7 Is it colonial deja vu? Indigenous peoples and climate injustice ·

Kyle Powys Whyte

Introdu ctio n

Indigeno us reoplcs t1 rc emergi ng <1s <1mong che mosc audible voices in che glohal c limacc jusc ice move ment. As I will show in this ch<1pter, c limate injustice i:; a recent episode of n cyc lica l hiscory o f colonialism inflicting <rnthropogenic (human·c<iuscd) environmcnrnl change on Ind igenous peoples (Wildcat). Indigenous peoples face c limate risks largely because o f how colonia lism, in conjunction with cnpitalisr economics, shapes the geographic spllces they live in and their socio-economic condick1ns. In the U.S. settler colonial context, which I focus on in chi:-. chapter, seede r colonia l laws, policies imd programme~ arc 'bmh'" significant facror in opening up Imligenl1us cerritorie~ for carb~m­intt!nsive economic Hctiviries ;md, m the st1 me cime, a signilicant factor in why Indigenou~ peoples face heightened clim;ne risks. Climate injustice, llir Indigenous peoples, is less Hbout chc spectre of ll new future <1nd more like che experience of dcji\ vu.

Indigeno us peoples and en vironme n tal c ha nge

'Indigenous peoples' refer to the roughly 400 million persons worldwide who, prior to <1 pcrilxl of invasion, colonist1rion or sectlemcnt, exercised Cl11lcctive sdf· determination according to their own cultural (cosmt1logic<1l) and rolitical systems. Indigenous peoples continue w exercise collective cultural ;md political scli-dcterminatio n today within territories in which they live llS no n-J omimmt populations in re lation to 1rncion srn ces, such as the U.S. o r N ew ZcalanJ. Problematica lly, most people in the wo rld assume it as fact th<lt mnion srntcs h;ivc culcurn l etml po liric;1[ primacy over Indigenous peoples (Anaya).

Consider the Indigenous people w which I belong, the Pnrnwacomi, who hiwc lived since time immemorial as an ccologic;illy mobile (i.e. nwvcd often within and across ecosystems for sustenance), culturally distinct m1d po litic;i lly independent SllCil'ty t h;1c h;1s mainrnincd kinsh ip and harvesting re lmionships with hundreds of p;micular phmts and t1nim<1ls, <1 nd stcw-.mled cheir habirnts and cultivated crops acros." etn ;irea of 10 mi llion t1c res in the G reat L'.1kcs region of North Americ;i. Pornwitromi people org<1nise themselves through diverse cultur.il

Is it colonial deja vu? 89

and politic;il institutions, from families to vill;igcs to winter/summer houses to ceremonies to b;1nds to c !;ins, each of which is designed to relate to pl<1nts, <1nimals and ecosystems in some w;iy.

Pornw;:iromi society is 'multispecies' in the sense that it hlls its own conceptions of responsibility, llgency ;iml vlllue for the hundreds of plllnts llnd <1nimals that humans internet with in the G reat Likes region. Pornw;icomi ;ind closely related Anishinll<1be/Neshnllbe (including Ojibwe ;ind Odaw;i) peoples usually identified themselves in environmental terms based on where they resided (e.g. a river valley) (Secundll) ;ind in clan animti l (e.g. crnnc) or plllnt (e.g. birch ) terms that referred ro J;irge kinship networks centred <1rounJ those p<1rticular animals or planes (Bohaker).

Pocaw;icomi people engC1ge in politic;il allillnccs with ocher groups, such as the Three Fires Confederacy involving Odawll and Oj ibwc peoples. We have a legacy of trading with numerous other Indigenous peoples across the region and continenc. As the result of French and British colonisation during the fur trade, starting in the 1600s, and then subsequent U.S. ;ind C madian settlement, wh ich fragmented <1ml relocated our society, we arc now seven distinct Triblll nations on the supposed U.S. side; ;md there tlrc scvcrn l Pornwamm i communities living within First Nations on the supposed Cam1di;m side.

Today, each of these communities exercises self-determin;itio n in different ways, from h;iving their own governments co continuing to identify distinctly as Potawaco mi to practising certain ancient or more recently developed cultural practices associated with being Pocaw<1tomi or Ind igenous North American . Pocawatomi participate in numerous trading and business transllctions, diplomatic relationships and cultural exchanges with many Indigenous peoples as well as with seeder llnd other non-Indigenous societies. There arc thousands o(Jndigenous peoples living in the world tod<1y who share comparable histories of continuing their self-determination in spire of invasion, colonisation or settlement, such as the Saami in the Arctic, the Maasai in Africa, the Maori in che Pacific and the Mapuche in South America.

lmportancly, it is here, at the point where we ;ire discussing what it means to be Indigenous, chat enviro nmenrnl change and climate change come to the fore as significant topics. For many Indigenous peoples today, chc concept of societies having to adapt constantly to enviro nmcnrnl ch;inge is not new. Potawatomi peoples and the larger Anishin<1<1be/Neshnabc group hllve long trnditions of cul tural and political systems that arc based on designing institutions that have capacities for adapting to se;isonal and intcr·tinnull l chllnge. The 'seasonal round' refers to such a culcurnl ;ind political system. In the setlsonal round, the purpose, organisation ;ind size of cultur-11 ;iml political institutions (from ceremonies to

villages to bands) changed throughout the year depending on what plants and animllls needed to be harvested, monitored, stored or honoured.

According to my own knowledge, the insti tutions of che seasonll l round are organised differently depending on what planes and t1nimt1ls need co be mo nitored, harvested, stored or honoured. For cx<1mple 1 during sug<l r bush (mllple syrup) harvesting (coming out of the winter), a small extended family unit might be the

90 Kyle Powys Why1e

primary organisation; in the summer during berry harvesting and llshing seasoni., larger bands are formed; during wild rice season (late summer, early autumn), hirger rice camps convene as coordinated organisations of multiple families. Complex clan, gender ;md intergenerational norms overlay institutions such a~ rice camps or sugar bush camps, mediating e;ich person's le;idership authority and particular resrxmsibiliues to pl<tnts, ;inimals ;ind other humans.

