towards a typology of cross-media news consumption

8/13/2019 Towards a Typology of Cross-Media News Consumption

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NL 8 pp. 115138 Intellect Limited 2010

Northern LightsVolume 8 2010 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/nl.8.115_1

KEYWORDSnews consumptioncross-media

worthwhilenesscultural citizenshiptypology

qualitative andquantitative

KIM CHRISTIAN SCHRDER AND CHRISTIAN KOBBERNAGEL

Towards a typology of cross-media news consumption:a qualitativequantitative

synthesis

ABSTRACTThe article presents the first version of a methodologically innovative typology of peoples use and experience of news, across different media platforms. Theoretically,the article is based on the modernized version of Jrgen Habermass theory of the public sphere, which is sometimes labelled theory of cultural citizenship, or civicagency. We observe the citizen-consumers selection from the available news media

through the theoretical lens of perceived worthwhileness, which consists of sevendimensions that aggregate to condition an individuals portfolio of news media ineveryday life. The empirical investigation uses an integrated qualitative-quantitativemethod, resulting in a typology of cross-media news consumption with seven usertypes, which is compared with the Pew 2008 study of news consumption in theUnited States.

In this article we present the first version of an innovative map of peoplesuse and experience of news, across different media platforms that offer theDanish public different kinds of information about what is going on in soci-

ety around them.


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1. The use of termssuch as need, use,satisfy and pay-off to describe theprojects premise ofworthwhileness asthe key determinantof news consumptionmay evoke in somereaders associationsof the uses-and-gratifications(U+G) paradigm ofcommunicationresearch (Blumler andKatz 1974). Especiallyresearch such as that ofKatz et al. (1973), whichranks the mass mediawith respect to theirperceived helpfulnessin satisfying clustersof needs arising

from social roles andindividual dispositions(p. 164) pursues similaraims to ours. There arealso affinities betweenthe dimensions ofworthwhileness andLulls (1980) U+G-inspired investigationof the uses of TV.However, our studydiffers from classicU+G analyses (suchas Katz et al. 1973) innot regarding peoplesuse of news mediaas governed by theindividuals rationaland functionalistpursuit of needsgratification (see thecritiques in Elliott(1974) and Schrder(1999)), but rather by aGiddensian practicalconsciousness(Giddens 1984) wheremore or less routinizedmedia consumptionpractices emanate fromsocial communities

of practice. Moreover,the dimensions ofworthwhileness(see below) are not(as in U+G research)a universal listof possible newsgratifications thatare applied to entiremedia (exploring, forinstance, as in Katzet al. 1973, what TV,newspapers, etc. arebest for), but rather aninventory of context-

specific considerationsthat affect an

The analysis is based on the premise that most adult individuals in Danishsociety have a permanent and general, but also strongly differentiated, needto keep informed about what is happening locally, nationally and internation-ally. This general need for information manifests itself in the form of a widerange of more specific needs for information, which individuals have as a con-sequence of who they are. The different news media can be seen as a rangeof opportunities to satisfy these differentiated needs they are informativeresources on which individuals may draw in order to realize the conscious andunconscious short- and long-term projects that are constitutive of our lives.

Through our life trajectories we have all built a portfolio of the news mediathat habitually or erratically serve our informative needs, and these media havebecome an integrated, often unplanned, part of our everyday lives wherethey fit in. Tuning in to the narratives of these news media about what isgoing on in the world has become an often deep-rooted part of our daily rou-tines (Berelson 1949). But the routines are not unchangeable. When our lifecircumstances change, when a new news medium appears with a new wayof producing a portrait of social reality, or when new technologies offer newplatforms of news delivery, then changes may occur in the way we assembleour cross-media news portfolio.

