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The transformations of environmental activism :
Greenpeace France case
By
Gérald Gallet
Centre d’Etudes Politiques et Institutionnelles, Université Pantheon Assas Paris II
Groupe d’Etudes et de Recherche sur les Mutations du Militantisme,
Fondation Nationale des Sciences politiques
Paper for the Workshop on « Environmental Protest in Comparative Perspective » at the 27th
Joint Sessions of ECPR Workshops in Mannheim, 26-31 March, 1999.
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The Transformations of environmental activism : Greenpeace France Case1
Greenpeace2 is undoubtedly the most powerful NGO, materially and financially, in the
environmental sphere, building up its action with professional methods. It still maintains a
radical spirit with direct and no conventional actions’ perspectives.
Presented as the « green enterprise », GP possess about thirty department in the World.
According to a process of organizational mimicry, it borrows an organization’s model which is
equivalent to its butts : the multinational enterprise. GP aspire to confront them in the ecological
and political sphere ; and for the success of the contest, it decide to structure itself as these
enterprises.
Each department has its specific character because the geopolitical context, the level of
implication and integration of each department in the society and the political sphere change in
each State. The department must take in account of the State’s political culture, and understand
the geographical, historical, political, social and cultural in which it acts.
It’s relevant to analyze Greenpeace France3 department in so far as France (and the french) seems
to be unsympathetic to the environmental problems. Created en 1977, GPF suffered three crisis,
which bound to stop its activities, and to change the direction of the department. GPF suffered
too the financial problems of Greenpeace International.4 So, the french department must work
with disadvantageous circumstances and strategic errors in the campaigns’ preparations.
GPF works for subjects which have not the estimated popularity, fights against interests ans
authorities, which are rarely the target of other pressure groups (parties, trades union,
association). GPF is compared as the « enemy of France », criticized for its part of professional
agitator and unconnected activist. Its compromise with the negative image which comes to its
anglo-saxon origin and its method of direct actions. This activism disturb the puritan legalism in
the french society, especially respected in the environmental and political sphere. GPF take place
in a radical and countercultural perception of the society.
1 I would like to thank Olivier Fillieule for precious comments and methodological advices. I would like to thank too
Fabrice Ferrier for enlarging thoughts we exchanged, and his help for the informations on the environmental
activism’s chronology. Last but not least, I would like to thank the french TEA group (Transformations of
Environmental Activism) which allows me to present this paper in front of you. Thanks to Greenpeace France (full-
time officials, voluntaries and activists) who co-operates and gives me access to many informations. 2 We use « GP » in the paper.
3 We use « GPF » in the paper.
4 We use GPI in the paper.
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In a diachronic perspective (1989-1997), we’ll attempt to study GPF, analyzing the evolution of
the department in the french society, and concentrating ours remarks on the activism’s
transformations. So, we’ll observe how this organization translate its aims in actions ; with which
logic it acts in the political sphere, to show the evolution of its activism.
These transformations involve modifications and changes, but not necessarily revolution in
GPF’s organization and working. It’s the continuity in change which allow to explain its
situation. The predominance of GPI interfere in this evolution, and the GPF’s strategy depends
on international aims. As to the activism, it remains subversive in the political sphere, as a
practical which attempts to knock about authorities by direct action. GPF use an index list of
spectacular actions to express its fight and its claims. Within this research, the activism is an
heterodox practical and increase with objector and rebellious actions, where the activist invest
physically the political sphere and use visual actions to mediatize an environmental problem.
Nevertheless, the logic of activism change, according as a twofold process to reduce this aspect
of the direct action in the environmental activism.
A twofold transformation with two different logics stand out and intrude on GPF, consequence of
an obvious strategy which allows to produce more effective works, therefore more profitable for
the organization. The first logic is that GPF strengthen its degree of professionalism, trump in the
fight against the private and public authorities. This professionalism complete the enterprise’s
logic which is directed to organize the works of campaigners. The professionalization of the
structure concerns the preparation, the valuation and the mediatization of the campaign, and
these are not only the campaigner and officials but also the voluntaries and the activist which
must borrow this professional position. For reasons of efficaciousness and productivity, this logic
is necessary to GPF becoming as a lawful and representative actor in the environmental sphere of
which it is excluded. The professionalism is shown in transformations, transformations in the
construction of the campaigns and their execution by direct and lawful actions. The index list is
still completed and the work is executed by professional of radical action.
The second transformation introduce the other logic, inconsistent with the professional logic : it’s
the attempt of social integration. With the increase of the professionalism’s degree, GPF hope to
get one position in public and political area, to assert its ability to participate and enlarge the
debate. If GP succeed in this strategy of recognition and integration, it would be accepted by the
society and the public opinion. GP bound the action’s radicalism and unfold new methods in the
thought’s work and the activism. It decides to practise an overture and to create some links with
another environmental associations. This inclusion in social sphere become one priority in the
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organisational and working of GPF. But, this second logic deny the professional logic : how
adjust the enterprise’s strategy with the purpose of the inclusion in civil society ? Indeed, the
civil society not concede the professionalization of collective organization, and prefer local
action and action’s proximity.
However, these two logics appear in the GPF’s works since 1987. To answer the questions and
observations we have do, this research formed with methologic sources, both quantitative and
qualitative. The qualitative sources are based on the direct observation. We work in GPF’s office
in Paris during four months, and we analyzed the work of this organization. Moreover, we
realized interviewes (6) of full time officials (3) and activists (3) to complete our first remarks.
But quantitative sources contributed to consolidate ours observations. The study of local and
national newspapers registering GPF’s actions, the documents and records of GP (press release,
activities report, informations’ tract and propaganda sources, the reading of « GP magazine »
since 1989) are interested because these sources will allow to compare writings with the actors’
witness. The obsrvation’s work in the organization provide some items to understand GPF’s
activism. Some theoretical sources add to this empirical approach. The sociology of collective
mobilization with the rational analysis and the analysis of resources’ mobilization (Olson, 1966 ;
Oberschall, 1973 and 1993 ; Tilly, 1978) and the new perspectives of collective action’s theories
(Rucht, 1993 ; Kriesi, 1995 ; Tarrow, 1994) give a sound basis for the study, to answer the
questions and explain the organization’s behaviour.
The professionalism and the attempt of social inclusion compose the two working’s logics of
GPF, complementary but inconsistent. See them now in two parts. In the first, we analyzed how
GP want to become a lawful player in the political game and the environmental sphere, by the
purchase of professionalism attitude and from an enterprise’s logic. In the second part, the
strategy of social integration needs some transformations in the activism’s methods and we
observe that GP search to win a respectability in its work.
1. The professional logic of the environmental activism
The professionalization is realized not only by the methods which ensure the success of actions,
but also by the activists’ behaviour which construct and put in concrete form the work, with a
index list mixing direct and lawful actions5.
1.1. Enterprise’s logic in the campaign’s conduct
5 On the index list of collective actions, see Tilly Ch. La France conteste de 1600 à nos jours Fayard et Harvard
University Press 1986.
5
GPF suffered for a long time of its incapacity to manage some crisis caused by direct and radical
actions, incapacity in terms of public and political communication or incapacity to manage the
consequences of spectacular actions. Full time officials know that actions must be prepared and
managed above and below their accomplishment, in order to obtain satisfaction of this
professionalism.
1.1.1. Professionalism in campaigns’ elaboration
For the reason that GP would like to entertain its financial independence in relation to political
and economical authorities, the first necessity must be to success its direct actions, therefore
organize an offensive strategy which has two ways. In the first time, mediatize the environmental
problems with direct actions. In the second time, use actions’ mediatical and economical
backwash. Thoughts about any environmental perspective which sensitize and constitute
important stakes in the society are previously realized. Thus, in the campaigners’ speech6, the
works of campaigns’ and actions’ preparation require research to collect informations and
instructions about the subject of any campaign, to analyze the problem and determine the angles
of attack for direct action. Beyond the fundamental work, the formalization is very important :
it’s a part of environmental activism which is examined thoroughly.
More than the results of direct actions, the show is essential in order that media broadcast
message and pictures of actions. GPF consider that has an agitator’s function and want to
mediatize the problem to disturb the authorities, but its nuisance’s capacity depend on the
media’s strategy which relieve informations if they want. With the professionalism’s logic, GPF
wish intrude on the mediatical diary. So, GPF try to charm the media in order that they translate
the message and the results of GP’s actions to the citizens who can support campaigns and work
of the environmental organization..