In a seasomil round, Pm;iwmomi peoples dl) 'not' have the same political and culturnl institutions all ye<1r round, which is very different from how, S<ly, U.S. governmen t<1 l institutions operme, such as the Sen;:ite or Environmentttl Protection Agency. The exp;msion ;md contrnction of institutions thro ughout the yettr ttltempts to order society to be <1s responsive as possible w environmenrnl change in ways that respect how li t tle humans ultimately comprehend of the dynamics of eco~ystems. In the se<1sonal round, we have an example of anthro1x,genic activi ties that are not in themselves ignorant of the right coupling of hu1mm culturnl <1 nd rx>liti c<1l systems with ecological condickms. In foct, cultural and po litica l institutions are designed to approx imate, <1s best as c;m be known, the dym1mics of chm1ging ecological conditions.

A key !X)int I want to highlight is th<1t PotawatlHni culrurnl and political systems arc s1ructure<l rather 'explicitly' on the concept ch<1c society must he org;mised to consrnntly mlapr w environmental ch<1nge. So the imporrnncc of being mindful of how to a<lt1pt is not" new one to Indigenous peoples suth ;~s rhc Anishina<1be and lllhers. This shows that 'Anthropogenic' environmental change is nm new as an idet1 nor <loes it date to the invention of Western mttchincs or technologies. Pornwtttomi ;ind other Anishinaabe/Neshnabe societies directly attempt to cultivate ecosystems, using the institutions and 'technologies' of the seasonal round, such as the implements and skillsecs for sugar bushing, so ch<1r chere would be ecological conditions ch;irncterised by sufficient abundance of plants and <1nimals. Th is also shows that one way of adaptmg to change is to work directly wich ecosystems, whether through set1sona l burning, str<ltegic planting or rapping a maple cree.

As trends in seasonal chtingc ;1rc re lated co clim;1te change, it is ;;ilso true in <1

sense that something like what we understand roday in 1he English hmguage HS

adaprnrion to 'clim;He' ch;mgc was also ptirt of Indigenous cul turn I ;md politictil systems as Cl)mmuniry members keep track of, share <1ml compare memories of scason;1 l change over rhc yer1rs. Anish inaabe/Neshnabc stories, trndicions ;md mcmlirics can be used ;is decision-making processes for ad<1pting ro intcr-;mnual chm1ge (Nelson; Davidson-1 lunr and Berkcs).

My o bservations in this sccti~m offer just the b<1sic idea char the seasom1 I round is builr on and cmph;.1siscd institutio ns with capacities to adapt to environmenrnl change and to relace to loc;il ecological conditions. I am noc m<1king any comparative claims about che superiority of Indigenous systems and insticutilms for v;:i lucs such t1:. susrninability or resilience. Though Indigenous peliplcs everywhere vary widely in their being more seden tary or more mobile, or having members living in lc:.s ix>pularcd meas or l<1 rgc urb;:in centres, I want co convey 1ha1 Indigenous peoples generally ,ire not surprised by the idea rh;ic their history

Is it colonial deja vu! 91

consists of the <1d<1prive incerplay becween rhcir cultural and IX>liric;il systems and institutions <1nd environmental change (Trosper; Colombi).

Settler colonialism and environmental change

For Indigenous peoples of different nations <1nd heritages, because we often share ways of life and histories char explicitly consi<ler mlaptation to environmental change, we think very spccihc<1lly about different kinds of anthropogenic environmcnti11 change. That is, human-induced alterntions to rhe environment can range from the 'anthropogenic' change involved with cultivating landscapes in a seasonal round to chose involved <It carrh system sc<1les such as the massive amounts of burning fossil fuels that have been occurring through carbon-intensive economic activities. Colonialism, such as U.S. settler colonialism, can be understood <IS ;:i system of dom ination that concerns how one society inflicts burdensome anthropogenic environmental change on another society.

More spcciflca lly, settler colonialism, in the U.S. context (but also others too), very specifically targets the ecologically mobile, adaptive systems of Indigenous peoples. Settler colo ni ;:i lism refers specifically to a system (or structure) of oppression by which one soc ie ty settles the territories of another society. Mo re precisely, the structure of oppression invo lves settler society seeking to fully establish itself in th;:it territory <1ccording to its o wn cultural and political systems, which requires erasing the Ind igenous population (see Lefevre for an o verview of major sources). Ernsure can be understood as the strategic process of instantiating culrurnl and political institutions that destro y the Indigenous mobi le, adaptive cultural and polit ical systems and institutions that are tightly coupled wich certain ccologicttl con<li tions. Consider some examples of one settler colonial strategy, that of 'containment,' which engenders cultural and political institucions designed to inhibit or 'box in' Indigenous capacities to adapt to environmentttl change. Strategic smiregy of containment were used by the U.S. to facilitate the proliferation of extractive industries, such as coal mining and oi l drilling, large-scale agriculture, deforestation and the creation of large urban <1 reas - in shore, the drivers of today's ordea l with anthropogenic climate change.

Consider some examples. The fixed rights of tre<1ty areas and fixed jurisdictions of reservations, established during the nineteenth century, place limits on Indigenous peoples, effective ly rendering them immobile. In the case of treaties, the idea that they represented 'fixed righLS' is a U.S. settler interpretation, as Indigenous peoples, in some c;iscs, understood the treaties as open to flexibility and renewal (Stark). Settlers eventually 'filled in' treaty areas and reservation areas with their own private property ;.1 nd government lands, which limits where and when Indigenous peoples can harvest, monitor, store i1nd honor animals and plants; settlers rhen stigmarise contttinment through social discourses that cast reservations as bad pl;ices or ch<tt simply dis<1ppcar reservations a ltogether as neighbouring communities; or seeder discourses c<1st Indigenous harvesters and gatherers as violating 'the law,' among m<1ny ocher types of stigmatisation .