We may substitute one newspaper for another; we may cancel our news-paper subscription and pick up the news diet offered by net media; we maydiscover that the combination of text-TV and the round-the-clock TV2 Newssuits our needs for quick news updates; we may begin to drive the car to workand substitute the free newspaper of the commuter train for the radio news onDenmarks Radios Programme Four; our cable network may begin to includeBBC World in its channel package, and imperceptibly we start to watch thischannel in the hour around midnight; or we may discover while travelling with a colleague that he picks up the sports news on his cell phone, leading us

to acquire a cell phone with this application and so on.It is a premise of this analysis that peoples choice of news media, i.e. the

particular constellation of news media (Couldry et al. 2007) that, with a cer-tain stability, makes up their diet of news experiences, is constituted by whatnews media they perceive to be worthwhile because the particular constel-lation has established itself as one that cumulatively satisfies their consciousand unconscious need for information about what goes on in their world.People only use the news media that they experience as delivering some kindof pay-off. There must be some kind of metaphorical interest coming fromthe investment they make in their portfolio of news media. 1

THE TYPOLOGICAL IMPERATIVETowards the end of their impressive study Media consumption and publicengagement , Couldry et al. (2007) suggest, as one of their recommendations forfuture research, that one focus of future attention should be on peoples

habits of media consumption [ ] across particular media, (because)the particular constellation of media on which one individual draws may bequite different than anothers. It is at this level of habit routine con-sumption practice embedded in a range of other routines, some social,some individual that media come to make a difference, or not, as the

case may be. (Couldry et al. 2007: 19091, emphasis added)


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individuals consciousand unconsciouscalculation of theworthwhileness ofnews media andgenres.

This formulation succinctly expresses what had already been formulated as theaim of the present project, which is precisely to explore those constellationsof media on which one individual draws, and to explore at the level of thesocial formation of Danish society whether these constellations can be saidto be somehow patterned. This search for patterns means that even thoughin principle there must be about four million such constellations of media inthe adult population, we shall attempt to isolate a finite and small number oftypes, which together constitute a typology.

We are driven by this typological imperative, because we believe that fun-damentally social life is patterned it is human nature to feel and seek alle-giance to some others, and to differentiate themselves from other others.Humans, in all their dynamic heterogeneity, are driven towards the salientcultural commonalities that they share with those fellow humans whose mate-rial, social and symbolic conditions they also share. Essentially, therefore, wefollow the sociology of taste originating from Bourdieus work ([1979]/1984),according to which, based on the material anchorage of their habitus, people who perceive a kind of belonging to like-minded individuals will collectivelydistinguish themselves from others whom they perceive to be somehow dif-ferent, and this distinction will materialize in the emergence and maintenanceof distinctive tastes, values and lifestyles.

As researchers looking for news media taste patterns, we can observeand analyse them, try to understand their formative causes, and perhaps toaffect the ways in which they are met and catered to, by illuminating them forpolicy-makers and corporate actors, with their different orientations to demo-cratic prerequisites and market competition. The project thus serves two dif-ferent but related kinds of stakeholders: Its empirical work is designed, on theone hand, to produce new insights for public knowledge about the contempo-rary condition of the democratic landscape. At the same time, the project also

aims to produce knowledge that can be fed into the editorial processes of thenews media, so that publishers and journalists may better understand how toengage different kinds of citizen-consumers, both for their own publicist orcommercial sakes, and for the sake of the society for whom they constitute a vital forum of democratic prerequisites.

THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND CIVIC AGENCY: HABERMAS AND BEYONDIn its understanding of democratic citizenship, the project relies fundamen-tally on the conceptualization of deliberative democracy that originates in Jrgen Habermass theory of the public sphere (Habermas 1962). But we fol-

low recent theoretical work in cultural studies and political science, accord-ing to which citizenship should be redefined as not just designating rationalpolitical behaviour in the political public sphere (a position recently upheldby Habermas (2006), although he also acknowledges the value of alternativeforms of political practice), but also as a wider cultural practice that includessense-making, emotional and aesthetic communicative practices in therealm of the everyday, based on peoples cultural identities, commitmentsand competences.

Following these reorientations, there is no necessary opposition betweencivic agency as a traditionally conceived activity in relation to the public sphereand the culture of the everyday, because people in daily life may self-create

themselves into citizens (Dahlgren 2006: 272). And there is no oppositionbetween, on the one hand, the genuine, elevated political practices, spatially


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2. See also Barnhurstscriticism that theHabermassianideal of citizenshipis unproductive,because it sets up anunreachable ideal thatdevalues how peopleenact citizenship indaily life (Barnhurst2003: 134).