In its speech and its practical, GPF take up one rational and enterprise’s strategy, inconsistent
with the radical perception of direct actions.7 These two approaches become complete and
structure the action’s and thoughts’ logic of GP. Now, to obtain convincing and expeditious
results with this enterprise’s organization, the association progress to the professionalism in the
construction and decision making, and mediatization of campaigns and actions. GP appears as a
6 The interviewes with the two campaigners (energy and GMO campaigns) of GPF show that priorities are
actions’efficaciousness and profitability for the organization’s survey. 7 Radicalism of environmental activism and direct action belong to activists’ feeling and affect, so an approach
which not interfere with the enterprise’s logic
6
Social Movement Organization (SMO)8 which become an environmental enterprise, and the full
time official as the « protest’s contractor, Schumpeter of social movement »,9 in so far as their
analysis cost-profit and its capacity to form one strategy of activist’s management link the
pleasure of direct action and an efficaciousness’ view for the inner projects of GP. This
« enterprise’s protest » quality is defined by the trade-name : protest against the environmental
pollution forms with strategic priorities, and use all necessary furnitures to execute aims and
disturb private and public authorities by direct confrontation. This quality is completed too by the
hierarchical organization which allows to manage clear campaigns and actions against specific
target. With its abilities and globalization of GPF’s campaigns, the association wants to become
the leader in the environmental social movement.
Indeed, its capacity to mobilize resources determine its weight in the debates of the
environmental sphere, and its interventions’ power in the political sphere. GPF try to lay down its
point of view, thanks to its product’s methods (technical and communication means), from a
professional and expert work. GP hold the ludic and spectacular approach in the activist
practical, but it develops a legitimation’s process more serious. Surely, GPF not have means to
pull itself up the level of public and economic authorities, but it thinks that it can become as a
real pressure group in France, if it borrows speech and behaviour of environmental and protest’s
enterprise, with professional’s group who manipulate informations and ressources for the
association’s profitability.
The action require works above, which prefigure this professionalism movement in this
organization. At first, with the valuation’s work (aims, problems) and the direct action’s
consequences, short-dated consequence (campaign’s representation in the public sphere) and
long-dated consequence (GPF’s representation in the civil society), GP measure advantages and
disadvantages to execute one direct action. If GPI decides campaign’s choice, each national
department can put in concrete form and execute with its imagination and means. For the reason
that its means are limited, GPF try to protect « GP » label in the actions ; the area’s work has to
really and correctly symbolize GP’ activism, so gives a faithfull picture of GP’s fight. Otherwise,
the professional deflection of GP’s activism involve that action is not the finality but one mean to
realize one finality, i.e. the organization’s efficaciousness. To be able to prepare case and
arguments against politics and enterprise is one of ability’s signs, so one of lawfullness’ signs in
the environmental sphere. It’s necessary to present actions, not only as a protest’s action
8 See Mc Carthy J.D. and Zald M., « Ressource Mobilization and Social Movement : a partial Theory » American
Journal of Sociology vol. 82 1977 p1212-1241.
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(negative action) which want to disprove or prevent one process, but also positive action which
propose exchange’s solution : it’s the symbol of professional strategy and rational behaviour. The
expert work based on survey and scientific report transform the GP’s practical in France, and the
enterprise’s strategy allows to borrow a profile of efficient actor. Symbolizing the enterprise’s
logic, it’s a part of GP’s plans to suggest gap to environmental problems : renewable energy
against nuclear energy ; moratorium for the GMO ; adoption of ecologic behaviour everyday ...
Direct and spectacular action is not the only instrument of GPF’s activism ; it’s the implement to
mediatize a campaign. But actions depend on construction of projects and close relations with
media which ensure the advertising of GP’s interference. The mediatic contact is another aspect
of the professional activism : interaction’s reports with media allow the twofold
instrumentalization and the publicization of environmental activism.
If the department « communication » of GPI is essential10
for the organization’s working, the
parts of press attaching and campaigners in the national office are important too, in so far as they
guarantee locally the concrete existence of GP. Indeed, they ensure the formal presence of GP in
the media by the construction of a journalistic network, able to serve as a campaigns’ and
actions’ relaying. This stage of GP’s expert work is fundamental for campaigns’ profitability and
efficaciousness. If GPF acknowledge that the part of media, as the essential medium in the public
sphere, the relations with reporters interfere slowly. GP is aware of the fundamental position of
the media in the social and political sphere, and this is the result of the professional evolution of
the association. Beyond the professionalism in the actions, GP take up a professional’s situation.
The success of the enterprise needs the preparation of the mediatic area, although the risk of
instrumentalization exist. Conferences and press releases, personal links with reporter (generalist
and specialist press, local and national) participate to the construction of mediatic relaying, and
allow GP to show that it becomes one specialist in the environmental questions. As any
enterprise, GPF has to manage the registered trade-mark, the hallmark sticked up just when
actions are executed.
This enterprise’s logic not efface the radical actions, but these have tendancy to be prepared in
minute detail. If the aim remains to strike with spectacular actions and « bit where it’s
excruciating »11
, the maners to transmit messages are different. Actions’ finality is not to disturb
9 Neveu E. : Sociologie des mouvements sociaux La Découverte 1996.
10 Greater part of the press release used by the media are broadcasted by GPI, directly or thanks to the national
department which translate. Communication’s means are surprising : communication’s centre in London, world wide
web between the national department, personal cameramen who follow the actions ... 11
Say the campaigner « energy » who thinks that the part of GPF is to remain agitator although it must
professionalize thoughs’ and actions’ methods.
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one process, but understand and explain nature and social reality. GP thinks that has a citizen’s
part to call on the public opinion and the political authorities ; what are the results af these
actions ?
1.1.2. Implement the actions
Actions not constitute the closure of a research’s and analysis’ work, but they become a unit to
know the consequences of this investment in GP’s representation in society. These actions take
one’s place as a advertising product and important item which translate the GP’s one
environmental problem. The stage’s work progress to this professionalization, becoming
essential for the reason that the enterprise’s logic and strategy appeared. Relations with media in
the actions’ realization and the sense of these actions change. They show the purpose to
instrumentalize the environmental problems. GP’s strategy is to use the environmental questions
in order to guarantee its economical aims of profitability and its mediatic strategy, not to serve
the environmental consideration.
Actions have to be marked by GP’s identity, to protect its hallmark, so in order to « greenpeacize
agit-prop actions ».12
They require savoir-faire to prepare them, and especially to execute them
and take advantage of them. Indeed, the professionals deduce from consequences the actions’
success for GP : actions’ form and methods depend on economical, mediatical and political
circumstances. The direct and radical character of each action is the essential tactical composite,
because radicalism and unlawful provocation allows GP to attract authorities’ notice to the
environmental problems and give visibility to its fights. We observe yet that actions’ execution
reveals with more than acuity that GP want to enlarge its savoir-faire and savoir-dire by methods’
professionalization. The different aspects of direct action are exposed : the speech which present
and justify why GP acts ; the action which is staged, as a film or theatre’s play. Action become
one part of the campaign’s process, not the conclusion of the activist work. Action brings results
which can boost one campaign or create a new campaign, emerging it in the environmental and
political sphere with non conventional action. Full time officials want to be planned at mid-
dated, and prepare strategy and action’s tactics, to not think out enough perspectives.
Nevertheless, activists invest spontaneously the political sphere and not reflect on the action’s
12
The agit prop actions are equivalent to non-violent actions in its unfolding and its aim, but remain spectacular and
direct actions in its form. « Greenpeacize » means that GP would like to lay down its actions’ form in the
environmental sphere, actions’ methods and work’s methods. GP want to obtain a recognition and to be respected.
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consequences.13
The realist full time official elaborate the rational and offensive strategy of GP,
to transform activism and behaviour of this NGO.
Actions stage the ability and the expert work of the GP’s campaigners, especially with more
visiblity for the message which campaigners want to send to the citizens. Full time official know
that actions’ originality ensure a mediatic cover enhanced. But they know too the risk of mediatic
deflection14
, appeared in the 90th,
altough the leader try to stop it. Coming in the media’s play,
GP risk to support this réflexion and this escalade in the spectacular action, GP always trying to
organize « shock action », in order to media cover activist behaviour. Nervertheless, GP cannot
take precaution against bad interpretation of activism by media. It’s important for GP that action
(and reporters’ pictures or remarks) not only show its spectacular character, but also the serious
work (research, analysis, informations’ collect) which construct thoughts and action. Action not
only try to disturb or stop process, but also show that GP is an expert association which is able to
realize and offer solutions : it’s the priority of GP’s activism, to gain respectability in the civil
society. The action’s impact depends on its informative quality to the citizens who must
understand the GP’s message through the action’s application, to obtain by undue influence their
attention and prove them the campaigners’ ability. The aim of the work warrant the
professionalism of the organization, not its radicalism, although GP know that the advertising
come from the spectacular actions.
