the united nations international covenant on civil and political rights: does it make a difference...
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The United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Does it make a difference in human rights behavior?
By Linda Camp Keith
Presented by Amina Khan
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Essence of the Article This article tests empirically whether becoming a party to this
international treaty (and its Optional Protocol) has an observable impact on the state party’s actual behavior.
The hypothesis is tested across 178 countries over an eighteen year period (1976-1993) and across four different measures of state human rights behavior.
Initial bivariate analyses demonstrate some statistically significant differences between the behavior of state parties and the behavior of non-party states.
When the analysis is multivariate, in which factors known to affect human rights are controlled, the impact of the covenant and its optional protocol disappears altogether
Overall, this study suggests that it may be overly optimistic to expect that being a party to this international covenant will produce an observable direct impact.
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Background The UN Charter lists amongst its purposes ‘promoting and encouraging respect
for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948 gave way to the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which was opened for signature in 1966 and went into force in 1976.
This covenant on civil and political rights established a Human Rights Committee of 18 elected experts who study reports of the individual state’s efforts to guarantee rights included in the covenant and make recommendations.
If states have joined the Optional Protocol, the committee may make recommendations based on complaints from individuals.
As of December 2008, the covenant has been signed by 174 member states. 8 member states have signed, but have not ratified the treaty (e.g. China), 21 states have neither signed nor ratified the treaty
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Levels of Analysis
States that are parties to the covenant would be more respectful of human rights than non party states
After becoming a party, the behavior of the state would improve over its own former behavior
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Measures of Human Rights Behavior
The Covenant protects a total of 27 rights categories Political scientists have developed two standards-based indices
Freedom House Political and Civil Rights indices Stohl et al.’s Personal Integrity measure - this includes a narrow set of
human rights violations: political imprisonment, torture, and killings or disappearances. Data is obtained from annual Amnesty International reports and US State Department Country Reports on Human Rights.
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Data Analysis & Results Party states will respect human rights more than non party states Calculated mean for party states and non party states on each measure of
human rights behavior A t-test of statistical significance was performed on the differences of means
of the two groups When the means were compared, it was found on average, that the party
states have levels of political and civil freedom which are almost one level better than non-party states
States that are parties to the more stringent Optional Protocol exhibit the best levels of freedom
Each of the difference of means is statistically significant at least at 0.001 level
The analysis supports the hypothesis that party states behave better than non party states
However, results for the Personal Integrity Rights measures, do not clearly support the hypothesis perhaps due to derogation by party states
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Data Analysis & Results Second set of analysis to test whether there is an observable
difference in a state’s behavior after becoming a party to the treaty
A t-test of the difference of means on each human rights score was conducted to compare state party’s behavior during the two years prior to becoming a party and 4 subsequent periods after joining
In none of the comparisons did the states achieve a statistically significant higher score in the years after joining than before
Clearly, this test does not provide support for the hypothesis that human rights behavior improves significantly after becoming a party
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Multivariate Analysis Using a Pooled
Cross-Sectional Time-Series Model Bivariate tests cannot account for the possibility of a distorting
influence from other variables Testing across time and space The model includes 7 independent variables that are statistically
significant and are important factors in state personal integrity abuse
Political democracy, population size, economic development, civil war experience, international war experience, British cultural influence, military control, Leftist regime
As a whole, results offer little support for the hypothesis that states which become parties respect human rights more than those who have not
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Conclusion
It may be overly optimistic to expect that being a party to this treaty will produce an observable impact
Results are consistent with the assertions that the treaty’s implementation is too weak
But, treaty’s impact may be more of an indirect than a direct process
Nonetheless, overall human rights protection among the treaty’s parties is no better than in non-party states
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Implications What is the importance of such a covenant?
The ability to declare international norms of human rights
The ability to generate information about state human rights policies and actual behavior
The ability to direct world attention to abuses Limited implementation power based on voluntary
compliance
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Counterfactual Exercise
What would happen if there was no such covenant?