located in the public sphere of Habermass schematic model of bourgeoissociety, characterized by being public, rational, and based on mediatedinformation, and on the other hand, the formerly denigrated practices ofthe everyday designated as private and emotional, and often associated withmediated entertainment (Bennett and Entman 2001; Delli Carpini et al. 2001;Livingstone 2005; Jones 2006).2 The end result of these retheorizations is agrowing awareness of the need to relocate the focus of political communicationresearch towards the microdynamics of democracy (Dahlgren 2006: 282), aneed that is met by the present project in its theoretical agnosticism about what is democratically valuable, and its methodological reliance on peopleseveryday discourses about media uses and experiences. We thus agree with Wahl-Jrgensen that the heterogeneous practices of daily life can be seen asthe site of identities and passions from which people can sometimes if theoccasion arises, so to speak be launched into the public sphere (Wahl- Jrgensen 2006). The empirical work of Irene Costera Meijer on the newsconsumption of young people in the Netherlands can be seen as congenial tothis rejuvenated version of public sphere theory (Meijer 2007).

IS THIS NEWS MEDIUM WORTH MY WHILE? As mentioned at the beginning of this article, we see peoples individualselection from the cross-media universe of news as being constituted by theiranswer to this question. At any given moment of everyday life the answer tothis question is far from conscious and deliberate, since the constellation, orportfolio, of news media used by an individual will have taken the form ofa highly routinized practice. However, prior to becoming wholly or largelyhabitual, the regular use of a news medium must logically have undergone aprocess of relatively rational calculation from becoming aware, through trial

consumption, and intermittent use, before ending up on the list of routines. And even then, the situational use of a news medium can be raised at anytime to the level of deliberate decision.

The heuristic concept of perceived worthwhileness thus denotes the basison which any kind of news media use takes place. Today people can mean-ingfully be seen as actively composing their news diet from multiple avail-able news sources. Metaphorically speaking, news consumers can be seen asshoppers in a news supermarket, from whose shelves they can fill their shop-ping carts with news products coming in various colourful or drab packings, with varying nutritional values (however elusive the definition of this notionmay be), and at different prices. In principle, if not in daily practice, citizen-

consumers must be seen as effectively browsing the entire news universe, ormatrix of media:

[] each medium has a set of distinct properties, while the specific roleand use of any medium to some degree depends on the overall matrixof media available. You cannot analyse the role of any single mediumindependently of the overall matrix of media.

(Finnemann 2008: 7)

In such a news landscape, the perceived worthwhileness of any singlenews medium must be understood in relational terms and must be studied

through the lens of a relational methodology, which is what we shall dem-onstrate below.


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3. That perceivedworthwhilenessis theorization inprogress is evidentin the fact thatpreviously publishedwork based on theconcept discusses fivedimensions, not seven(Schrder and Larsen2010).

For the time being (since the concept is still being developed), 3 we shallsee the concept of perceived worthwhileness of news media as constitutedby seven dimensions related to an individuals subjectively experienced situ-ational and material circumstances and functional needs. The extent to whichthese dimensions exert a differential influence on different peoples constel-lations of cross-media news consumption is the object of the next stage ofempirical analysis not yet ready for presentation. In this article, therefore, wecan only assume that the seven dimensions are operative in producing thetypology of news consumption presented below. For now, we shall brieflypresent the seven interrelated dimensions that cumulatively constitute theframework within which the worthwhileness of the available news mediamaterializes.

Temporality: Worthwhileness crucially (and banally) depends on an individualsavailable time for news consumption during the day. Other urgent or importantactivities may require the individuals attention and thus exclude news mediaconsumption. Conversely, the occurrence of free time may induce news media

consumption, while the amount of time available may affect the specific choicebetween the convenient capsules of overview media versus the lengthierreading units of background media (Berelson 1949: 125). Some kinds of newsmedia use may be perceived as so important as to defer other obligations.