Action is one of the items which makes easy the analysis’ publicization. It’s one of the means to
collect benefits because action constitute vector which comfort supporters : action is the symbol
of GP’s activities in the environmental sphere, proof that GP acts and give its point of view. As
its perspective, so it’s the mean to increase the supporters, and improve the financial capacities.
The media’s part is very important into the information’s work. In order that GP may
instrumentalize the media (for its action’s advertising), it has to prepare actions and use the links
which are weaved above. It’s the work below which complete the activist’s execution and ensure
the operation’s succeed : it’s not the preparation but the presentation which is fundamental.
13
The historical leader of GP is David Mac Taggart who claim activist behaviour. With the arrival of Thilo Bode in
1995 as the GPI’s executive director (he was the GP Germany executive director for 6 years), management methods
appear and GPI borrows new behaviours, as enterprise, in the action’s preparation, execution and inner
administration. Between activism and radicalism of Mc Taggart and the pragmatism of T. Bode, it’s Bode’s
conception which wins (it’s the opposition between fundamentalist and realist). In France, the pragmatic
administration really appear with executive director B. Rebelle (november 1997), although the proceeding increase
with P. Komitès since 1995. 14
The campaigners interviewed are aware of this problem, but say that « can do otherwise ! », « have to do with » the
media as so far as the media are essential actor to publicize environmental problem and GP’s answer. It’s the risk of
instrumentalization which GO not resolve.
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The professionalism is be conveyed in this phase. The full time officials are in direct relations
with media and can demonstrate their savoir-faire in the action’s execution, because the financial
and material resources depend on GP’s representation transmitted by media in reports.
Campaigners use their journalistic networks : it’s the twofold instrumentalization GP-media15
on
account of interactions which are necessary to the retransmission of direct action. It’s because
media agree to mediatize any action of GP that this association may interfere in the political
sphere. GPF receive the GPI’s logistic support (world wide web, inmarsat, camera ...) and must
guarantee a journalistic presence (press agency or audio-visual media) to have positive
backwash.
If the transformations of environmental activism not concern the actions’ form (the direct and
spectacular character is very important), it’s the method which changes the GP’s work. Activists
use symbols to provoke reactions (activists’ clothes which are nuclear protect’s chothes with
mask and glasses). But professional behaviour involves the stage of the direct actions : message
transmitted by banderole, subversive form of actions ; so much items which allow these actions
to be workable by media. « Words’ weight and picture’s shock »16
are the basis of actions’
efficaciousness, as so far as media agree to do advertising, i.e. agree to show GP’s works and
solutions. Then, the professional and enterprise’s logic is a party to the respectability’s attempt.
It’s necessary to GP that media give the best representation of actions if it wants to succeed its
aims. It’s the financial point of view which is considered as the more important item, and to
survive, this environmental enterprise must choise professional activist.
As any protest’s enterprise directed by profitability’s logic, GP must use material and human
means to the work and activism’s expression. It’s not only the methods and forms of activism
which change and professionalize, but also the voluntaries and the full time officials who borrow
new behaviour : professional activists.
1.2. Widening of the index list used by professional activists
15
For GP’s activists, aim is the appearance in the media radio, newspaper, television (picture and reports about
actions, not one breve). For media, it depends on the spectacular character of direct action and the mediatic agenda :
action has to agree to editorial expectations. 16
Catch-phrase of a french magazine Paris Match which realize « report-shock ». GP takes as a pattern this method
and catch-phrase when it works and acts.
11
Direct actions are the principal source of GP’s activism to succeed in mediatize the work. But,
we can put in a remark : GP attempt to complete its index list of collective actions, using « lawful
and rational »17
actions’ forms. Then, these are specialized and trained activists who practise in
the name of GP.
1.2.1. Legitimate actions’ forms
Direct actions remain the ideal pressure’s means against GP’s target, and single mediatization’s
means (since 1993-1994, not the single means) of the research’s work which come before radical
actions. Nevertheless, GP want (it’s a necessity, not a desire) to make change : innovation must
be permanent because it allows to test and produce new ideas. Then, GP has to provoke and
create debate and discussions, to participate to the construction of new political balances. This
change interfere, not in the campaign’s thematic18
(transformations exist in the campaign’s
thematic, but it’s not the essential question), but change of the collective actions’ index list : it
appears that GP add new actions’ form besides the radical actions.
Radical activism is the better expression’s form because GP know that it can mobilize resources,
especially its reputation of subversive organization. But this activism is part of scheme which
demonstrate the inclination to objectify research and analysis’s work. The spectacular character
exists, but GP progress to a perception more « considered »19
of the environmental activism
where radicalim and rationalism mix. Now, GP wish develop a « real ecology’s » perception, as
the « real politics », case to be heared in the political and environmental sphere as an lawful and
efficient actor to give one’s opinion on sensitive subjects. With the creation of the « real
ecology », Gp want to participate to the entry of ecology and environmental questions in the
political and social sphere as the fundamental problem ; to do that ecological questions are pre-
eminent. This real ecology cannot break up to the social questions, nature and society being link
and being interdependent. So it has to entry in the problematic of society’s questions and social
fights.
To be compared to a serious organization, GP decides to add the expert approach to the ludic and
radical aspect. The campaigners join the expert valuation in order that GP initiate actors of
17
M. Weber : Economy and society (french translating) Plon 1956 ; and The scientist and the politics (french
translating ) Plon 1959. 18
GPI develop 6 campaigns : nuclear energy, toxics, climate, forests, oceans, genetic engineering. GPF works on
two : energy and genetic engineering (with two priorities : nuclear and GMO). 19
In contradistinction to the « thoughtless campaign » taken against french nuclear test in Polynesie in 1995,
thoughtless campaign says T .Bode for the reason that the material means (boats) are not correctly used by the
campaigners (bad actions’preparation).
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different spheres into its work and its potentiality of scientific analysis. This logic explains that
direct action associates the expert work, i.e. the aim of direct action, in addition to publicize the
GP’s campaigns (to show the environmental priorities of GP), is to serve as visualization’s
instruments of the expert work.20
The widening of the actions’ index list not constitute only the
expression of high « protester potentiality »21
, but also a expert potentiality. The work proceed
from the direct actions of which we can underline the non violent character. As regards non
violent actions, these actions represent symbolic violence : GP search for the opposition with
authorities, with the holders of public and private power. Direct actions using much material and
human means are less and less organized. It’s the traditional unfolding of banderole which is
mechanical,22
but the chaining up and the blocking are more exceptional (transformations of
environmental activism linked to the strategy and the logic of GPI and GPF, and linked to the
juridical tools used by authorities to limit direct action : system of the judiciary injunction ). As a
pressure group, GPF want to acquire lobbying’s practical23
, necessary case for any group want to
professionalize its action and work. GP re-affirm its aim to integrate the décision’s sphere.24
This enterprise’s logic incites the french full-time officials to offer an index list more lawful,
applying themselves to develop legalistic forms of activism. This index list of lawful actions is
grounded upon analysis and research, as well as juridical instruments, from which a
juridicization of the protest action. GP tries to mediatize its abilities grounded on the research,
whereas the acquisition of expert’s identity creates a lawfulness and a recognition to interfere in
the debates. The expert’s potentiality improve in quality and quantity for the reason that the
campaigners are trained to the fight’s subjects.. The organization’s methods (communication’s
means, relations with scientific sphere, several networks’ constitution) organize themselves.
Nevertheless, the expert level achieves one threshold which is difficult to exceed for GP, as so
far as the GP’s means remain small. The strategy borrowed (the arrival of P. Komitès, executive
director, in 1993 produce transformations in the organization and actions’ forms, after three crisis
suffered by GPF) lead to make pay its abilities, not increase its expert’s capacities (the full-time
20
Then, the campaign against la Hague : GP carried out recently one direct action with a stag-beetle which allows 1)
to mediatize its action and campaign, 2) shows the research and scientific expertise of GP. This is GPI which
prepared and executed this action (with the assistance of GPF, Cherbourg local group). 21
p 135-136 in N. Mayer and P. Perrineau : les comportements politiques Armand Colin 1992. 22
Two activists interviewed regret this mechanical spirit and observe quantitative and qualitative reduction of direct
action (i.e. « action-shock »). 23
This lobbying’s practical exist at the european level, where GP owns in Brussels (where work the european
institutions : Commision, European Parliament) one department to protect its interests. Otherwise, GP Germany and
GP UK are powerful enough to elaborate their lobbynig’s strategy.