92 Kyle Powys Whyte

The consequences of capirnlist economics, such ::is deforesrntion, water polluuon, the clearing of hmd for large-:.cale ;igriculture and urbm1isation, gencrnte immed iate disruptions on ecosystems, 'rapidly' rendering them very diffcrcni from what they were like before, undermining Indigenous knowledge systems ;md Indigenous peoples' c;1pac ity to cu lriv;ire hmdsc;ipcs ;ind adjust to

environmenrnl ch;inge. These ch<mges 'conta in' Indigenous peoples bec;1use they lim it 1he abundance of plants ;ind anima ls and the number o f locations for harvesting, monitoring, storing ;:ind ho nouring. Many plants, <l nim;i ls t1nJ habitats arc simply destroyed.

Bmuding schools and o cher problematic forms of education strip Indigenous peoplel> of languages that express knowledge :md skills rcl;ited to particular ecosystems, season<il ch;:inge anc.I knowledge. Anishinaabe/Neshnabc languages, for example, are derived from Pornwaromi ;md other peoples' spccitic engagements with certa in plants, ;inimals and ecosystems and are primarily verb-b,1sed, referring very explicitly w p;irticu l;ir practices ;irising from ecologica l contexts (B(1rrows). The forced ;idoption of English limits the range of meanings, knowledges and skillsets that Indigenous persons can drnw on for sustenance. Many Indigenous peoples in the 1810s were forcibly removed from their territories a lwgethcr to cake up small pieces of n:scrv;Hion land or private property hundreds of mile:. mvay in different ecosystems and c limate regions.

form:. of recognition, such as U.S. Indian Reorganizatilm Act of 1914, creHtl·d T rih;1l governments and A laska N;nive corpor.itions that seek co rcdetinc Indigenous peoples' governments ;:is c;:ipirnlist enterprises whose goal is to mimic the U.S. economy hy investing in c;irbon-inccnsivc economic activilie:., including Tribes th<1r are heavily invo lved in coa l-fire energy and mining. These governments inhibit Indigenous se;.isonal and clan-b<1sed cultural ;tnd po litical systems and institutions by cre;Hing <1 profit-dependent entity rhc c itizens of which rely o n its revenues for their well-being- which becomes detined primarily in terms of fimmci<il srnbility. The governments have been p<1nicu l:uly hamstrung in their c;.ip;.icity to address key hum<111 rights issues, such ;is sexu;il violence ([)ecr).

All of thcse examples arc ca:.cs where settler colonialism :.eeks to crnsc Indigenous peoples' t1daptive captlcity :md self-determimition by repeatedly containing them in diffcrcnr w;1ys, destroying the ecological conditions chat ;ire rightly coupled with Indigenous cultural ;md political systems. While Sl)llle lndigennus pel)ples m<inage to find ways m use forms of conrninment to lhe ir <1dvantage, such as through winning court cases within the U.S. lcg,11 system thtlt protect ecnlogic;1l conditions such as fish habirnt for cert;:iin valu;1hlc species, :.errler colonial institutions rend w render Indigenous persons more susceptible to

mlvcrsc health outcomes, sexual violence, loss of culturnl integrity and political turhulcnce, among ocher com1mm 1:.suc:. facing many lndigenou~ peoples Lcxfay. In this :.ensc, though Indigenous cultural and politic;1I instirutions c;m adapt to

change. what cannot he denied is thm U.S. settler society h.is required rapid ad;iprntions in which prcvcnrnhle h;mns become unavoid;1blc harms. And lndigcnou~ peoples incur these harms for the .sake of facili rnring U.S. seeder

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society's inscancit1 tion as the dominant <ind lcgitim;1ce rnnion llnd peoples within North Americ<i. We c<111 ltx)k at this hiscory cis <l cyclical history in which U.S. repc;itcdly inscanriates settler institutions chat conrnin Indigenous peoples, reducing their ctlpaciry to ad~1pt co environmental ch;mgc on their o wn terms (consensually) and without suffering prevenrable harms.

Climate ch <1nge tics succ inctly within this pattern. ror this reason, many contempornry Indigeno us peoples are concerned <ibouc their vulnerability, or susceptihility to be harmeJ, hy impacts associated with the observed rise of glob<i l average te mperature, or c limate ch<inge. Th;n is, they are concerned about climate risks as they <ire increasingly confro nted by change stemming from the carbon-inte nsive economic activities of settler t111d other colonial societies. Clim<itc ch<inge impacts can be seen through the lens of forms of conrninment (<imong ocher forms of domin;ition), this time arising from settler contributions to increasing the concentration of greenhouse g<ises in the atmosphere.

Warming waters and receding glaciers affect the fish l·rnbitats in Indigenous territories all over the world, such as on the Pacific co<ist of North America where many Tribal nations hMvest salmon for economic and cul rural purposes (Bennett et al.). Sea level rise is pushing people living in the Village of Kivalina in Alaska, the Isle de St Charles in the G ulf of Mexico <ind the Carteret Atoll in Papua New Guine<i to reloc<ite (Maldonado ct al.). In these cases we sec both shrinking habita ts ;ind relocation occurring again. The Loirn Ma<isai peoples in Afric<i face droughts th<it affect the r.iin conditions required for performing many of their ceremonies (Saitabu). Ind igenous women, girls ;:imi two spirit persons in the Arctic and Great Pl<iins regions are subject to greater sexu;il vio lence, abuse and trafficking as work c<imps for o il t1nd gas exrraction, such t1s 'frncking,' bring in ma le contractors to profit fro m the resources found within Indigenous territories (Sweet). Clim<ite change impacts and drivers represent another form of inflicted anthropogenic environmcnrnl change.