Spatiality: The location in which people find themselves such as a commutertrain or a car driving to work may render certain news media uses possibleor likely. A location may thus, together with other dimensions such as timeand technologies, offer situational affordances for news media use, such as anoffice workers lunch break leading to the use of net news media, a familysmorning-hour multi-tasking needs leading to their kitchen consumption ofTV2s Good Morning, Denmark, or the prostrate position at bedtime leading

to newspaper or magazine reading. Materiality: While temporality and spatiality may also be regarded as materialdimensions, we reserve the term for the technological dimension of worthwhileness. For instance, technological ease may induce people to use a newsmedium, as is the case with the technological affordances offered by the TVremote control to switch between audio-visual TV news and text-TV. Whenbored by a televisual news story one may access the news overview of text-TV, which permits the continued auditory monitoring of and instantaneous returnto the TV news programme. Magazine readers may resent the buzzing of thelaptop computer and prefer the quiet print version of the magazine to the dig-ital version, and have their aesthetic experience augmented by the feel of theglossy pages. The commuter may prefer the tabloid newspaper to the broad-sheet, due to the crammed subway train.

Textuality: This is the verbal and visual content dimension of perceived worthwhileness, which has to do with peoples experience of the relevanceof the news medias news and views, comments and columns, cartoons andcomics, etc. Following Berelson (1949), who in 1945 studied the worthwhile-ness of the printed newspaper during a newspaper strike, what people missedduring the two-week forced absence of their newspaper was both seriousnews and entertaining news, both overview and background information,both news about public affairs and news as a tool for daily living, both the

newspaper as a guide to the prevailing morality and the parasocial function ofmeeting the people in the news.


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The crucial constituent of experienced content relevance is the news mediasenabling of public connection. A heuristic concept invented by Couldry et al.(2007), public connection is defined as a shared

orientation to a public world where matters of shared concern are,or at least should be, addressed: [] public connection is principallysustained by a convergence in the media people consume. [] publicconnection represents our attempt to capture one key empirical pre-condition of democratic engagement in a way that does not privilege inadvance any particular definition of politics.

(Couldry et al. 2007: 35)

Here, in accordance with what we said above about the need to modernizethe Habermassian notion of civic agency, we shall use public connection inan even broader sense. We see the overriding criterion of any news mediums worthwhileness for potential users to be its ability to satisfy their need formediatized public connection, i.e. peoples need to equip themselves both forthe role of citizen-member of the democratic order, through mediated infor-mation about public affairs, and for the role of belonging as a communitymember in the broadest possible sense.

This implies being able to connect to and participate in social and culturalnetworks of all kinds in everyday life; being able to navigate adequately as aspouse, parent, neighbour, colleague, consumer and simply human being inthis day and age; and being able to communicate sensibly with significantothers in ones close networks, as well as with more distant others in relevantcommercial and institutional contexts. Public connection, in our use of theterm, thus includes both what we might call civic public connection andeveryday public connection.

Economics: It goes without saying that the use of a news medium also dependson whether it is affordable or not. Price determines which cable TV package you subscribe to, and may be one factor that determines whether you pickup the free newspaper or buy one from the news-stand. The use of mobilenews services may depend on the affordability of the advanced cell phone thatcomes with this facility.

Normativity: It takes an effort, and some personal strength, to engage inactivities that are not comme il faut in the communities and networksone belongs to. Colleagues may frown upon your reference to a radicalnewspaper, or applaud your subscription to a cable sports channel, which you

took up because you felt excluded from lunch chats about sports. Normativitythus comprises encouraging as well as discouraging inputs from onessurroundings.

Participation: Long before the advent of interactive digital media it was possi-ble to participate in the news media universe, in the form of letters to the edi-tor. Nowadays, thanks to the rich participatory affordances offered by onlinenews media, participation in digital news production, relatively unmonitoredby editors, is open to everyone, and may be one of the factors causing peopleto prefer net-based news media, in which they can be active in lean-back as well as lean-forward modes of participation (Picone 2007).

Before moving on to the empirical analyses of peoples navigation in theDanish news landscape, it should perhaps be emphasized that the news media


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4. The results reportedin Tables 1 and 2 aresignificant at the 95 percent level; the order oftwo media separatedby less than 34 percent in the tables couldbe the reverse.

that people find worthwhile are not necessarily perceived as important. Worthwhileness is compatible with low-engagement use of news media, andin some cases even with using a news medium because one has nothing betterto do behaviour we may call worthwhileness by default.

COMPLEMENTARITIES OF FIELDWORKOur project relies on two types of fieldwork. The first (reported elsewhere(Schrder and Larsen 2010), but summarized below) consists of a large-scaleonline survey mapping the relative worthwhileness of sixteen Danish newsmedia and genres. The second, on which the present article concentrates,explores an innovative methodological design that synthesizes qualitative andquantitative methods in one hybrid research design, for the generation of atypology of news consumption.