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officials use all the financial means). To make pay its abilities, GP has to mediatize them and
rush the mediatic agenda. Then, when GP reveal survey and scientific research produced by
indépendant search worker, it tries to show its serious work of enquiry and news. GP use its
networks to appropriate news and scoops. But the personal work of GP complete the research : it
possess its own research’s laboratory in UK where the national departments can send samples for
results. These samples’ results serve as one support for the campaigns’ mediatization.25
GPF, as
other national department, depends on hte GPI’s structure (laboratory, communication’s means).
But the campaigners gain sufficient experience and abilities since their arrival (the two
campaigners arrived in 1990) to develop savoir-faire and savoir-dire.
Besides GP expect a visibility of its work and actions by the media, it hopes a recognition of its
expert’s abilities, as a political and social sphere’s player.26
The representation of protest’s
enterprise become complete with the representation of the specialists’ enterprise : GP want to
assert itself combining its savoir-faire and savoir-dire about the environmental questions.
GP strengthen the professionalization of its activism, using juridical instruments which allow to
block one process with legal means. GP preserve a confrontation’s logic, but borrows a formalist
and conventional behaviour. This use of law constitute one complement of the research’work
and direct action. But it’s a change in the collective actions’ index list. GP is not infrequently the
victim of judiciary machinery with its condemnation (injunction’s procedure : financial
penalization if GP realize direct actions against enterprises which apply for this injunction to the
judge). Now, GP uses the juridic weapon against private and public authorities, to advance its
environmental fight.27
In addition to the redress, GP know to use the french law to disturb one
process and favour its aim to protect the environment. GP make use of the juridic rules28
and
incorporate them in this tactic : this is the new weapon in its global pressure’s strategy to slacken
the process which injure the environment. Using conventional weapon, GP become the member
24
GPF is a member of the Conseil de l’Eau and Conseil de l’air which convene environmental expert under the care
of the Environment’s Ministry. Otherwise, GPF is heared by a parliamentary commission about the GMO’s problem
in 1998. 25
GPF send some samples coming from la Hague and the laboratory’s results prove the environmental problem. 26
Since 1992, you can observe that the two campaigner (especially the campaigner working on the « biodiversité »)
make clearer their abilities in the public meeting, debate, lecture and radio’s broadcast (France Culture). 27
GPF refer a matter to the Conseil d’Etat against french nuclear test in 1995 (Conseil d’Etat dismiss this matter ).
On the other hand, it refer a matter to the Conseil d’Etat against the authorization of the transgenic culture (Conseil
d’Etat interrupt the authorization’s decision of transgenic culture and decides to refer for advice the ECJC).
Otherwise, GPF is one of the litigants in several juridic conflicts whic concern environmental pollution. 28
Then, GP advance a campaign of area’s purchase in the Vallée d’Aspe, to disturb the expropriation’s procedure,
and open to construct the Somport’s tunnel. GP want to complicate the authorities’ decision using the french law and
decide to choose legal action in the collective actions’ index list. This legal and conventional action complete the
radical and spectacular action.
14
of the traditional group and transform its action as a pressure group, which not use the radicalism
and the activism in its work’s form. Nevertheless, this legal action’s methods are marginal in the
GP’s index list. The subversive action prepared and directly explained with radical actions
always constitute the groundwork of GP’s activist, which progress to the professionalization.
More than a transformation, it’s an evolution and a complement in the index list.
1.2.2. Execution of actions by specialist
The twofold tendency (professionalization and enterprise’s logic) can be observed in the GP’s
members (full-time officials, activists and voluntaries). Indeed, informations and formation are
the two sources which allow the actions’ professional to present one representation of an
organized and efficacious association in the campaigns’ preparation and realization. The ability is
required in the analysis and research’s work and in the direct action to ensure a good profitability
for GP.
The full-time officials are the « expert-militant »29
which accumulate resources (certificates and
associative experience). These resources mobilize an ability which serves the organizations’
aims. The full-time officials decide to specialize their work and action in one intervention’s
sphere. So each campaigner try to know actuality and informations about its campaign, and he is
not able to discuss about other campaigns, although they can hold them (because the campaigners
must present the GP’s homogeneity and explain the strategy and logic of their association).
Nevertheless, they have a critical look and explain their opinion on the GF’s strategy and
campaign’s choice. GP’s structuration express a bureaucratization’s movement in the working, as
any enterprise which must guarantee a quality’s production (with a large action’s index list) and
satisfy clients. The campaigners benefit by a cultural and social capital. As the expert, they
organize the campaigns, prepare actions with argumentations and logistics. But other full-time
officials interfere in the preparation of the activism : 1) the executive director oversee the work
and co-ordinate all the campaign : he’s the spokesman ; so its choice is very important for GPF
and a fortiori for GPI ; 2) the « accountable-action » which prepares the actions’ means. The
professionalization is complete for all the full-time officials who have to produce results about
their campaigns.30
This professionalization is a condition of the success, although checks exist.
29
See Ollitrault S. : Actions collectives et constructions identitaires. Le cas du militantisme écologiste en France,
Rennes I 1996 ; and Ollitrault S. : environmentalist movements : transformations of collective actions’ index list :
comparison between France and UK. Maison française d’Oxford 01/02/97. 30
In 1987, GPI employ 100 full-time officials ; in 1997 : more than 1000. In France, GP employ about ten persons
between 1988 and 1997 (now 12).
15
For all the campaigns and actions, a full-time official is able to become the privileged
interlocutor facing the media which want to inform about GP or one of the direct action.31
The
specialists construct their networks (journalistic, political, scientific, associative, with the full-
time officials af GPI). They receive informations required for their campaigns, and can use them
as a relay to their informations collected in the research’s work : the informations’ collection
allows to enlarge this work. Finally, this professionalization is the ineluctable consequence for
the full-time officials as so far as they must be efficient in the political and scientific debates if
they want to assert their point of view. Their points of view have to be exact and justified to be
recapitulated by the media. The campaigners find out the shortcoming and work to be conversant
with the topical problemn in their actions’ domain. They provoke debates with scientific,
political and economical authorities and want to locate themselves with regard to authorities.32
The specialization and professionalization’s attempts serve to defend the GP’s hallmark : the
« expert-militant » interfere in the material definition of the campaign’s , and in its explicit
realization, above and below the activist’ actions. They are responsible for the informations and
the action’s unfolding, in order that the message is exact and explicit for authorities and public
opinion. So, the campaigners hold one strategic place in regard with the executive director,
because they know their domain (informations, relationships, circumstances) and develop
relations with campaigner of GP’ near department (the network is an advantage for the
campaigners who a informal power’s position in their department). Nevertheless, the
campaigners’ work depends on the activist’actions in the political and environmental sphere.
GP’s activism requires a high degree of technicality, using complicated tools which are material
and symbolic. The inflation of the spectacular actions is correlated with the risk of mediatic
deflection, i.e. media provoke innovation in the GP’s spectacular actions (this escalade is a
danger to GP’s representation in the public opinion because french not accept subversive and
radical actions). It’s necessity if GP wish remain a mediatic association. The direct actions
always constitute the item in the strategy, but GP reject this deflection. GP does not occult that
instrumentalization and manipulation by media still exist, and it’s difficult to prevent it. The
technicality of the means, the complexity of action’s context (target, action’s place, methods used
to visualize activism) bring together parameters which require specialists of commando-actions.
For the more spectacular actions, GPF has to appeal to the GP’s near department (Germany,
31
In GPF, there are 5 full-time officials specialized : the two campaigners which co-ordinate their action’s domain
(energy and GMO), a campaigner « junior » for the « transport » campaign and two assistants of the campaigners. 32
It’s a necessity for the campaigners to know their actions’s domain in order to avoid the authorities’ traps :
authorities watch closely the public interference of the campaigners, and not fail to use their errors and mistakes.
16
Netherlands, Belgium)33
which possess important means and constitue material and human
support for GPF’s actions.
GPF want to have at its disposal « eco-warriors »34
, green commando which are able to interfere
when needs appears. In addition to high protester potentiality which provokes their reaction, a
training and choice’s process is brought about the choice of those who go to the ground and
execute direct action. Activists don’t need positive or negative incitements to mobilize
themselves35
, but they must have minimum abilities in order that actions succeed. Indeed, these
actions depend on the activists’ behaviour in action’s unfolding.
