this research is part of a sociological project called post-socialist punk, which analyses the punk...

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This research is part of a sociological project called Post-Socialist Punk, which analyses the punk scenes of several post-socialist countries, and has been conducted under the Undergraduate Research Scholarship Scheme (URSS). The study analyses and presents the Lithuanian punk scene before and after independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. I wanted to discover what meanings were attached to ‘punk’ in Lithuania – by society at large and by scene members themselves - and, specifically, how this might differ between generations growing up in Soviet and post- Soviet Lithuania. POST-SOCIALIST PUNK LITHUANIAN PUNK: WHAT’S IN NAME? Student: Gabija Didziokaite Supervisor: Prof Hilary Pilkington Co-Supervisor: Dr Ivan METHODS I spent two months studying punk scenes in Vilnius and the second city, Kaunas employing methods of participant observation (at concerts ) and interviews using a semi-structured interview guide. The reflexivity, which is necessary for this type of sociological research, was achieved by keeping a diary of my research as it progressed. This helped to distinguish between actual observation and my own interpretation of events but also led to the uncovering of interesting patterns. The venue ‘LAB’ in Kaunas FINDINGS I was particularly struck throughout the fieldwork by the claims of interviewees that ‘there are no punks in Lithuania’ and focused my analysis on understanding the basis of those claims. Below, I have divided my findings in to two sections: the insider’s (ie Lithuanian punk rock scene/movement member) perspective; and the outsider’s perspective. The insider’s perspective My interviewees were unwilling to call themselves “punks”. Muggleton (2000) notes that subculturalists resist group categorization and suggests this is related to the unravelling of collective identity. Reasons my interviewees avoided labeling themselves were: • Naming yourself determines, frames you and they seek to avoid this. • Naming was seen as an action that should be done by someone from outside, rather than by the person him/herself. • Labelling is seen as an action of poseurs. • The term ‘punk’, in the eyes of some punks, has been discredited by misbehaving punks. This corresponds with the findings of Leblanc (2006) based on her study of punks in the USA, where so called ‘gutter punks’ are seen by other punks as ‘giving punk a bad name’ (63). The outsider’s perspective On hearing about my research, those old enough to remember Soviet and early post-Soviet punks questioned whether punks still existed in Lithuania. This is because their perception of ‘punk’ was formed by Soviet punks who were much more stereotypically stylised than those found on today’s scene: • Soviet punks were easily distinguishable by their style. They had Mohawks usually multicoloured and wore leather jackets, tight pants adorned with safety pins. My interviewees, however, said that this kind of look was no longer necessary in punk subculture and only teenagers wore the ‘classic’ outfit. This coincides with Bennett’s (2006) finding that older punks in England are understanding punk as a set of internal values rather than a shocking appearance. • Secondly, the Soviet punks were socially and politically active. Modern Lithuanian punks, in contrast, take a passive resistance by withdrawing from the “mainstream”, living by their own rules and propagating their ideas among themselves. This passivity makes punks invisible to the majority of people. CONCLUSION The point of this work is not to deny the existence of the punk rock movement in Lithuania . What I am arguing is that the term ‘punk’ in Lithuania, both for the general public and for punk scene members, is a cliché evoking certain traits no longer characteristic of those in the Lithuanian punk rock movement. This is because, over time, that movement has evolved: •Punks have abandoned their spectacular style for a simpler look •Active resistence to the Soviet authorities has been replaced by passive withdrawal from the capitalistic mainstream. La Chudra’s gig in the major Vilnius’ venue Laurucia One of the first Lithuanian punks (picture taken from 90’s fanzine) ‘SC’ gig Laurucia Gig in the major Vilnius’ venue Laurucia URSS experience I think that URSS gave me a chance to enrich the textbook information as it “comes live” and more understandable. Going into real field study with a back-up of tutors and only after the first year made me understand the subject I am studying better, enhanced both my academic and personal self-esteem.