In the survey, which is the first Danish study of cross-media news con-sumption, we asked a thousand respondents about the perceived worthwhile-ness of sixteen key news media and genres. The concept of worthwhileness

was translated into use during the past week, from which we inferred thatthe news media people reported having used must logically be news mediathat they found worthwhile. The findings are shown in Table 1. 4

Not surprisingly, prime time TV news programmes are considered worthwhile by the greatest number of people in Denmark (2008), since88 per cent of the respondents have used this news medium during the past week. However, in light of the fact that Danish Internet news sites have attracted78 per cent of the respondents, one may ask for how long prime time TV

Per centage

1. Prime time Danish TV news 882. News on Danish Internet news sites 783. Radio news programmes 704. Text-TV news 605. Local free weekly newspapers 586. Current affairs programmes on Danish TV 537. National broadsheet newspapers 498. Free dailies 429. Local/regional dailies 36

10. Professional journals (e.g. trade unions) 3111. Weekly and monthly magazines 3012. Tabloids 2713. News on international Internet news sites 2114. News and current affairs on international TV 1915. Radio current affairs 1416. Mobile phone news 717. None of these 0

Table 1: Worthwhileness of news sources: Danish news users reporting of news

media and genres used during the past week (for all categories, news mediaexamples were provided for respondents). October 2008.


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news will stay in the lead although our figures do not reveal how much timepeople spent on the different media, or how frequently they used them.

Among the other notable findings, one is struck by the prominent roleplayed by the often overlooked medium of text-TV, no doubt due in partto its relation to the situational and technological dimensions of worthwhileness mentioned above, and by the low position of the time-honourednews vehicle of national morning newspapers. It should be remembered,however, that some of the most frequently visited Internet news sites arethose owned by the major newspaper publishers, meaning that their edito-rial product is still in high demand. Moreover, when we ask people whichnews media they find most worthwhile (in the questionnaire translated intomost indispensable), national newspapers are in third place (14 per centof the respondents), though trailing both prime time TV news (37 per cent)and Internet news (19 per cent). We look forward to repeating the survey in years to come, so as to be able to trace fluctuations in this map of worthwhileness, for instance the probable increase in the worthwhileness ofmobile phone news.

The survey also explored peoples use of two complementary function-alities of the news: overview versus background information, across the newslandscape. When we asked people to mention three media used for eachfunction, we found the pattern reported in Table 2.

The top ranking of prime time TV news in both functionalities under-scores the importance of TV news as the all-round news medium in Denmark.Internet news could be a challenger in both functionalities, with second placefor overview and fourth place for background. Text-TV is a close runner-upto radio for overview. National dailies, being close to negligible for overview,reassert themselves with a clear second place for background, ahead of bothInternet news and TV current affairs.

In a generalizing interpretation of these findings we may say that whileprime time TV news and to some extent Internet news bridge the two func-tionalities, for all other news media we see a clear functional differentiation,

Overview Depth

Ranking Per centage Ranking Per centage

Prime time Danish TV news 1 55 1 45News on Danish internet news sites 2 50 4 24Radio news programmes 3 41 6 13Text-TV news 4 36 National broadsheet newspapers 5 15 2 36Free dailies 6 13 Current affairs Danish TV 3 35Professional journals 5 13Local/regional dailies 7 10 7 11Radio current affairs 8 10Local free weekly newspapers 8 9 9 7

Table 2: News functionalities: most important overview and in-depth news media (October 2008).


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with Radio news, text-TV and free dailies being mono-functional overviewmedia, and national dailies, TV current affairs and professional magazinesbeing mono-functional background media.

TOWARDS A TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS CONSUMPTIONIn the survey study we have ascertained statistically, from a macro perspec-tive, the relative importance for citizen-consumers of the different news mediain societys overall news landscape. In the second type of fieldwork we haveadopted a qualitative approach intended to discover, at ground level, the cross-media news packages, or constellations, appropriated by citizen-consumersfrom the news market supply. Here we have asked three dozen informantsindividually to report about their news media use in everyday life in personalnarratives, and their personal worthwhileness-generated preferences for cer-tain news media rather than others. Metaphorically, we have asked them totell us what they take from the shelves of the news supermarket and put intotheir shopping carts, and why.