Scientific reporrs confirm many of the threats just described. In 2014, the U.S. Nationa l C limate Assessment seated that Indigenous peoples face the 'loss of tradition;il knowledge in the face of rapidly changing ecological conditions, increased food insecurity ... changing water availability, Arctic sea ice loss, permafrost th<iw, <i nd reloc;icion from historic homeland' (Bennett et al. 2). The lntergovcrnmenrnl Panel on C limllte Change's Fifth Assessment Report claims Indigenous peoples face 'challenges to post·coloni <i l power relations, cultural practices, their knowledge systems, and adaptive strategics' (Adger et al.).

Indigenous peoples' own descriptions of climate risk indic;ite th<it settler and other colonial societies ~re imposing rapid environmental change that generates otherwise prevenrnble harms. The Mandaluyong Dccl<iration q uotes Miskito women in the Amcric;is who say, in response co changing environmcnrnl conditions, that

We now live in a hurry and daughters do not cook <is grandmothers ... We do not catch fish as before, do not cook as before; we cannot score food and

94 Kyle Powys Wh)•ce

seeds as before; the hmd no longer produces che same; small rivers are drying up ... I chink rh;n ;1 long wirh the deflth of our rivers, our cullure dies fllso ...

(100- 101)

For many Indigenous peoples, these rtlpid chtlnges fire experienced flS a continuation of settler colonialism and ocher forms of colonitllism that they have endured for many yems. For we have experienced these types of environmenrnlly­related impacts before - from diernry ch;mge to relocation co sexu<tl violence - though c;1used by different foccors, such as multiple seeder institurions of containment. Though institutions o f containment represen t just one limited exHmple of a much more complex history with setcler colonifllism. Anthropogenic climate change is of fl piece with forms of nonconsensu<1l ;ind harmful environmenrnl change inflicre<l on our societies in rhe past. Some Indigenous peoples look ac futures of rnmpant climale injustice as looking to the cyclical hiswry of setder and other colonial inflictions of anthrorogcnic cnvironmenrn l change on Indigenous peoples in order to instantiate erasure.

Yet what is mo re insidious abour c lim<itc injustice against Indigenous peoples is thaL the seeder institutions such flS rhose of conrninmcnt, that inflicted environmental change in rhe past, arc the s<ime institutions th;H fostered carbon­intensive economic activities on Indigenous terri tories. That i!>, conrninmcnt strategies, such as remov;1( of Indigenous peoples co reservations or the forced ;1Joption of corporntc government structures, all facilirnted extrnctive industril'S, deforestation and lmge-sc;1 le agriculture. Whm is more, and ;1s I will discuss in more derail in later secrinns, these arc lhe same institutions that today make ir hard for many Indigenous peoples to effectively cope with climate c hange impacts. In this way, clim<tte injustice against Indigenous peoples refers to the vulnerability caused by ongoing, cyclic;;il colonialism both because institutions facilitate carbon-inten~ive economic activities that pwduce adverse impact~ while at the s<1me time interfering with Indigenous people's cap<1city to adapt to

the adverse impacts.

The Indigenous climate justice movement and colonialism

Indigenous voices arc among the most ;1udihlc in the global climate justice social movement. Over 200 Indigenous delegates attended the 2015 Conference of P;mies (COP) in Paris, France, where they pressed for ( I) greater inclusion and b1dership of Indigenous peoples at the COP ;ind in the developing climate change plans of a ll nation states and (2) respect for the United Nations Decl<1racion on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Previously, at the Rio +20 Earth Summit in 20l2, over 500 Indigenous persons g;nhered at a culturally significmu Kari-Oca Village in Ri,) Jc Janeiro to ~it:.cuss and express their concerns about sustainable development ;mJ clim<ttc ch;mge. Voices in the Indigenous cli1m1te justice movement C<lll <ittencion rn how colonialism and c;1pirnlist econo mics facilitate the role of rich, industrialised countries and trnnsn<Jtional corporntions in bringing Hhout risky climHte change impacts. Many

Is ic colonial deja vu! 95

:isscrt how cli1mlte injustice is a colonial structure of domination because Indigenous peoples arc being erased.

The lnterm1tional Indian Treaty Council (llTC) states that

Indigenous peoples h<ive been severely impacted by the main c<1use of climate change, which is fossi l fuel extrnction carried out on our lands without our free prior :ind informed consent. Thar makes it essential tht1t our rights are (ully respected in this agreement ::ind in the implemenrncion of real solutions for the surviva l of our fucure generations

(Native News)

For !ITC, carbon-intensive economic <1cc1v1ues occur non-consensually on Indigenous terri tories; escahlishing clim<1te justice involves stares and corporations coming to respect Indigenous rights to develop their own lands inste<ld of being exploitative for the sake of extracting fossil fuels.

In North America, the climate justice movement includes declarations such as the Mystic Lake Declaration and the Inuit Petition and direct actions against fossil fuel industries organ ised by Idle No More, the Indigenous Environmental Netwo rk and che lntcrnation<1l lndi<ln Treaty Council. Indigenous Peoples often call for stringent reductions in emissions of greenhouse gases ch;1n nations do. For example, the Mystic Lake Dcclarntion claims that 'Carbon emissions for developed countries must be reduced by no less than 40%, preferably 49% below 1990 levels by 2020 and 95% by 2050' (The Mystic Lake Declarntion 2).

