S"be L - .

Verw.Ref.

REPUBLIEK VAN SUID-AFRIKA

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

kanfoorvan"iefersfe InisfcT

time lffinistrrz C?ffire

.CAPE TOWN

5 February 1980

Dear Prime Minister

The relations between our nations have not always beengood. Indeed, we have been both enemies and allies inwar. Reflecting objectively on the history of eventssince we first came into contact with each other inSouth Africa, I am drawn to the irresistible conclusionthat whenever we have clashed both nations have paida painful price but whenever we have co-operated bothnations have benefited substantially. What is more,the advantages of co-operation have accrued to all thepeoples of the Southern African region.

I realise that British and South African interests in-evitably diverge. But they also converge. Our interestsdiverge principally because of the conception which existsof the South African Government's "apartheid" policy.It is not my intention in this communication to discussthe misconceptions which persist in the judgment of myGovernment's policy in respect of multi-national develop-ment. What is important at the present juncture is whetherthe British Government, with more experience and knowledgeof Southern Africa than any other government in the Westernworld, would not be prepared to re-examine and reassessits long-term interests in Africa and particularly SouthernAfrica in closer co-operation with my Government on adifferent basis than has been the case during the pasttwo decades. Recognizing that your Government would inthat case wish to exchange views candidly with us interalia on such issues as measures discriminating betweenpeople of different colour, I invite you to send a perso-nal emissary to meet with me in order that we may discussnot only questions of principle but also -11

(a) the obstacles in the way of closer co-operationbetween our Governments;

(b) possible ways and means of eliminating thoseobstacles.

2/...

- 2 -

I convey this invitation to you not because I am under anyillusion as to the views you may entertain on certain as-pects of my Government's internal policy. I consider thesurvival of freedom and democrac y of such vital importancethat I respectfully suggest to you that you and I share aheavy responsibility to make the most sincere attempt tobridge our differences in order to cultivate the unity ofpurpose and strength which will be required to resistRussian imperialism. Indeed, your own courageous standagainst the extension of Soviet power has played no smallpart in convincing me that our Governments should proceedimmediately to engage in the discussions which I propose.

In saying this, I have also been encouraged by the measureof co-operation which has developed between us in regardto Zimbabwe/Rhodesia, more particularly as I am convincedit reflects a similar underlying assessment of the natureof the struggle for world pre-eminence in our era and ofthe extent of the threat to the Western democratic free-enterprise system. The lessons of Hungary, Czechoslovakia,..the Berlin Wall, the Cubans in Angola and the Soviet doc-trine of world domination having been forgotten or simplyignored, it has taken the rape of Afghanistan to open theeyes of the West.

During President Brezhnev's era the Soviet Union hasmaterially increased its power and influence relative tothe United States and to the West in general. Its mili-tary power has been developed far beyond the requirementsof a defensive capacity. There are no signs that theSoviet Union will be satisfied with nuclear or conven-tional parity. The great preponderance of Soviet tanksand divisions in Europe has been well documented. TheSoviet fleet has been transformed into a formidable blue-water navy, backed up with a very substantial and modernmerchant marine. Brezhnev has supplemented this with afleet of missile-carrying submarines, counterbalancingthe American Polaris submarines. He has cleverly useddetente as a shield and exploited the American setbackin Vietnam and the maiming effect of Watergate to promotesubversion and instal pro-Soviet governments in the ThirdWorld and, at the same time, to impose the Brezhnev doc-trine - the right of Russia to intervene in "socialist"countries seeking change. Despite this, he has securedlegitimacy through the Helsinki agreements for the boun-daries of Eastern and Central Europe, for a quid pro quowhich seems to have had little substance. Soviet influencein Europe, in South-East and South-West Asia, in the MiddleEast, in Southern Arabia, in parts of North, East, West andSouthern Africa has grown beyond the point of being ominous.It is real. It has assumed awesome dimensions.

3/...