The methodological challenge consists in devising a method that enablesus to discern the similarities and differences between the contents of the 35shopping carts, and to possibly discover reliable and valid patterns, or types,of news media use. For us the methodological response to this challenge hasconsisted in developing a qualitative fieldwork design that allows us to gener-alize with confidence about the overwhelmingly complex qualitative data setproduced. We have thus been looking for a methodological path that wouldmake it possible to incorporate and preserve qualitative data through a proc-ess of quantification, enabling the researcher to discern the [] patterningof media use behaviour (Schrder 1987). We have therefore incorporated intoour fieldwork a translation device that converts qualitative data into quantifi-

able units.The Achilles heel of qualitative research is the opacity of its interpretive pro-

cedures of analytical generalization. This is a problem that is often aggravatedby the ambition of the qualitative researcher, haunted by an inferiority complextowards the quantitative researchers hundreds of respondents, to maximize thenumber of informants and the types of qualitative data collection.

Due to what provocatively we shall call the limited computationalcapacity of the human brain, this is a problem that can only partially be offsetby eminent qualitative craftsmanship. Faced with, say, more than a couple ofdozen informants, the qualitative researcher may not be able to reliably and validly generalize analytically from the large amounts of data.

Conversely, the Achilles heel of quantitative, questionnaire-basedapproaches will always be the atomized manner in which respondents answerthe list of unrelated questions, thereby violating the coherences, interconnec-tions, ambivalences and contradictions that are an inherent part of everydaylife. This reductionism at the data collection stage can only partly be remediedby the sophisticated techniques whereby afterwards statistical wizards maysucceed in relating some of the atomized responses to each other throughcross-tabulations and multiple regression analysis.

However, we believe that it is possible with some research objects theperceived worthwhileness of news media being one of them to build amethodological design that avoids both the opacity of qualitative generaliza-

tion and the atomization of questionnaire-based research, and that thereforeachieves greater explanatory power (Schrder 2004).


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5. The PQ methodsoftware for statisticalanalysis in Q (Schmolck2010) was used foranalyses with bothcentroid and Principalcomponent analysis(PCA).

to carefully consider the ranking of a news media from 4 (plays the leastrole) to +4 (plays the greatest role). This special feature of the Q techniqueprovides access to the subjective mind through the quantitative technique(McKeown and Thomas 1988: 12), and hence it operationalizes the valueof one medium being perceived in relation to others, due to the principle ofself-referentiality in the subjective mind of the individual (Brown 1980: 43).By choosing Q methodology, the epistemological foundation of the studydeviates from the conventional theoretical notion associated with psycho-metrical scaling procedures, where it is assumed that a latent variable causesthe respondents valuation of the items (DeVellis 2003: 53). The analyticalfocus thus shifts from what can be objectively measured across tests to whatcharacterizes the common subjectively held valuations across groups of news

media users.In the second phase, the data were handled by Q factor analysis, which

calculates the correlations between Q-sorts and extracts a number of fac-tors explaining the variance in each Q-sort. Thus, a map of the participantsgrouped by the factors is produced, and the analysis of these common pat-terns shows what configurations of media use exist. The analysis produceda range of factor models, displaying different groupings and structures, that we could choose from. 5 The evaluation and choice of model relied on statisti-cal criteria as well as the meaningfulness of the structure of each factor. Theprocess resulted in the choice of a model with seven factors, which explained79 per cent of the variance and had 25 participants loading significantly on

the factors. The model of seven factors was arrived at by PCA and varimaxrotation. This model overruled the models with four, five and six factors,because of its high degree of explained variance and the better explanationof the content of each factor array. The seven-factor model also turned outto be better at explaining variance than the models produced by the moretraditional factor extraction technique; the centroid (Brown 1980: 208). Thesemodels did not cover more than 60 per cent of the variance. Moreover, themodels with fewer factors derived from both PCA and centroid failed to ade-quately illuminate the complexity of the media users rationales. For instance,the models with 5 and 6 factors all included factors with just one positivelyloading participant and one negatively loading participant. This meant that

the interpretation of these factors as constituted by a shared configuration was complicated.