Abilities can pre-exist to the activist or be obtained with the training received in the lap of GP.
This abilities are technical (rock climbing, to rope down, capacity to chain themselves quickly
without police can deliver them ....) assimilated just as they execute direct action. As the same
thing, action’ participation involve to know the equipmenty used to prepare it and realize it in
good circumstances.36
The speed is one the conditions for the action’s success, then for the
efficaciousness and the profitability of GP’s work. These are the more qualified activists, those
who are the specialists, who are chosen.
In addition to this technical abilities and selection above (before the direct action), a training
allows to gain « symbolic abilities »37
and a « communicational knowledge ». As to the symbolic
abilities, the direct actions’ priority is that they remain « non violent », i.e. any physical violence.
The campaigners and the executive director want to avoid all excess and excitability provoked by
the authorities to test GP’s activists and lay them traps. GPF organize trainings in order to inform
the activists and explain them the non violent technics38
and the technics of self-control. So, the
activists have to gain psychological mechanisms and adapt their behaviour. The principle aim is
the efficaciousness : the activists are able to succeed actions when they are in the position to act.
With this training, GP prepared its activists to keep their self-control, so to exclude accident’s
33
Actions against Japanese cargo-boat which transfers nuclear wastes (in 1992), against Cogema in La Hague : these
actions are very grievous and complicated, and call for a great professionalism. 34
The model of eco-warriors declare that they are radical methods and symbolic (even physical) violence. GP
criticize the radical methods which use violence and want to destroy. It satisfy itself the metthods’ non violence and
symbolic violence. 35
See Olson M. : Collective actions’ logics Harvard University Press 1966. Olson consider that the militant not
mobilize themselves in a collective action if they don’t have any positive incitement (interests) or negative (physical
or psychological pressure of the part of the group). 36
A briefing is necessary to prepare the form (action’s form) and the substantive work (methods used to visibilize
action and its message). The full-time officials and the voluntaries give some advices to warn them to the risk
incured. 37
These « symbolic abilities » connect to « symbolic remuneration » by D. Gaxie in : « Economie des partis et
rétributions du militantisme » Revue française de Science Politique février 1977 n°1 pp123-154. 38
This training is unpunctual because it’s very expensive : GPF must call a specialist of non violent behaviour who
explains the behaviours, being conditional upon the situations which the activists come up.
17
risk (for activists and the public) or excess. As to the « communicational knowledge » (i.e. the
savoir-dire), a training is organize punctually too, in order that activists assimilate technics of
self-presentation in front of media (especially in interview or in television’s report which
retransmit direct action). It’s very important for GP’s hallmark that activists behave correctly.
The activists have to transmit and visibilize one message with direct actions, message which is
re-interpreted by journalists. This re-interpretation depends on the forms and results of non
conventional action. GP’s representation is one of the items to protect in the course of action, as
the environment’s protection.
In order to ensure any security and avoid any linguistic or gestural excess (physical fight, insult
or offense on behalf of activists), GPF’s executive director does to sign a contract to the activists
and voluntaries. It’s a contract which involve duties and parties for the two litigants. GP offer
training and informations about environmental questions to the voluntaries and activists ; as
against this training (and other symbolic or material remuneration), voluntaries and activists must
respect obligation in its behaviour and speech to not injure GP. The juridicization39
is the
consequence of the professionalization : the aim is to take any risk.
The GP’s members must become specialists and professionals in their work and behaviour. But,
does this professionalization not inconsistent with the other logic, logic of the « societal »
integration ? How integrates and bring upon itself the sympathy of the public opinion if GP
borrows an enterprise’s and professional logic, which develop distance with the citizen ?
2. The logic of « societal inclusion » : to be integrated in the political and public area
We have to put in perspective this logic, but some signs and observations in the organization and
working of GP do to show through this logic complete the logic of professionalization, and
include in the strategy since 1990 (particularly since 1993 with P. Komitès and accelerated with
the arrival of B.Rebelle).
2.1. The borrowing of this logic in the organizational setting
Although, GP is considered to its centralization and its secret, GP opens a overture’s movement
to the social sphere and the public area, which involve the construction of a territorial web and
the creation of a policy of citizens’ attraction.
2.1.1. The commercial policy : management and business
18
The will of investment in the society is affirmed, but this will do not occult the enterprise’s
working of the association which involve actions’ profitability and supports’ satisfaction. The
efficaciousness depends on members’ fidelization too. Behind this spirit of social overture, the
obvious function is to satisfy transparency’s requirements.40
GP want to be recognized by public
opinion as a real association for the environment’s protection. Nevertheless, this exigency not
call in question again the culture’s secret (for the work and action) and the paranoia41
of which
GP suffers. It considers to be the target of infiltrations on behalf of its opponent and enemy.42
This culture’s secret may be legitimate compared to the work and methods of direct action (direct
actions involve secret to their success). But this culture bars the way to the logic of social
inclusion. The will of social inclusion (i.e. societal integration) hides a latent function : invest the
society to collect personal (for the GP’s professionals) and collective (for GP’s representation)
earnings ; to avail itself of GP’s new feeling in the civil and political society. The logic of social
integration complete enterprise’s logic and constitute a commercial policy : increase its hearing.
The new strategy develop in a twofold direction : 1) the voluntaries’ recruitment and the money’s
collect ; 2) the actions’ forms which aspire to present the organization’s work under a
conventional angle.
The methods which aim to recruit voluntaries and donors are completed in order to create a direct
contact with the public opinion. To open itself to the society, GP concedes that it must forestall
the citizen, enlarge its fellows’ club and attract them. Then, the methods used by GP have for the
purpose of becoming citizens, searching the physical and presenting them GP’s working. After
the manner of direct actions which attempt to provoke and rush, GP want to do symbolically
violence to the citizens with this direct and physical contact. The mailing remains an important
item of hallmark’s promotion because it applies to the donors and fellows as citizens who are
sensitive to environmental thematics. Nevertheless, GP not wish for puting up with this
commercial method (very expensive and with limited results). It’s the same thing for the
39
This voluntary’s contract has any juridical value and requires trust and good faith of the two litigants. 40
GP requires the enterprise and public authorities transparency in their working, so GP must respect this
transparency’s requirements too in this organization and working. This transparency is a necessity for GP which is
compared to a sect, and suffer erroneous representations such as « you scuttle a boat of french navy in 1985 » ! 41
This paranoia reach its highest point when P. Komitès was the executive director (1993-1997) : a atmosphere of
mistrust hang over the organization, between the full-time officials, and between the voluntaries and the
professionals. 42
See Vermont O. : La face cachée de Greenpeace Albin Michel 1996 ; journalist who infiltrate GP and reveals
secret (which are fallacies according to GP !). This mistrust has repercussion on any person who want to have
informations about this association : we are one of these victims (at the beginning of our research, the mistrust exist
to some campaigners, and still not dispel) !
19
advertising campaigns in the newspapers.43
A new recruitment’s method appears in the
commercial strategy of GP : this method takes as a pattern of north european and anglo-saxon
departments (UK, Germany and Bénélux)44
. GPF not want to copy them, but desires to introduce
more human method and refuse nameless actions. This method calls « direct dialogue »45
: it
consists in the street’s occupation by GP with authorization of the public authorities. The young
men and young girls hold in a frequented place and call on the passers-by to present them GP
(organization ,work, actions), and persuade them of the serious work and ability of GP. The
financial aspect is very important too because these « sellers » must collect money and
adherence. The twofolf interests for GP are money and advertising.
With this commercial operation, GP wants to break the distance with citizens and give a new
representation of its organization and working. This « direct dialogue » allows to occupe
officially and legally the public and social area ; it’s a transformation because GP excluded from
public area with direct action and refused the official and legal presence. It’s one the perspective
of public area’s entry to integrate it. We can remark that these young people, identified with their
GP’s clothes (tee-shirt and battle-dress blouse) and the GP’s flag which waves around their
stand, are in fact students, who are payed for this advertising job (that’s why we use the term
« seller »), not GP’s voluntaries which do GP a favour. It’s another sign of the GP’s
professionalization ; the professionalization’s logic is linked to the logic of social integration. It’s
a surprise to see that GPF want to integrate the society, but asks to professionals and not
voluntaries, to publicize GP’s work. This method reflects one of the difficulties to meet the
people.
