected the household was, with the wealthiest end of the distribution able to access privatized public wealth more easily through official markets. In contrast, Russians took a more gradual approach to property privatization. tenants were typi-cally given the right to purchase their housing unit at a relatively low price and did not need to exercise this right immediately, while uncertainty surrounding the macroeconomic and political environment also meant many russian households waited until the late 1990s and even the 2000s to exercise this right. Consequently, the property privatiza-tion process had a small dampening effect on the rise of wealth inequality. the shares of the middle 40% defined as the top 50% excluding the top 10% fell in both countries across the period. Interestingly, the group’s share fell in similar proportions in China and in russia, from 43% in 1995 to 26% in 2015

in China and from 39% to 25% over the same period in russia. While the fall was more pronounced in China, it was initially more abrupt in russia than in China, however, due to the aftereffects of hyperinflation that followed price liberalization in 1992 and wiped out savings.

the growing inequality of income and savings rates have caused rapid wealth concentration in the united states

the rise of wealth inequality in the united states was less abrupt, but no less spectac-ular in historical terms, than the increases experienced in the former communist coun-tries. Wealth inequality in the united states fell considerably from the high levels of the Gilded Age by the 1930s and 1940s, due to drastic policy changes that were part of the New Deal. The development of very progres-sive income and estate taxation made it much more difficult to accumulate and pass on large fortunes. Financial regulation sharply limited the role of finance and the ability to concentrate wealth as in the Gilded

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In 2015, the Top 1% wealth share was 43% in Russia against 22% in 1995.


UK

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Russia

US

Figure 4.2.1 top 1% personal wealth share in emerging and rich countries, 1913–2015

trends in Global Wealth inequalit y


Part Iv


Part IVTACKLING GLOBAL INEQUALITY

• The future of global inequality depends on convergence forces (rapid growth in emerging countries) and divergence forces (rising inequality within countries). No one knows which of these forces will dominate and whether current trends are sustainable.

• Under « Business as usual » scenario, even with high growth in the emerging world, within-country divergence will prevail. Other pathways are possible however: if all countries adopt a European inequality pathway, global inequality would decrease by 2050. This would have enormous impacts on global poverty eradication.

30

Business as usual: global income inequality will continue to rise, despite high growth in emerging world. Between country convergence not enough to counter within-country trend.

bottom 50% Chinese earners will capture

13% of Chinese income growth up to 2050. the second scenario assumes that all coun-

tries follow the same inequality trajectory as

the united states over the 1980–2016

period. Following the above example, we know that bottom 50% us earners captured

3% of total growth since 1980 in the United states. the second scenario then assumes

that within all countries, bottom 50% earners

will capture 3% of growth over the 2017–2050 period. in the third scenario, all coun-

tries follow the same inequality trajectory as

the european union over the 1980–2016

period—where the bottom 50% captured

14% of total growth since 1980.

under business as usual, global inequality will continue to rise, despite strong growth in low-income countries.

Figure 5.1.1 shows the evolution of the

income shares of the global top 1% and the

global bottom 50% for the three scenarios. under the business-as-usual scenario

(scenario 1), the income share held by the

bottom 50% of the population slightly decreases from approximately 10% today to less than 9% in 2050. At the top of the global income distribution, the top 1% income share

rises from less than 21% today to more than

24% of world income. Global inequality thus

rises steeply in this scenario, despite strong growth in emerging countries. In Africa, for instance, we assume that average per-adult income grows at sustained 3% per year throughout the entire period (leading to a total growth of 173% between 2017 and 2050).

These projections show that the progressive catching-up of low-income countries is not sufficient to counter the continuation of worsening of within-country inequality. The results also suggest that the reduction (or stabilization) of global income inequality

Shar

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If all countries follow the inequality trajectory of the US between 1980 and 2016 from 2017 to 2050, the income share of the global Top 1% will reach 28% by 2050. Income share estimates are calculated using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) euros. PPP accounts for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.