4

25 16 21

20 13 15 1 22

19 17 9 14 12 6 2423 10 8 2 3 11 5 7 18

Table 3: Q grid of one informant.

Does not play Plays a role ina role in my life my lifeThe numbers refer to the 25 elicitation cards which informants sorted on the grid(see Appendix 1).


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6. In the process ofdetermining thesuitability of the factormodels for explainingdata, we adheredto the followingcriteria: (1) at leasttwo participants mustcorrelate significantlypositive with eachfactor in the model;(2) a participantscorrelation with afactor is significant ifits square exceeds halfof that participantscommunality(communality isthe sum of squaredcorrelations with thefactor; in other wordsthe total varianceexplained in that

participants Q-sort byall the factors. Factorarray is the calculatedQ-sort that representsthe factor (Brown 1980:215, 234) the factorarrays for each factorshould enable a clearand straightforwardinterpretation (Brown1980: 222). The twofirst criteria in essencesupport the idea thatthe factor modeland its constituents,i.e. the correlatingparticipants, shouldaccount for the mostvariance in each Q-sortand in the entire data.The last criterion islinked to the aim ofarriving at a result thatprovides a meaningfulconstructionof patterns ofworthwhileness, andtherefore in additionto these criteria weanalysed the factorarrays of each model

to see whether it waspossible to interpreteach group as havinga certain patterndifferentiating it fromthe others.

One of the anonymousreviewers hassuggested that wemake the scree plotof the factor analysisand the accompanyinginterpretiveexplanation availableto the academiccommunity. Readerswho are interested in

Since we are essentially using factor analysis as a generalization device, wedecided that it was analytically meaningful to include six additional partici-pants, whose amounts of variance shared with the factors in their respectiveQ-sorts are very close to the level of significance, and some of whom havehigh negative correlations with one other factor. The latter inspires us to lookcloser, because their Q-sort seems to be represented in a strong mirror imageby that other factor.

This is in line with the strategy of choosing the factor model and interpre-tation in Q, in which not only eigenvalues and significance of loadings directthe analytical process, but the researcher follows existing knowledge andintuitions about the field being investigated (Brown 1980: 229). The remain-ing four participants cannot be placed meaningfully within any of the sevengroups, because they are correlating relatively highly with more than threefactors. The analysis is thus very much conducted by following both objectiveand subjective strategies of analysis in seeking the greatest explanatory power(Brown 1980: 236).6

Each of the seven factors comprises a grouping, or type, of participants whose card sorts were relatively similar, compared with the sorts of other par-ticipants. The factor scores of each type are arranged as a Top-25 list of newsmedia, which therefore expresses the news media worthwhileness profile ofthe participants who belong to each grouping. In the third stage of analysis,these seven profiles are subjected to perceptive interpretive work in order toarrive at a verbal characterization of each type. Naturally, a purely qualitativeanalysis of the interviews could also have been generalized into a typologyof media users. However, the advantage of generalizing the types throughcomputerized factor analysis of the grids of informant self-analysis is that thecomputer is able to handle the enormous amount of data similarities and dif-ferences much more reliably than the brain of the human scholar. The validity

cost lies in the data reduction required of the participant in order to distil thecomplex discursive negotiation of each news medium down to one square onthe grid.

The factor analysis shows which participants in each factor grouping areparticularly typical. The researcher can therefore, in a fourth stage, draw onthe interview transcripts of such typical specimens, if not all members, of agrouping, in order to put some discursive meat on the analytical skeleton sup-plied by the factor analysis, thereby regaining some of the thick descriptionthat was lost during the statistical operations. This analytical stage has not yetbeen completed.

TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS WORTHWHILENESSOur integrated qualitative/quantitative study of the cross-media news con-sumption of 35 Danish consumer-citizens, who are a typical selection acrossrelevant demographic groups, produces seven user types with clearly dif-ferent profiles of news media worthwhileness (see Appendix 2). Here wepresent a descriptive account, and a tentative labelling, of the seven types,in which we account for the news media that they perceive as worthwhile,and the news media to which they attribute less importance to their lives. At the end we shall reflect briefly on the implications of the typology ofseven for the quality of public connection in Danish society, although real

in-depth insights about this aspect must await the analysis of qualitativeinterview transcripts.