Indigenous peoples rnke leadership in creating (or updating) and implementing their own cultural and political institutions for ad<1pting to adverse c limate ch:inge impacts. They have set up educational initi<1tives such as the Sustainable Development Institute at the College of Menominee Nation in Keshena, Wisconsin (founded in 1994 ), written their own programmes and policies, such as the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes Clim<1te C hange Strategic Plan (in 2013) and - globally - designed their own metrics for how to assess climate ch:inge, such as the Indigenous Peoples Biocultural Climate Change Assessment Initiative and the Mauri Meter (for Mt1ori cultural based environmental and climate c hange assessment) (Morgan).

North American ncrworks such as the Indigenous People's Climate Change Working Group (stmtcJ by Tribal college students), the C limate <1nd Traditional Knowledges Workgroup, the Rising Voices of Indigenous Peoples and the First Stew;1rds Symposium continue co bring attention to the climate risks faced by Indigenous peoples. Each network works to develop strntegies for best dealing with climate risks. An important aspecc of what these networks seek to do is resolve conflicts between Indigenous people and climate scientists chat prevent both groups from working productively together to understand the nature of climate change and solutions for achieving climate justice (sec, for example, Climate and Traditional Knowledges Workgroup).

In my experience as a Potawatomi, as well as ;m organiser and participant in the Indigenous climate justice movement, all the work just referenced in this

--, i

96 Kyle Powys Whyte

secnon seeks co bring co che t()re the iJe;1 thilt climate injuscice occurs when serrler and other coloni;1l instirurnms inflict rnpid environmenrnl ch;inge on Indigenous peoples. Consi<ler the 20 Tre;1cy Tribes in Western W ;ishingcon, which include the Nisqu;1lly lndi;in Tribe, che Lummi N;1tion and Q uim1ult lndi;m N;icion, who in che lase 10 ye;1rs h;ivc taken signinc;mt action o n climil te change. According to some o f the scientific reports cited earlier, c lim;Hc ch;inge, :md ocher ;1nthropogenic environmen1;1 l change, is destroying s;1lmon habitat in the P;icitic Norrhwesc region of the U .S.

The Treacy Tribes pro<luceJ the Treaty Rights at Risk movemen t ro address these problem!> with climate ;1nd environmental change 'as che U.S. seeder srncc's failure co live up to its treaty ohlig.itions to do its part in ensuring it does !lt)C interfere with s;ilmon anJ other species ch;ic arc integral to Tribal cultural and policic;1l systems' (Tremy lnJi;in Tribes in Western W;.ishingcon 2). The Treacy Tribes have culcunil ;ind politic;il systems ch;ic ;ire designed ro ;1J ;1 pc to ch;1nges in salmon habitat since time im111emori ;1 l. According ro the lace Billy FrnnkJr. (Nisqually),

Through the treaties we reserved that which is mosr important co us as a people: The right m harvest sa lmon in our traditional fishing areas. Rut tod;.iy the salmon is disappc<lring because the federal government is fo iling to

protect sa lmon hahit;it. Withour rhe S<l lmon there is no cremy right. (Treaty lndi<ln Tribes in Wesccrn Washington 2)

The Tribes seek to remind and pressure the U.S. government co interpret the significance of the treaties ;:is the Tribes do, which wt>uld require the U.S. to

t1ddress how its own cultural ;ind political institutions foste r c limt1te and cnvironmcnrn l changes chat degrndc s;.i lmon habitat and crnse the ln<ligenous relationship ro the fish.

Ac chc same time, the Lum mi N;nion , one of the same group of Treaty Tribes, h;is rnken action to block the csrablishmenc of ;:i coal shipment tcrmin;:il ;ind train rnilway near its creacy-procected s;icred tlrea of Xwe'chi'cXcn. In ;iddition LO

environmcnt;il protecrion, the Lummi reject the industrial capitalist va lues ;md coloni;il strategies thilt ignore treaties for the s;ikc of cxp;lnding carbon -intensive industries such as co;il. The Tribal ch;1ir, Tim B<lllew II , claims 'We're t<1king ;i united srnnd ag<1insc corporate intcre~ts char interfere with our cre;:iry-pmtected rights . .. Tribes ;icross rhe narilln ;ind world are fac ing challenges from corporations chat are set on dcvclopmcm at any cost to our communities' (Schill ing n. pag.).

In chis case, respect for tre;1cy righLs from the U.S. is a key clim;1rc justic<: issue. Simply calling for reductions in grccnhtlUSc g;is emissilmS will nm occur in time to

prorcct sa lmon and orher species. lmporrnntly, the Treacy Tribes of W estern wa~hmgton haw articulilted cle;1rly an insidious fc;.iru re tif clim.ltc injustice ;igainsl Indigenous peoples: disrespect for treary rights concerns 'both' why U.S. hils gotten mvay with establishing c;1rlxm-intensive economic ;1ct1vities on lndigenou~ territories 'and' why it is h<1rd for the Tre<lty Tribes co l'ldapt effectively to today's clim<itc injustice ordc<1 l. Thal is, the Tribes sec respect for tre;.ity rights

T 1~ · . ti.' 'i· ,,.· -~ ·~· ~f;.;i, . ;,

Is it colonial deja vu? 97

as both stopping the contin ued interference with their culcur-.tl and political systems and currniling the C<l rlxm-intensive economic <lC tivicies chat play a significant part in ;:inrhropogcnic c limate change. Clim<1tc justice is matter of breaking the cyclic;il history of coloni<ll smltcgics thil t interfere with our environmental rcsponsibil ities, rights co self-determined ad;.iption to environmental ch<lnge and rights to reject industrial, capitalist and coloni;.il values.