… all countries follow US’s1980–2016 inequality

trend = scenario 2

… all countries follow theirown 1980–2016 inequality

trend = scenario 1

… all countries follow EU1980–2016 inequality

trend = scenario 3

scenario 3

scenario 1

scenario 2

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Global inequality assuming …

Global Top 1%income share

Global Bottom 50% income share

Figure 5.1.1 Global income share projections of the bottom 50% and top 1% , 1980–2050

Part v taCklinG eConomiC inequalit y


Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, F igures 5 .1 .1 . See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

31

Different inequality trajectories at the national level matter enormously for global poverty eradication

Within country inequality trends are critical for global poverty eradication

What do these different scenarios mean in terms of actual income levels, and particularly for bottom groups? It is informative to focus on the dynamics of income shares held by different groups, and how they converge or diverge over time. But ultimately, it can be argued that what matters for individuals—and in particular those at the bottom of the social ladder—is their absolute income level. We stress again here that our projections do not pretend to predict how the future will be, but rather aim to inform on how it could be, under a set of simple assumptions.

Figure 5.1.2 depicts the evolution of average global income levels and the average income of the bottom half of the global population in the three scenarios described above. the evolution of global average income does not depend on the three scenarios. this is straightforward to understand: in each of the

scenarios, countries (and hence the world as a whole) experience the same total income and demographic growth. It is only the matter of how this growth is distributed within coun-tries that changes across scenarios. Let us reiterate that our assumptions are quite opti-mistic for low-income countries, so it is indeed possible that global average income would actually be slightly lower in the future than in the figures presented. In particular, the global bottom 50% average income would be even lower.

In 2016, the average per-adult annual income of the poorest half of the world population was €3 100, in contrast to the €16 000 global average—a ratio of 5.2 between the overall average and the bottom-half average. In 2050, global average income will be €35 500 according to our projections. In the business-as-usual scenario, the gap between average income and the bottom would widen (from a ratio of 5.2 to a ratio of 5.6) as the bottom half would have an income of €6 300. In the US

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If all countries follow the inequality trajectory of Europe between 1980 and 2016, the average income of the Bottom 50% of the world population will be €9 100 by 2050. Income estimates are calculated using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) euros. For comparison, €1 = $1.3 = ¥4.4 at PPP. PPP accounts for differences in the cost of living between countries. Values are net of inflation.


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… all countries followEU 1980–2016inequality trend

Average income assuming …

… all countries followUS 1980-2016

inequality trend

… all countries prolonge their own 1980–2016

inequality trend

Bottom 50% average income

€3 100

€1 600

€9 100

€6 300

€4 500

Figure 5.1.3 Global average income projections of the bottom 50%, 1980–2050



Source: W orld Inequality Report 2018, F igures 5 .1 .3 . See w ir2018.w id .w orld for data sources and notes.

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32

Tackling global inequality: more in the report. Aim is to open the discussion, not to close it!

Progressive taxation Global financial registry

Equal access to educationand well-paying jobs Investing in the future

33

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Between 1963 and 2017, the top marginal tax rate of income tax (applying to the highest incomes) in the US fell from 91% to 40%.

Sources: Piketty (2014) and updates. See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

France

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Japan

US

Figure 5.2.2 top income tax rates in rich countries, 1900–2017

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Between 1980 and 2017, the top marginal tax rate of inheritance tax (applying to the highest inheritances) in the UK fell from 75% to 40%.

France

Germany

UK

Japan

US

Figure 5.2.3 top inheritance tax rates in rich countries, 1900–2017



Strong decline in tax progressivity since the 1970s in most countries.

34

intergenerational mobility is lo er in areas ith larger A rican-American populations o ever, in areas ith large A rican-Amer-

ican populations, both blacks and whites have lower rates of upward income mobility, indi-cating that social and environmental causes other than race, such as differences in history and institutions, may play a role. spatial and social segregation is also negatively associ-ated with upward mobility. in particular, longer commuting time decreases opportuni-ties to climb the social ladder, and spatial segregation o the poorest individuals has a stronger negative impact on mobility his suggests that the isolation o lo er-income amilies and the di ficulties they e perience

in reaching ob sites are important drivers o social immobility.

income inequality at the local level, school quality, social capital, and family structure are also important actors igher income ine uality among the poorest o indi-

viduals is associated with lower mobility.15 Mean hile, a larger middle class stimulates upwards mobility.16 igher public school e penditures per student along ith lo er class si es signi icantly increase social mobility igher social capital also avors mobility or e ample, areas ith high involve-ment in community organi ations 17 finally, amily structure is also a ey determinant

upward mobility is substantially lower in areas here the raction o children living in single-

parent households, or the share of divorced parents, or the share of non-married adults is higher

hat is remar able is that combining these actors e plains very e ectively social

mobility patterns a en together, ive actors commuting time, income ine uality

among the poorest individuals, high-school dropout rates, social capital, and the raction o children ith single parents

e plain o ine ualities in up ard mobility

30% of children whose parents are in the Bottom 10% of the income distribution attend college between age 18 and 21. Almost 90% of children whose parents are in the Top 10% of the income distribution attend college between age 18 and 21.