A more militant method serve GP as a stepping-stone to advancement, in order to be recognized
in the street. The mobilization to give out some tracts are organized by the voluntaries46
, with the
aim to inform and promote GP’s actions and work. In the public place (market), the voluntaries
search the contact with citizens to visibilize their association, broadcasting informations about
GP and its campaigns which would be popular. It’s one of the means to sensibilize to the
environmental problems, especially of those which constitute GP’s campaigns. It’s the necessity
to recognize GP for its actions and analysis’ work, otherwise mediatic instruments and direct
43
GP use this commercial and advertising method for the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995 : advertising
and gift’s questions in the newspapers (especially Le Monde, Libération and Le Parisien). GPI help financially GPF
to realize this advertising campaign to reach many of citizens. But GPF throws up this practical on account of limited
results. 44
As the Jehovah’s witness, the voluntaries of these departments do door-to-door transport to collect money and
adherence (this commercial method is throwed up too in many departments). 45
This method appears since october 1998.
20
actions. Media and direct actions constitute the two means to publicize GP’s existence. Now, a
new methods appears in order to spread a positive picture and admit the GP’s intervention in the
political sphere and public area. The twofold aim of this action links the two logic which
transforms the environmental activism : social integration going to the people with the
sympathetic behaviour ; action’s profitability : this action must produce money and good
backwash. This is the commercial logic symbolizing the logic of social inclusion. The full-time
officials want to collect money and adherence, but hide this aim behind a sympathetic action of
public information. Isn’t it a between two logic : enterprise’s logic which prevail the
efficaciousness and financial interests, and logic of social inclusion which prevail the direct
contact and the nearness with people, independently of material interests ?
The other strategic part of GP concerns the development of « actions-discovery », to invest the
political and civil society and offer a more hospitable picture. These « actions-discovery »
correspond to legal actions which allow to present another expression of this association.
Original and sometimes spectacular compared to the means used to realize them, the newness
consists on the officialization of these direct actions. Indeed, these actions are the results of
negotiations between GPF and public authorities which permit the action’s execution.47
GP is not
content with non conventional and radical actions, and accepts dialogue and conciliation with
authorities to obtain authorization to realize their « action-discovery ». It’s the new manner to
broadcast an exact message. If the aim of these actions remains the organization’s advertising
and the working’s presentation, we perceive the will to approach the people. These « actions-
discovery » allow to pubilicize the work’s methods and the campaigns’ thematics. Contrary to
the advertising’s actions, it isn’t GP which approach citizens, but it invite them to make the first
move. Among the « actions-discovery », three appear to reflect this logic of social inclusion and
commercialization.
At first, the GP’s discovery takes place with the equipment’s presentation and the work’s
methods : the voluntaries organize days « opened doors » on GP’s boat, to demonstrate works
and GP’s face. GP want to appear as a pedagogue and opened organization which explains the
people why GP interfere in exact environmental questions. GP plays with the transparency that it
46
This is one of the initiatives taken the local groups (in Paris, this method appears since january 1999). 47
Or a private authorization, especially when the voluntaries hold a stand in a show (the Marjolaine’s show for
example which brings together some exhibitors , supporters of the environment, especially « bio-agriculture). At the
same thing, the voluntaries organize a stand within the walls of a supermarket (Carrefour) in february 1999 to
distribute tracts about GMO’s campaign. In this case, this action can be inconsistent with the GP’s strategy being in
conflict with economic power represented by enterprises (especially food-processing enterprises in the GMO’s
21
demands from the private and public authorities. This action is a answer to « transparency-
operation » that the authorities try to organize (army, enterprise, political authorities) to interfere
with GP’s actions. GP will prove thess capacities, abilities and its seriousness to act. It opens to
people who can become and discuss with GP’s representatives. It’s the manner to assume the
face of opened organization which aims to distribute many informations about environmental
problems.
Otherwise, GP demonstrates its expert’s abilities with the second « action-discovery ». It offer
the expediency to inform people about sensitive environmental subjects. It’s the aim of GP’s
« visits »48
which are punctually prepared and enforce GP to forestall the people, who must
assume a voluntary proceeding to meet the association. GP tries to present and communicate
with other methods as direct and spectacular actions. It wants not only to research the direct
contact to prove GP’s existence. But also, it’s the means to show one part of GP’ actions and
mediatize its position and claims. The unoccupied representatives clarify its aims, explains its
professionalism and develop a sympathetic representation. Although it’s a professional
organization (acting with precaution in its researches and actions), GP will break the secret and
distance’s perception that it conveys with direct actions (direct actions provokes mistrust and
distrust).
At last, GP turns into a company providing services.49
It gives up means to offer practical
informations and public services to show its savoir-faire. It’s one of the means to be judged, and
presented its campaigns’ thematics and work’s capacities. It opens its doors to inform citizens
and show them its conventional and legal actions. At the same time, GP pays concrete services to
citizens which want to know and meet the organization. This research of popularity in actions is
GP’s new behaviour, even when it isn’t in GP’s culture and strategy that actions depend on their
popularity in public opinion. In all cases, these « actions-discovery » allow to approach GP and
the civil society, although these actions remain marginal in GP’s strategy. They are a
complement in the logic of social integration.
This overture’s policy is not simply based on these commercial instruments. The strategy is
accompanied by a territorial development.
case !). The negotiation which precedes the stand’s appointments shows that GP agrees to the dialogue and is not
situated only in a rebelious position. 48
GPF organizes visits around la Hague to inform citizens about pollution of manufactory’s nuclear wastes. This
visit is realized with a waggon of GP Netherlands (waggon driving with sun energy). GPF throughs towns and stops
to inform (with authorization of public powers) people in public conference.
22
2.1.2. Stakes’ globalization and actions’ localization
The though’s scheme exposes with two complementary manners : « think in the mass, act
locally » and « think locally, act in the mass». Presented as a centralized organization,
reprentative of a NGO, GPF suffers difficulties to link contacts beside Paris (because the offices
of GPF situate in Paris), and Cherbourg (for the reason that the principal fight of GPF is la Hague
and Cogema). Consequently to the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995, GP avails itself
of its popularity to increase its supporters and adherents (more than 45000 adherents claimed in
1995 ; now 23000 !). Many of them are sensitive to environmental problems and want to act.
With the examples of near departments, the direction of GPF decided to create local groups in
order to construct a territorial web, and make participation and mobilization easier for the busy
voluntaries. A dozen of local group are created with one accountable for each group, who is the
privilegied interlocutor for GPF’s executive director. A full-time official is recruited to co-
ordinate the work of local groups because of the success of them. Nevertheless, the
organizational crisis in 1996 provokes the redundancy of full-time officials, especially who that
works with the local groups. Even then, the financial and organizational problems involve the de-
motivation of local groups’ leader and disappearing of many groups. With the arrival of a new
executive director in 1997, the will explains to strengthen GP’s representation in France, and this
aim is possible with the impetus of local groups. Now, GP about ten local groups, number
depends on activity of local leader and local circumstances.
These local groups have a hand in actions and ensure the presence in the land, although this
presence may be symbolic in some cases. This organization with local group appears as a
centrifugal movement, but we can put in perspective this movement as so far as the association’s
culture prevent any local self-government which risks to do harm to the work’s efficaciousness,
so to the action’s profitability. If GPF grants local self-government, it risks to lose homogeneity
in work and actions, cannot control all local actions, speech and direct actions of voluntaries.
This territorial web not designs a decentralization’s process, but deconcentration’s process, as so
far as the executive office preserve the initiative of preparation, decision and execution of
campaigns and direct actions. As the voluntaries, members of local group, a nominal leader of
each group signs a contract with GPF, which enforces the voluntaries to act out of respect for the
49
GPF organized an action with one the GPI’s boat to inform people about the water’s pollution. The boat toured
Seine between Paris and Rouen, calling at towns (with authorization of public powers). GPF offers providing
services : quality’s analysis of the water tap at the cost of citizen’s financial duty.
23
department’s decisions. This contract forbids any personal initiative to organize direct action.
Even then, the creation of local group has three aims.
At first, the local group allows the provincial supporters (and parisian too) to mobilize and reflect
in a structure which benefits by GP’s hallmark. As a mobilization and protest’s enterprise, GP
has to satisfy to action’s inquiry of th voluntaries and activists. The professionalization may be
efficacious but has some limits (human, technical and financial limits). A local help is necessary
for the campaigners, and the director stakes on the territorial development for GP’s presence in
France. The local groups transmit informations to the campaigners, are able to take the pulse of
local problems. Nevertheless, the secret’s culture and full-time officials’ mistrust exists, and the
executive director (with GPF’s board of directors) must have a good look at the creation of local
group, before « GP » hallmark may be given. Indeed, the full-time officials not keep off the risk
to see persons who act or speak in the name of GP without the director’s authorization and
without lawfulness, and who devalorize GP’s representation. The GP’s representation in the
World, and especially in France, forbids to risk that any person may represent GP and injure its
reputation.