The Indigenous climate justice movement brings ro the fore why it is hard to claim th;.it 'at lcasr' Indigenous peoples would be harmed less if rich, industrialised countries lowered their emissions without dealing with colonialism. For many strategics for lowering emissions impose harms themselves on ln<ligenous peoples if colonialism is not addressed . Beymer-Farris shows how Reducing Emissions from Deforestation ;:ind Foresl Dcgrad<ltion in Developing Countries (REDD+), a United Nations progrnmme promoting forest conservation, was implemented in Kenya in ways rhar displ;.iced Indigenous peoples' cultivation of rice in protected forests, rendering these Indigenous communities worse off than before (Seymer-Farris and Bassett). O r in the U.S., bills for c lean energy often exclude recognition for funding to Indigenous peoples for supporting cle<ln energy and retrofitting of housing within the jurisdictions of Indigenous n<itions (Suagee). Or in the case of treaty rights or the Inuit petition, lowering emissio ns too slowly may render change ;:it t()() lumbering a pace for che rapid changes Indigenous peoples are experiencing in some regions. Hence, lowering emissions without addressing coloni<llism ciln be highly problematic even if we <lSSume that some of the types of solutions just referenced will ultimately ht1vc benefici;:il results on reducing concentrations of greenhouse gases in the Htmosphcre.

The bad luc k view

While ongoing, cyclical coloni;:ilism is a major issue rnkcn up by the Indigenous climate justice movement, it is rarely considered in the governmental and ac<ldemic licerncurcs that can be and often are used to understand Indigenous vulnerability to climate ch;inge and justice. These literatures include those specifically ::ibout Indigenous peoples and vulnerability, as well as literatures on climate justice char primarily refer to the vulnerability of global south countries ( th;:it Indigenous peoples live in). The latter literatures nonetheless discuss issues relevant to Indigenous peoples in the global north. In these views o n vulnerability expressed in these literatures, Indigenous peoples <l re often seen as facing greater risks as <l m<ltter of happenstance or b<ld luck. Here, my goal is not so much a direct criticism of these literatures; rnther, I aim to examine how well they are suited to some Indigenous peoples' situ<l tions given th<l t they arc often used to undersrnnd the nature of vulnerability ;:ind clim<lte injustice. To begin with, the Climate Change and Indigenous Peoples Backgroimder produced by the United N ations describes Indigenous peoples <lS vulnerable

owing to their dependence upon, and close relationship with the environment <lnd its resources. C limate change exacerbates the difficulties already faced by

98 Kyle Powys Whyte

vulnerable Indigenous communmcs, including p<.i litica l ;md economic m<1rgina liwtion, loss of hmd and resources, human rights viol<1tions, d iscrim ination ;md unemploymcm.

(UN Permanent Forum on Indigeno us Issues I)

The proceedings from lhe United N<1tions Conierence on Indigenous Peoples, Margin<1lized Popularirn1:i and Climate Change, states,

Impacts on the ir territories and communities are <inticip;ited to be both early and severe due ro l heir location in vu lnernble environments, including sm<ill ishmds, high altiwdc zones, desert margins and the circumpo lar Arctic. Indeed, climate change poses a direct threM to many Indigenous and marginalized societies due co their continuing reliance upon resource-based livelihoods.

(McLean, Ramos-Ctlstillo and Rubis 5)

The U.S. Department of lnrerior makes a comparable c laim, c iting Indigenous pt.:oplcs as 'heavily dcpcndenr on their mirurnl resources for economic and cul rural identity' (Secrelari<1 l Order 3289 Section 5, pg 4).

These understandings of vulnerability lean heavi ly on two ideas. First, ft>r some lmligem)US people:., heightened vulnerability ;1 rises from their 'continuing' dependence on local ecosystems, which somehc..)w suggest:- that Indigenous peoples arc 'more' dependent on the environment than others. Moreover, th is idett <Jlso suggests that it is by dint of Indigenous peoples' own cho1.1sing or simply happening to live in ccrrnin places and living in certain ways th<1t they <1 re <1t risk. In rhis sense, a ll rhat is going o n is Ind igenous peoples 'living close to the l,md' ttnd climate change impacls occurring on cop oi rhis geogrnphic and lifosryle sicuation.

Second, Indigenous peoples endure leg;1cies o f colonialism nmging from poverty to margin<1 lisation . T he resulting socio-economic cond itions happen 10

nm <1 bsorb or withstand c limate change imp<1cts we ll. That is, Indigenous peop les Mc not resilienr co cl im<1le change impacts owing to their socio-economic conditions. For example, lack of employment <1nd hick o( strong infr.istrucrures (e.g. bui !dings, roads, crnnsporrntion options, etc.) MC noc going to prorect communities well from climate change imp<1cts such ;1s sea level rise and severe droughts. Th<H c limate change impacts visit populations, such as lndigenlrns peoples, who have soc io-economic pmblems, is <Jlso happcnst<tnce.

h is important C\l note rha1 borh idc;1~ in the previous paragraph arc not associated with d1c drivers of clim<1tc ch;111gc. Drivers of climate change arc the carbon-intensive economic activities th<1t Clmtribute to increasing concencrnrions o( greenhouse ga~e:. 111 the atmosphere. Clim<Hc change imp,1ct:. mix with Indigenous local lifo:.rylcs <1nd socio-economic condirions to make the cnnsequcnccs oi inju:. rice more severe. Col1mi;1 lism is rarely referenced in rcl<Jcion tll local Indigenous lifestyles <lml socio-cconcHnic conditions beyond the obvious focr the l<1Ltcr is collmi;tlism's legacy (Cmnemn; Ha<1lboom <tnd Natcher).

ls ic colonial deja vu? 99

Ethicists and politict1! philosophers such a:. Shue ( 1992), G;1rdiner (2006) and Preston (2012) have dt.:vcloped concepts of compound injustice or skewed vulnerability co describe the rcl<1tionship between vulnerability find injustice, especially for people in rhc globa l south, but chat fllso can be used in relation to Indigenous peoples who share comparable vulnerabilities co populations in the global south (t1nd arc <1lso often living in global south countries). These concepts of vulnerabi lity and justice extend che cwo ideas referenced <1bovc almost exactly. Preston summarises well some of the m<1in threads of the I item cure on compound injustice and skewed vu lnerabilities. He writes that 'Less developed nations had already lose rhe econom ic lottery through colonitl lism and mi li tary and economic imperi<i lism,' which cretltes three kinds of vulnerability:

'Geographically increased vulnerabilicy w climate change,' which refers co how climate change 'wre;:iks the greatest havoc and <lestruction on the lives of che global poor pt1rtly as <1 result of nothing more than geographica l bad luck. M;my of the global poor happen to live in locales that will be most susceptible to the consequences of increasing global temperatures .. .' (80-81 ).