Source: Chetty, Hendren, Kline and Saez (2014). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

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Figure 5.4.1 College attendance rates and parent income rank in the us for children born in 1980–1982



Reality can be far from the meritocratic fairy tale: US

35

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Between 2000 and 2016, the hourly minimum wage rose from €7.9 to €9.7 in France, while it rose from $7.13 to $7.25 in the US. Income estimates are calculated using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) euros for France and dollars for the US. For comparison, €1 = $1.3 = ¥4.4 at PPP. PPP accounts for differences in the cost of living bet een countries Values are net o inflation

France (2016 €)

Source: Piketty (2014) and updates. See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

US (2016 $)

Figure 5.4.3 minimum wage in France and the us, 1950–2016

taCklinG eConomiC inequalit y


Part v

Equal access to education essential but not sufficient: labour market regulations are alsokey. US minimum wage today is 30% below 1970 level.

CONCLUSION

• The WID.world project: more than 100 researchers over thefive continents. All the data is entirely open source +transparent to feed public debates.

• This report: first systematic assessment of globalization interms of inequality. Global top 1% captured twice as muchgrowth as bottom 50% since 1980. Under Business as usual,even with optimistic growth assumptions in the emergingworld, global inequality will continue to rise.

• Rising inequality is not inevitable: different types of policiescan be implemented to promote equitable growth pathwaysin the coming decades.

37

Additional slides

38

Extension: from income inequality to pollution inequality

Chancel & Piketty, 2015

39

Who emits more within countries? French babyboomers: a carbon intensive generation due to relatively higher income, inefficient dwellings and habits

CO2 emissions gap between cohorts in France (Individuals born from 1910 to 1970)

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Chancel, 2014

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In the US, all generations emit a lot (despite younger generations’ stronger concern for the environment)

CO2 emissions gap between cohorts in the USA(Individuals born from 1910 to 1970)

Chancel, 2014



Visit wir2018.wid.world for the online Version of the report.

WID.WORLD

42

Concentration of non-housing wealth (financial and business assets) increasedsubstantially since 1995. Role of housing as moderator.

o the ealth distribution bet een housing and non-housing assets Indeed, housing only accounts for a limited fraction of total wealth at the top: since , the share o housing

ealth or the top percent has been bounded bet een and percent o total net worth. it is instructive to look at the distri-bution o ealth minus residential housing, net o mortgage liabilities Figure 4.6.4 shows the top shares of total wealth and of wealth e cluding housing or the period since It appears that, as e should e pect, the top shares o the distribution o non-housing

ealth are higher: the share o the top per cent averages per cent over the period 1971 to 1997, compared with 18 per cent for the corresponding share or all ealth Although there is more variability in the shares e cluding housing ealth shares are smoothed to some degree by the housing element), overall there is little difference in their evolution over the last quarter of the t entieth century p to , e do not get a very different story if one just takes non-housing ealth, ith a decided all in the top

shares until the end of the 1970s, and with broad stability until the mid 1990s.

o ever, in the t enty-first century, there is a distinct di erence: the gap bet een the share o the top per cent in ealth e cluding housing and the share or all ealth idened

he changes over time are also di erent, ith the concentration o non-housing ealth financial and business assets increasing

substantially between 1995 and 2013. it appears that housing ealth has moderated a definite tendency or there to be a rise in the concentration of other forms of wealth apart rom housing hen people tal about rising ealth concentration in the K, then it is probably the latter that they have in mind.

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In 2013, the wealth share of the Top 1% was 20% of total wealth. However, when excluding housing wealth, the Top 1% share was 33%.

Source: Alvaredo, Atkinson and Morelli (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

Total wealth including

housing wealth

Excluding housing wealth

Figure 4.6.4 top 1% wealth share in the uK, 1971–2012

Part Iv trends in Global Wealth inequalit y


1. Introduction: the WID.world projectWID.world combines inequality data sources in a consistent way to fill a democratic gap.