3

There is no doubt that the Southern African region hasnow become a prime objective of Soviet ambitions. Controlof the vast and valuable reserves of raw materials in ourregion , in addition to Russia 's own resources , would en-able her to dominate supplies to the industrial West.Control of South Africa 's strategic geographical posi-tion, the importance of which is significantly enhancedby her technological sophistication, infrastructural de-velopment and industrial capacity, would greatly enhancethis dominance. It would in fact tip the global strate-gic balance in favour of the USSR to a degree matchedonly by control of the total area of the Middle East.

... You may be interested in the attached interview given byGlagolev. He is not necessarily the final authority onthe subject. You will be in a position to evaluate hiscredibility . Nevertheless , his views flow from a sourcein the heart of the Soviet hierarchy and confirm whatSouth Africa has long been propounding about Soviet in-tentions in Africa . The West appears to have been mes-merised by detente and to have discounted the marked in-crease in Soviet influence in Africa under Brezhnev'sleadership because Russia has skilfully worked throughsurrogates and through the "liberation " movements.

I

An important part of the Soviet strategy in Africa hasbeen to use the United Nations and international bodieswhich it controls to drive a wedge between South Africaand the major standard -bearers of freedom , on the pretextthat South Africa has transgressed the norms of civiliza-tion. Whatever imperfections there may be in South Afri-can society, South Africa has a democratic , free-enter-prise , Christian society and is spiritually, emotionallyand ideologically committed to the democracy of the Greeks,Europeans and Americans . Whatever disabilities may beexperienced by segments of our population , successiveSouth African Governments have sincerely worked for theirupliftment and progress. We are committed to uphold thehuman dignity of all persons, irrespective of race orcreed . We are committed to the removal of all negativeforms of discrimination based on, colour. But our problemsare complex . Our situation therefore requires understan-ding and tolerance. My Government is, within the boundsof the constraints imposed by the inertia of human nature,energetically pursuing a policy of ensuring that justiceis done to all South Africa's peoples . I can assure youthat, having already moved far as fast as possible duringmy first year of office, I shall continue on the path Ihave charted. I believe it to be an honourable courseand that the West should become aware of this . I shouldtherefore welcome the opportunity of explaining my aims inthe light of the options available and current realities.

4/...

v

4

The Soviet threat of engulfing South Africa is of immediateconcern to all of us. The Soviet Union is already esta-blished in Ethiopia, Angola and Mocambique, and its influ-ence in other African countries poses a direct threat tothe whole of Africa. But the prime target is SouthernAfrica. That is why the struggle for Zimbabwe/Rhodesiais so important and why Soviet aims in South West Africamust be frustrated, not only in the interests of SouthernAfrica, but also of the West.

IThe events in Afghanistan have irrevocably confirmed thatthe Soviet Union will not hesitate to launch an attacksouthwards with surro ate forces if it believes that thiscan be one with impunity. War material has been accumu-lated in Angola and Mocambique, where, as you know, largetank forces have also been mustered. The build-up is con-tinuing - with inter alia the addition of the technicalknow-how of the East-Germans.

It is clear to me that, if democratic institutions are tosurvive anywhere in Africa, a common anti-Soviet strategyfor Africa as a whole must be worked out by the West andmoderate African leaders and quickly. All anti-Sovietgovernments in Africa from Eqypt to South Africa must besupported, their foreign policies co-ordinated and theirdifferences submerged. It is essential that the countriesof Southern Africa should come together to have any chanceof maintaining themselves, for otherwise they will falllike dominoes. That is one reason why I am assiduouslypromoting the creation of a form of confederation or con-stellation of states in the region.

In view of your clearly stated views on the Soviet threat,I felt it would be constructive to let you have my viewson the critical African situation. I would welcome re-ceiving your own views and your ideas as to how we cancounter this threat. I hope that your emissary will soonfind it possible to visit South Africa for the proposeddiscussions. South Africa is irrevocably committed toresisting SDviet aggression with all means at its dis-posal, whatever the consequences. But South Africa couldnot carry the responsibility in Southern Africa alone.

5/...

- 5 -

You will appreciate that if South Africa has to standalone she must retain the right to act when, where andin whatever manner she deems necessary to promote herown chances of survival, and time is short.

With sincere regards

P W BOTHA

The Right Honourable Margaret Thatcher, MPPrime Minister

LONDON