Moreover, the local groups allows to visibilize GP where environmental problems and pollution
appear. If these problems enter in GP’s strategy, the association can react and show its capacities
to act. Then, the local groups constitute GP’s local network, and put in concret form the « think
in the mass, act locally ». If the perpectives of GP are world-wide, the campaigns’ mediatization
is local, with direct actions which express the work and though at regional level. The symbol of
the place is one of the direct action’s parameters (the mediatization depends on the choice of the
place). This choice answers to a success (action’s success is function of geographic characters)
and impact’s (political and mediatic impact) test. The groups’ mobilization forms a part of GP’s
strategy, which allows it to organize efficacious action. If GP can mobilize all local groups for
onue campaign at the same time, it ensures a spectacular action and a strong message.50
The role
of local group in the GP’s strategy is very important (logic of social integration and nearness to
the citizens), and explains that the executive director decides to create again a post of full-time
official who is instructed to co-ordinate and organize the local groups’ work. The creation of
these local groups is one of the items which offer a new representation for GP. Seeing as the
NGO’s department, with the anglo-saxon identity, GP is criticized for its distance and secret. The
local groups ensure a local representation, to present physically persons who are the
50
For example, the direct action of the local group in september 1998 against GMO. Many local groups act in
supermarkets, and this action is spectacular too because it’s co-ordinated between local groups and GPF.
24
representative of the association as local spokesman. With this identification to GP, the local
groups participate to the aim of integration in the civil society. Otherwise, they try to organize
and realize efficacious actions with the collect of informations, and the transmission of these
informations from the outskirts to the centre. As the witness and the keeper of local
environmental sanctuary, the groups transmit informations to campaigners who prepare thoughts
and work, and they have to be able to react quickly. The network created by these local groups
brings a lot of items for GP’s analysis.
At last, with these local groups, GP attempts to penetrate into the civil society and connect to a
social movement. The groups are close to the local environmental and social problems, and the
voluntaries can mobilize their resources in favour of GP, being a party of associative networks
(GP’s voluntaries may be members of another associations), using their privileged relations to
broadcast informations (from media and administration to GP, especially if they are civil
servants). The social capital of some voluntaries may be useful in GP’ strategy of social
integration, as so far as GP benefits the friendly and collective networks of its voluntaries,
networks which enlarge the thematics of environmental fight. With this territorial web, GP wants
to show that its global strategy and international campaigns have consequences on the national
problems, and that GP not occults the local or regional environmental problems. GP not appears
simply as the multi-national enterprise, interested only by its campaigns. It’s the logic of social
integration which explains this local organization, i.e. the will to construct collaboration with the
social movement (especially the environmental movement). Nevertheless, GP keeps aloof from
the social movement, from the preoccupations and social fights, in spite of wishes of some
activists.51
In past time, it’s reproached its opportunism with GP, as so far as GP seemed to
privilege a mediatic mark (advertising) more than the fellowship.52
The attempt to enter in the
civil and political society as a member of environmental movement seems to be one of GP’s aim,
compared to its working. It wish search some partnership and attempts to introduce this aspect in
its political behaviour. This logic of social integration wants to have some effects at the working
level, not only at the organizational level.
51
Two activists interviewed show their sensitiveness, even their busy fellowship for the different social fights
(immigrants, unemployed), joining to these fights individually. They regret that GP not participate to these social
fights. 52
When the local group of Paris installed in a squatt, Dragon street in 1995 (squatt which brgings together the
associations of social movement, especially DAL, AC ! and Droits Devant !), the media criticize this initiative. Now,
the local group of Paris begins again and installed its office in the Maison Des Ensembles since september 1998,
which is another squatt of the social movement.
25
2.2. The functional level
This new logic is registered in the inner case, but in the external case too. In the actions’
execution, the activism’s form and thoughts progress, so the working changes.
2.2.1. Popularize the actions
We find again in GP’s working the actions’ filliation : « think in the mass, act locally », and
« think locally, act in the mass ». GPF is a electron of a world-wide association, and cast in the
same mould. So, this situation not make an allowance for actions and campaigns of the national
department. GPF may not lay down its own strategy without the reference to the superior level :
GPI. With the care of international coherence, the national departments must execute and act in
function of campaigns decided consensually53
by general meeting. Then, the national initiatives
are seldom aggreed. Otherwise, some actions involve to use great means co-ordinating many
departments, where the necessary agreement and working’s homogeneity between national
departments. The more strong department are able to organize and succeed the actions, because
of their own materials. GPF depends on its near department when it decides to execute one
spectacular action which must mobilize professional activists and logistics. But this appurtenance
to a world wide network and this transnational vision assigns to GP a representation of foreign
association, and the xenophobe reflex of french people appears against GPF. With a anglo-saxon
name and direct actions methods (subversive and unlawful), GP remains marginal in french
society, in spite of its attempts to develop sympathetic actions to public opinion.
If GP changes, the association not wants to transform its activism as the « NIMBY’s
organization » (Not In My BackYard).54
On the contrary, it develops a global vision of
environmental problems, to attack authorities with transnational and continental questions. These
are important and sensitive questions which concern many States where GP works. These
campaigns may be popular thematics if GP ensures a communication’s work which allows the
opinion’s sensitiveness and receptiveness. As regards environmental questions, there is a twofold
french particularism : they are individualistic and egoistic. Individualistic because the french
citizen not participate collectively and actively in a fight for the environment’s defence. Egoistic
as so far as they participate in local fights, which concern the near environment ; and not global
53
In fact, the principal departments (the more rich which contribute to the GPIs’ budget ; GP UK, GP USA, GP
Germany and GP Netherlands) decide to impose the international campaigns and their priorities to another
departments. 54
NIMBY strategy may be explained with the Olson’s analysis in 1965 and its « free-rider ». It’s the position where
the riparians decide to fight against a project which destroys or disfigures their local environment. They mobilize
because of their near environment is concerned.
26
environmental problems (citizens invest in the NIMBY’s actions in France). Each department of
GP must adapt to local circumstances and national political culture. GPF knows that its speech
has to compromise with the national and local context, if it wants to be recognized and listened
by the public opinion. The work’s logics are global, but the GPF’s full-time officials make a
effort to do that the campaigns and actions’ thematics may have a local or national référence
frame.
The full-time officials, especially the executive director, not recognize a strategy which allows
GPF to be more popular (especially with the transformation of actions’ methods and the logic of
social integration) ; and to tell the truth, the will to be more sympathetic remains marginal tactics.
GPF prefers to appear as a radical and activist association, which provokes authorities and public
opinion with subversive actions. Nevertheless, campaigns’ thematics emerged in the recent past,
where national and local stakes are placed in view by the french department : there is a attempt to
gallicize the environmental problems and campaigns. The campaign on water’s pollution, on the
« dioxine » (because of the incineration of household wastes) are important thematics of actions
between 1993 and 1996. These campaigns mobilize means to allow the visibility of works and
shox to french people that GPF interferes in problems which directly concern citizens. Under the
circumstances, these are actions for which citizens are sensitive, because these actions concern
their consumption and their direct environment. Then, the campaign against GMO is a priority in
the french department (one of the two campaigns de GPF, included in the « biodiversité »
campaign). This is a sensitive subject in France, and the campaign is that employs many work’s
time and some human and material means to realize GPF’s aims, since 1996.55
GP succeeds to
publicize this environmental subject and takes it in the mediatic agenda. It hopes for the collect
of financial profits with this campaign and GMO’s campaign proves that GPF links the
enterprise’s logic (profitability) and social integration’s logic (popular campaign).
These examples invit us to observe that the aim of bringing together the fight’s thematics and the
environmental sensitiveness’ level of the french people is a GP’s latent aim. This is a will of
« proximization » which is installed since 1993 in the french department, in spite of the
organizational crisis. We can explain the « proximization » : it’s the mechanism which allows to
maximize the resources (advertising, adherence, money) in account of the proximity of actions’
55
A opinion poll ordered by GPF shows that 70% of the interviewed persons are hesitant to GMO and would like to
receive a more exact information about them. Otherwise, a conference of french citizens (organized by the french
government and deputies in Assemblée Nationale, composed of citizens selected by opinion poll institute) may give
its opinion about the introduction in France of GMO’s culture (France is the first in Europe which authorizes the
culture of GMO) and marks its mistrust as regards this genetics engeneering. We see that GPF disturbs this process
informing the Conseil D’Etat which stops the procedure.