2 'Economically increased vulnerability lO climate change. Situated squarely on top of the geographically bad luck is the face chat persons who lack resources ::ind economic mobility arc less capable of excricat ing themselves from life-threatening situ;itions' (Ibid).

3 'Historical responsibility. The geogrnphic and economic vulnerability of the poor nations to rising temperatures is particularly unfortunate given their lack of historic;i( responsibility for creating the problem in the first place'.

{Ibid)

For Preston, 'the three factors described illustrate how, through a combination of skewed vulnernbilities and skewed responsibilities, climate cht1nge appears to be particularly unfair to poorer nations' (Ibid).

In these readings/arguments about risk, vulnerability and injustice, the reason why harms are seen as bad luck is that clim<1tc 'injustice' primarily refers to the o rigins of climate change impacts on carbon-intensive economic activities, such as burning fossil fuels and deforestation. Yet these climt1te change drivers are 'not' related tlny further co che reasons why Indigenous peoples live locally in ways that are more sensitive ro c limate change impacts or endure the legacies of colonialism such as povcny and declining infrastructure. According co Preston's summary, clim<1 ce ch;mge impacts occur 'on top or rhe fact chat Indigenous peoples continue co live off rhe lan<l and continue to endure legacies of colonialism. Climate ch<1ngc impacrs are like new problems that exacerbate o ld problems - t1ml the old problems {e.g. colonia lism) are themselves unrelated to climate change.

Accord ing to my analysis of these accounts from the U.S. Department of Interior to Preston's summation of the literature, 'bad luck climate injustice'

100 Kyle P~s Whyce

;igamsr Indigenous peoples occurs when rhcre is ;in .iccidenrnl convergence of three hiscorics. The llrsr history is that of anthropogenic climate ch.inge brought <tlx>ut ch.inks to the carbon-intensive economic .iccivirics of indusrrialis.ition and C<lpirnlism. The second is rhc hisrory of Indigenous loca l lifeways, th.it is, lndigelll)US culrurnl <1 nd politicfll systems tht1t ht1ve persisted over time in ways char turn out to be more scnsirive co c limate change imp<1cts because they arc ' resource-based livelihoods' (McLean, R<1mos-C.iscillo ;mJ Rubis 5). T he th ird is the hisrory of cntanglcmems with coloni.ilism rh<lr render Indigenous peoples co<lay living under socio-economic conditions ch::irncteriscd by poverty, isol.icion, discrimin.ition <lnd soci.il invisibility.

Climate ch<mge impacts arise from rhc hisrory of c;irbon-inccnsive economic activitie!> 'a~ something new' rhm Indigenous peoples h::iw to reckon with on cop of everything else they h::ive to de;i( with. The bad luck of che convergence of these three histories is 'someching new'. Since climate change <1nd colonialism tlrc dissociated in the ;.iccounrs of the bad luck view I am ex.imining here, it is s imply unfortunate chat Indigenous and Nher populations are threacened the most. Accordingly, the main focus for efforts to establish clim<ltc justice shou ld he on che rc~ronsibilicy oi industrial countries anJ transnational corporntions for their contributions co climate change without considering their continued particip.ition in settler and ocher forms of Ct)lonialism. Resolving had luck cli1mne injustice primarily muse involve reducing emissions and compensating victims for <Hlaprnritm - solucions chat rem<1in silem on colonialism.

No case of bad luck : the village of Shishmaref

T hink ing about cl imate injustice ag;1inst Ind igenous pt:oplcs is less abour envisioning a new future and more like the experience of Jcj~ vu. This is because c lim;ire injustice is pt1rt of t1 cyclic;1I histmy sicu<lted within the larger struggle of anthropogenic cnvironmenrnl change catt1lysed by colonialism, induscri;ilism and capicalism - not three unfortunately converging courses of history. Today's climate injustice orde<ll reminds us of historic climate injustices char hegan well before che lase 250 years of industrial development (Wildcat).

Consider one example in derail, chat of Marino's work with the K1giq1ramiut people, who live in Shishmmcf, Alask.i, a small lnupiat island communiry in the Bering Sea. The community's cu ltural and political systems ;1re loc.1tcd <ll

the cencral convergence of an imal migrat ion routes chat support Inu it subsistence hunting. Recause they live so for north, LO most people in the world, Shishmaref is largely unknown or considered somehow spatia lly scp;m1te from all nthcr societies. For chis reason, the clinrntc injustice being experienced by community members is afsQ hugely unacknowledged by the rest of the world. A Ct)mmunity member. Fred Eningt)wuk, cited by Marint), s;1ys, 'Shishm<1ref is in the middle of a circle of subsistence' 077). Impact~ such as increases in windincs:., swrminess ;md erosion and diminished sea ice threaten the low­lying ishinJ wirh ht1bitu;il flooding and eroding Oce;mside bluffs, riskmg a lifc-thrc;1te11ing disaster (Mt1rino).