2. Global income inequality dynamicsGlobal top 1% captured twice as much growth as bottom 50% since 1980. Different national trajectories suggest that the trend was not inevitable.

3. Public vs. private capital dynamicsGradual rise in wealth income ratios since 1980s in the context of large transfers of public to private wealth in emerging and rich countries.

4. Global wealth inequality dynamicsCombination of rising income inequality and fall of public wealthcontributed to sharp rise in wealth inequality among individuals.• Focus: wealth inequality in the UK

5. Conclusion: tackling inequalityRethinking the policy cocktail of globalization

This presentation

44

France vs UK: higher rise of inequality in the UK, bottom 50% didn’t grow faster than in

France

Top 1% vs. bottom 50% in France and in the UK, 1980-2016


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45

Private capital also rose sharply in emerging countries...

Privatization strategies were key in determining wealth accumulation differences between China and russia

the transition away from communism in both China and russia had profound effects on aggregate wealth in both countries. however, there were also considerable differences between the two countries, which are first evident in the evolution of their respective private wealth–national income ratios. As examined in detail in chapter 3.2, the general rise of private wealth relative to national income in rich countries since the 1970s–1980s can be attributed to a combination of factors including the combi-nation of growth slowdowns and relatively high saving rates and general rises in asset prices. The case of Russia together with that of China and other ex-communist countries can be viewed as an extreme case of this general evolution, but the liberalization and public asset privatization strategies chosen

by the two countries also had crucial impacts on the development of these countries’ wealth to national income ratios.

in russia as in China, private wealth was very limited back in 1980, at slightly more than 100% of national income in both countries. but by 2015, private wealth reached approximately 500% of national income in China, roughly equal to levels seen in the us, and rapidly approaching the levels observed in countries such as france and the uk (550–600%). private wealth in russia has also increased enormously relative to national income, but the ratio was comparatively only of the order of 350–400% in 2015—that is, at a markedly lower level than in China and in Western coun-tries as illustrated by Figure 3.3.1. This gap would have been larger if estimates of offshore wealth were not included in russia’s private wealth (more to come on this in chapter 3.5). this is an important source of wealth to include in estimates for Russia as it represents approx-

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Source: Novokmet, Piketty & Zucman (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes.

FranceChina

UK

Russia

US

Figure 3.3.1 net private wealth to net national income ratios in China, russia and rich countries, 1980–2015: the rise of private wealth

publiC Versus priVate Capital dynamiCs


Part III




income tax rate from 40% to 50% in 2010 in part to curb top pay excesses. In the United states, the occupy Wall street movement and its famous “We are the 99%” slogan also reflected the view that the top 1% gained too much at the expense of the 99%. Whether this marked the beginning of a new tax policy cycle that will counterbalance the steep fall observed since the 1970s remains a question. in the uk, the 2010 increase in top income tax rate was followed by slight reduction down to 45% in 2013. As we are writing these lines, the new us republican administration and congress are preparing a major tax over-haul plan. The French government also proj-ects to reduce tax rates on top incomes and wealth owners.

Top inheritance tax rates were recently increased in france, Japan, and the united states, as shown on Figure 5.2.3. in Japan and in the united states, this increase halted a progressive reduction in top inheritance tax rates initiated in the 1980s. in france and

Germany, top inheritance tax rates have been historically lower than in the united states, uk, and Japan. in earlier chapters of this report we described the two world wars and various economic and political shocks of the twentieth century.10 these durably reduced wealth concentration through other means than tax policy. As with the question of income tax progressivity, it is impossible to know whether this increase marks a new era of progressivity. The US tax overhaul plan plans to abolish the inheritance tax.

Inheritance is exempted from tax while the poor face high consumption taxes in emerging countries

While the past ten years saw some increases in tax progressivity in rich countries, it is worth noting that major emerging economies still do not have any tax on inheritance, despite the extreme levels of inequality observed there. Inheritance is taxed at a particularly small rate in Brazil (at a national average of around 4%,

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In 2017, the top marginal tax rate of inheritance tax (applying to the highest inheritances) was 55% in Japan, compared to 4% in Brazil. Europe is represented by

France, Germany and the UK.

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Figure 5.2.4 top inheritance tax rates in emerging and rich countries, 2017

taCklinG eConomiC inequalit y


Part v

the source for global inequality data · 2. global income inequality dynamics 3. public vs. private...

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