27
thematics in the society. In other terms, it’s the will to maximize the proximity of works and
direct actions in the social and environmental spheres. This analysis shows that the two logics
mix. At first, the professional and enterprise’s logic is inherent to this thought as GPF chooses
campaigns of which it tries to impose to the mediatic and political agenda. Moreover, it tries to
develop campaigns which may receive opinion’s support, in order to obtain profits (financial
support) and profitability for its social representation (popular strategy). GPF uses its
professionalism (tools of professional communication and analysis : the « savoir-faire » and the
« savoir communicationnel ») to penetrate in the french society. The other logic (social
integration’s logic) appears too as GP wants to choose methods and thematics of a « national
NIMBY ». The environmental activism develops in the local problems, i.e. local problems are
the national environmental questions. All campaigns of GPF are gallicized ; it’s the french
specificities which are publicized. The thematics are considered to be lawful for the reason that
they concern the people’s daily life. So, it’s this « lawfulness »56
which allows to increase the
producive efficaciousness of GP.
Otherwise, GPF attempts to perfect the stakes’s localization which the creation of local groups.
GPF not participates directly to the NIMBY’s responses in local positions, but the local groups
may interfere in these NIMBY’s fights and get into touch with the local association and the
action’s ground. Many of these local groups participate to these fights against projects which
mobilize the local population ; it’s the means to show that GP is interested about the local
problems and mobilize for these environmental questions. If GPF isn’t in the beginning of the
campaign and not organize actions, it can grant its notoriousness and its credit to the fight with
its symbolic (or active) support, on condition that its NIMBY’s actions may be linked to a
national campaign of GPF. The logic of social integration and recognition by public opinion is
involved with the choice and the work of campaign’s definition. But, it’s involved too in the
work’s formalization : the collective actions’ index list of GPF became complete to be consistent
with a respectability’s logic.
2.2.2. Actualization of the actions’ forms
We continue to affirm that GP maintains in its index list essentially unlawful and direct actions,
which are based on the spectacular item and the will to confront the authorities. Meanwhile, it
would be a error to occult the importance of « actions-discovery », as well as the index list’s part
which allows GPF to get in touch with the other part of associative community, especially the
56
GPF hopes to obtain this lawful in the society, and therefore in the environmental and political spheres.
28
association of environment’s defence (local, national and international associations). Compared
to environmental activism, GP seems to devote itself to a adjustment, agreing to do not « free
rider » in its fight to the environment’s defence. We observe that GP uses symbolic direct actions
in its presentation’s work, i.e. « soft »57
actions in the political sphere. Yet GP not substitutes « a
marginalization’s attitude » (which would offer a recognition to participate to the preparation or
execution of public policies) for a « exclusion’s attitude ».58
It refuses any approbation of french
authorities, what exludes it from the concerted policy. Any of its abilities is recognized for the
reason that it has any real representativeness and it wishes shut itself in a subversive behaviour.
In this social integration’s logic, the transformation of the action’s form occurs at two levels.
At first, we can see that the action’s form not limits to subversive action, but it seems to
recognize one place to the orthodox’s forms in the collective mobilization, as so far as orthodox
actions are more popular than subversive actions in french public opinion. It borrows the
methods of the traditional militancy which allow a message’s diffusion. In addition to the public
demonstrations which GP organizes (as the public demonstrations against the french nuclear tests
in 1995 : it’s GP which organizes them and co-ordinates the differents organizations supporting
the mobilizations) or in which it interferes or supports, GP uses another traditional method : the
petition. But it’s a symbolic item to support a campaign, as the public demonstrations because of
its small quantity of supporters (the public demonstration involves a strenght if it wants to have
positive consequences for the organizer). The campaigns are relieved by direct actions more
mediatized than petition (except when they collect millions of signatures). GP develops the same
methods of actions that other association of environment defence (as the NGO’s association
WWF and the Earth Friends). But these traditional methods of militancy are marginal in the
publicization’s strategy of the campaigns, because the full-time officials consider that these
actions are not efficacious and profitable for GP, and mobilize energy and time of those who
must prepare actions and analysis’work.
Otherwise, the actions’ symbolism seems to supplant the spectacular and radical characters.
Since 1993, if we exclude the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995 (where many
spectacular actions are organized especially in France), we observe that direct actions are less
frequent, and not realize to disturb a process or to restrain a decision, but to call on the public
opinion. GP hopes particularly that the media relieve the actions to publicize the message. If
spectacular actions continue to exist, they not result in activists’ chaining up or multiple
57
Two of the activists interviewed critize this actualization of the direct actions’s form, and regret that the actions are
less spectacular, spectacular actions in their form and the means used.
29
blocking. Now the aim is composed on the interpellation of public, media and authorities,
hanging out a banderole or exposing facts with symbolic objects. There is always a will to
confront the private and public authorities, but the interpellation of public and political sphere’s
actors takes one ritual form, i.e. with not radical but soft and symbolic methods. This
transformation is patent but not obvious in the campaigners’ speech who claim the action’s
heterodoxy. The purchase of a respectability in the work and action must become one part of the
working’s logic.
Moreover, GP uses another methods in its actions’ index list, to facilitate the contact with the
public, even if this contact is a virtual contact. Surely the contacts’ reality is always possible,
thanks to the « actions discovery », but they often necessitate the agreement of one authority, so
the negotiation, and GP refuses any negotiation and official contact with authorities. GP thinks
that it’s a risk of instrumentalization and institutionalization, then a self-government’s loss in its
actions’ capacity. Contacts with political ou private authorities remain unusual. GP prefers the
nameless means of communication, of which the virtual character preserves freedom and
sufficient self-government to publicize the work and execute actions. These virtual means are
recent, but reflect the respectability’s aim which GP courts. Then, GP will inform the public with
many documents. This will explains the creation of the networks « info-conso », i.e. informations
for consumers in the GMO’s campaign which aims to be won over to many people for this
campaign. This is a advertising instrument in order that GP can be recognized still more its
supporters. This is a informative process because GP realizes three lists of products and specifies
if they contain GMO. So it’s an instrument which allows the people to be informed about the
consumption’s products without a adhesion to GP. Nevertheless, GP hopes to attract people, and
collect money and adhesions with this network as so far as it completes the overture’s strategy on
the society, and the attempt to seduce and invest it. It wants to become a company providing
services but hopes that this new method increase its supporters and financial means.
This social overture emerges at last with the partnership that GP elaborates with networks or
associations’ collectives (which units environmental associations). GP creates itself these
networks or goes into partnership with them. Constituted for general environmental questions (as
the associations’ collective « Agir pour l’Environnement »), specific questions (as the network
« Sortir du Nucléaire ») or local questions (as the associations’ collective « Collectif du
Somport »), GP wants to penetrate the environment movement. Its participation to these
structures exists, even if it’s a secondary participation because some associations or defence’s
58
See Lascoumes P. : L’éco-pouvoir. Environnement et politiques. La Découverte 1994.
30
groups criticize the GP’s presence. They consider that GP will instrumentalize them and use it to
its strategy, without act in favour of this movement. With GP’s means and action’s logic, the
associations fear to stay in the background, and they critize GP’s attempt to appropriate the fight
to its advantages. The evolution of its action’s methods participates to this proceeding of
investment in the environmental sphere and in the interactions’ constitution with the associative
movement. The integration in the society involves to design regular and stable relations not only
with public opinion, but also with collective actors of the public sphere.
GP’s activism is always expressed directly against authorities which possess a strong power. But
its intervention in the political and environmental spheres two complementary and contradictory
characteristics. GP organizes as a enterprise for the reason that borrows specifically technics’
work and communication. The efficaciousness of its work exceeds the environmental priority.
The enterprise’s strategy necessitates the acquisition of professionalism which asserts its
authority in the work and action. But GP has some difficulties to conciliate the two logic : the
professionalization of methods and actions’ forms, and the will to integrate a social movement
and the society. The traditional political organizations suffer this professionalization excess (and
accept its consequences, especially the « crisis of parties and trade-unions), GP prosecutes this
logic. It thinks that the recognition of its abilities will offer a lawfulness. Nevertheless, we must
put in perspective this logic of social integration as so far as GP remains a radical and subversive
association, so we prefers to use the term « adjustment » and not « transformations » to explain
the evolution of GPF’s activism since 1988.
31
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