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Is ic colonial deja vu? lO I

Globally, these ch;mges .ire tlssoci<Hed with .inchropogenic climate ch<inge. Bur loc<llly, Shishmaref is grnppling with the immcdiacc problem of not having the required mobility tO shifr and ad::ipc in response co chcse impacts. Prior to seeder colonisation, rhc community was quite mobile, wich multiple adaptive institutions HS part of their culrurnl and political systems. As Marino claims, 'Prev ious tlexibil icy to environmental shifts and unexpected htizards <l llowed the commun ity to <1dapt co <ibrurc changes' (374). Yee now a 'relatively immobile infrastructure and development requires people co scay in place in order to carry out their daily lives' {Ibid.). The community's immobilicy - a key re<lson for why they arc vulnerable - results from coloni.il scrnregics that sought to missionise, educate and render scdcnrnry Indigenous peoples in che Arctic, repl::icing the Indigenous institutions with settler ones. These policies were likely pursued out of diverse motivations, but they subsequently facilitated resource extractive industries, from llshing co the oil industry.

For example, at the turn of the nineteen th and twentieth centuries, one strntcgy of settler colonialism was to consolidate mobile fomily groups co sedentary vi llages with central nodes, such as a post offi ce, govcmmenc school and a mission . T he last 100 ye<l rs, then, is tmc in which the

previously mobile Kigiqic;imiuc have become in timately tied to th is infrnstructure for school, work, life, and livelih0<.xl. Development and 'sedenrarization' policies rapidly decreased che case of mobility ... Lives and work became rooted in specihc, new, critic<il infrasrructure. Thus, traditional strategies became lcs.~ practical.

(Marino 378)

In light of th is history, Marino argues th <1 t the village is particularly vulnerable to clim<ltC change owing to a number of key factors: ( I ) procedura l injust ice, or a lack of input into development decisions, which led co the building of infrastructure in alre.idy margin<ll <lnd increasingly exposed locations (such as flood prone areas); ( 2) cont<iinmenr, ore he ending of high mobility <is an adaptive strategy (via sedentarist1tion) 'without replacing ir with ocher readily identifiable adaptation strntegics;' and ( 3) seeder cenrrnlisacion, th<it is, decision-making and political power were shifrcd outside che local community to the state of Alaska, exposing the village co distant politic<ll and economic fluccu;itions. ' In Shish maref, the colonial h istory <lnd inequities in herent in colonizing decisions con tributes heavily to current vulnerabili ties to flood ing, in the w.iys we observe here, among others' (Marino 379).

I interpret Marino's wmk ;:is suggesting three diffcrenr strntcgies of settler colonialism to erase the way of life of Kigiqirnmiut as a way of creating a U.S. homeland based on c.irbon-inccnsive economic ::iccivicics. Et1ch scrncegy curtai ls the community's capacity to adapt to environmcncal change. Today, we see the cycle again. Relocation is very expensive, and the policies governing relocation are highly problemt1t ic. The Federal Emergency M;1n.igcmcnt Agency, who would share responsibi lity for the relocation, is governed by the 1988 Stafford

102 Kyle Powys \Xlhyce

Ace, which requires rehuilding 'in p lace' and 'wichout improvement' (378) as the w<1y co respond to dis<1scers. This fails ro adequately protect the community. Moreover, since rhere is no <1gency th<lt works with communities on 'preemptive dis<1scer phmning or risk reduction in these c<1ses where erosion increases exposure ro Oooding harnrds,' the solurion requires herding the cats chat <1re multiple fcdcrnl agencies and their budgets (Ibid.).

According to M<1rino, the U.S. interferes with Shishmard's cap<1city ro adapt co environmenrn l change, and hris done so multiple times throughour irs serder colonial history. The sertler coloni<1l scrnrcgies chric impede adaprnrion tod'1y <1re rhe ones rhat were originally designed to facilirate carbon-intensive economic activiries in the Arctic. Ag<1in, as w1rh the Pocawacomi, these recountings of cyclic;il history in relation ro climtlre change are not unique co Indigenous peoples - rhough there will certainly ;1lway~ be exceprions given rhe diversity of Indigenous experiences globa lly. This cyclica l history locates coloni;1lism ;1t the he;:1rc of rhe problem of borh vulnernhility <1nd climace change mitigation. There is no b;1d luck. Climate injustice ag;1insr Indigenous peoples, then, refers co the vulnerability c<1used by seeder and ocher forms of colo11i<1lism 'both' because colnnial institutions facilirnce carbon -intensive economic activities th<H produce ;idverse impacts while at the s;ime time interfering with Indigenous peoples' capacity lO ad<tpt to the adverse imp;1cts.

Conclusion: the experience of deja vu

The recounting of Indigenous hiswries, such as the village of Shishmaref. suggest different perspectives on the history of climate injustice th;111 the ba<l luck view, which compounds rl1Tce histories, one <lssoci;ircd with carho n­intensive economic activities driven by industri;il c::ipirn lism; <1nmhcr with Ct)lon ia lism and the socio-economic conditions Indigenous peoples face; and yet another with Indigenous cu ltural and political systems. For many Indigenous peoples, climate injustice docs not involve, simply, ;.in 'age of che human' dated ro industrial development. Indigenous peoples often sec themselves as parcic1p;iting in cultural and political systems thac, from hundreds even thous;inds of years of experience, are cxplicicly designed to adapt co environmenra l change; clim:uc injustice emerges as an issue more recently char is pare of" cyclic'11 history of disruptive anthropogenic environmental change c<1used by seeder a nd other coloni;il instirutions that paved rhe way for extractive industries and dcforesrntion. Coloniril institutiona l smnegies that hiscorica lly made it harder for Indigenous groups rti adapt to climate change from the 1500s co the mid-1800s continue en complicate abi lities co adapt ro .iccelcrnting climate ch;mge today. We will undersrand the nature of clinrnte injustice again::.r Indigenous peoples heuer - ;ind perhaps its solutilmS too - rhe more we sec it as more like rhe experience 1)f dcji't vu.

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Is it colonial deja vu? 103

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