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Page 1: This research is part of a sociological project called Post-Socialist Punk, which analyses the punk scenes of several post-socialist countries, and has

This research is part of a sociological project called Post-Socialist Punk, which analyses the punk scenes of several post-socialist countries, and has been conducted under the Undergraduate Research Scholarship Scheme (URSS). The study analyses and presents the Lithuanian punk scene before and after independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. I wanted to discover what meanings were attached to ‘punk’ in Lithuania – by society at large and by scene members themselves - and, specifically, how this might differ between generations growing up in Soviet and post-Soviet Lithuania.

POST-SOCIALIST PUNKLITHUANIAN PUNK: WHAT’S IN

NAME?

Student: Gabija DidziokaiteSupervisor: Prof Hilary PilkingtonCo-Supervisor: Dr Ivan Gololobov

METHODSI spent two months studying punk scenes in Vilnius and the second city, Kaunas employing methods of participant observation (at concerts ) and interviews using a semi-structured interview guide. The reflexivity, which is necessary for this type of sociological research, was achieved by keeping a diary of my research as it progressed. This helped to distinguish between actual observation and my own interpretation of events but also led to the uncovering of interesting patterns.

The venue ‘LAB’ in Kaunas

FINDINGSI was particularly struck throughout the fieldwork by the claims of interviewees that ‘there are no punks in Lithuania’ and focused my analysis on understanding the basis of those claims. Below, I have divided my findings in to two sections: the insider’s (ie Lithuanian punk rock scene/movement member) perspective; and the outsider’s perspective.

The insider’s perspectiveMy interviewees were unwilling to call themselves “punks”. Muggleton (2000) notes that subculturalists resist group categorization and suggests this is related to the unravelling of collective identity. Reasons my interviewees avoided labeling themselves were:• Naming yourself determines, frames you and they seek to avoid this.  • Naming was seen as an action that should be done by someone from outside, rather than by the person him/herself.• Labelling is seen as an action of poseurs. • The term ‘punk’, in the eyes of some punks, has been discredited by misbehaving punks. This corresponds with the findings of Leblanc (2006) based on her study of punks in the USA, where so called ‘gutter punks’ are seen by other punks as ‘giving punk a bad name’ (63).   

The outsider’s perspective

On hearing about my research, those old enough to remember Soviet and early post-Soviet punks questioned whether punks still existed in Lithuania. This is because their perception of ‘punk’ was formed by Soviet punks who were much more stereotypically stylised than those found on today’s scene:• Soviet punks were easily distinguishable by their style. They had Mohawks usually multicoloured and wore leather jackets, tight pants adorned with safety pins. My interviewees, however, said that this kind of look was no longer necessary in punk subculture and only teenagers wore the ‘classic’ outfit. This coincides with Bennett’s (2006) finding that older punks in England are understanding punk as a set of internal values rather than a shocking appearance. • Secondly, the Soviet punks were socially and politically active. Modern Lithuanian punks, in contrast, take a passive resistance by withdrawing from the “mainstream”, living by their own rules and propagating their ideas among themselves. This passivity makes punks invisible to the majority of people.    

CONCLUSIONThe point of this work is not to deny the existence of the punk rock movement in Lithuania . What I am arguing is that the term ‘punk’ in Lithuania, both for the general public and for punk scene members, is a cliché evoking certain traits no longer characteristic of those in the Lithuanian punk rock movement. This is because, over time, that movement has evolved:•Punks have abandoned their spectacular style for a simpler look•Active resistence to the Soviet authorities has been replaced by passive withdrawal from the capitalistic mainstream. Thus, I suggest that there are no punks in Lithuania in the sense that there is no one who conforms to the image the name ‘punk’ evokes. Punk is not dead, it has just moved on.

La Chudra’s gig in the major Vilnius’ venue Laurucia

One of the first Lithuanian punks (picture taken from 90’s fanzine)

‘SC’ gig Laurucia

Gig in the major Vilnius’ venue Laurucia

URSS experienceI think that URSS gave me a chance to enrich the textbook information as it “comes live” and more understandable. Going into real field study with a back-up of tutors and only after the first year made me understand the subject I am studying better, enhanced both my academic and personal self-esteem.