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seeing these materialsare welcome to contactus at [email protected].

1. The traditional, versatile news consumer The members of this type, which comprises nine participants, rely on anumber of fairly heavy news media, including national newspapers and seri-ous current affairs TV programmes. Among the Top-5 we also find prime timeTV news, radio morning news and net-based news services, which confirms

that these people seek both overview and background news oriented towardsdemocratic citizen roles. They are fond of radio, with three types of radio newsin the Top-7. Radio current affairs programmes, specialized newspapers andcultural news on the net also figure prominently in their news diet, whichmore cursorily includes lighter news media such as more entertaining currentaffairs programmes on TV and lifestyle magazines, as well as the consultationof international news sources. Of low importance are mobile phone news,blogs with news and tabloid newspapers. In our sample these people tend tobe college-educated and older than 3540 years of age.

2. The popular culture-oriented digital news consumer

The primary news sources for these participants (four individuals) are net-based media, with social net media in first place closely followed by the netsites of news institutions. Their chief kind of public connection thus appearsto be that generated by their own digital networks. This does not mean thatthey are not also attuned to mainstream traditional news media, such asprime time TV news and radio morning news. They get overview from freenewspapers and text-TV. When they seek background, it takes the form ofmore entertaining, chat-based TV current affairs programmes and weeklymagazines. Net-based cultural news is also high on their agenda. Their morecursory news media include news blogs, national newspapers and lifestylemagazines. Of low importance are serious current affairs TV programmes,

international TV news and current affairs, and international net news. In oursample these people tend to be in their twenties, and do not (yet?) have five- year college degrees.

3. The background-oriented digital news consumer The Top-5 profile of this group (three individuals) is almost identical to thatof Group 2, which means that their worthwhileness profiles do not differ verymuch. However, entertaining TV current affairs programmes are ranked con-siderable lower, and weekly magazines are below place 15. Conversely, seri-ous current affairs programmes and international TV news are fairly high onthe list. They do not get news updates from text-TV, but perhaps from netnews, and to a limited degree from mobile news. Of low importance are localdaily newspapers, morning radio news and tabloid newspapers. In our samplethese people tend to be in their twenties and live in Copenhagen.

4. The light newspaper reader While these participants (five individuals) like everyone else look to primetime TV news and net news for substantial parts of their news diet, theyare clearly distinguished by their allegiance to tabloid newspapers and freenewspapers. They seek a mixture of entertaining and serious current affairsprogrammes, and are not averse to international news sources. The overview

function is served by net news and text-TV. Social net media are used mod-erately, as are morning and daytime radio, and weekly magazines. Of low


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importance are professional magazines, international non-media news sitesand national niche newspapers. In our sample these people tend to be male,do not have college degrees and live in the greater Copenhagen area.

5. The heavy newspaper reader

The news diet of these participants (three individuals) relies heavily on news-papers, with the serious specimens (national newspapers, specialized newspa-pers) in the Top-5, and local weeklies and free newspapers in the Top-10. Butthese print media are strongly supplemented with prime time TV news andnet-based news, and cultural interests and background needs are also cateredto. Overview comes from net news, text-TV and 24-hour TV news. In relationto Group 4, these participants are also distinguished by not having entertain-ing current affairs TV and weekly magazines in the Top-15. Of low importanceare news blogs, morning radio news and mobile phone news. In our samplethese people tend to be college educated and over 60 years of age.

6. The news update addictThe labelling of this group (four individuals) springs from their having 24-hourTV news in first place, while other groups have this news medium in place1014 or lower. The craving for news updates is supported by text-TV, also inthe Top-5, and the highest place of mobile phone news of any group. But themainstream source of prime time TV news is also salient, while morning anddaytime radio news are cursorily salient. Current affairs programmes on TVare secondary, with the more entertaining ones ranked higher. Of low impor-tance are news blogs, radio current affairs and international non-media newssites. In our sample these people tend to be male, are under 40 years of ageand have no college degree or bachelor degrees.

7. The regional omnivorous news consumer The distinguishing feature of this group (three individuals) is the prominent worthwhileness of regional dailies. Another feature is this groups high andclose ranking of news media that are either ranked lower or with greater rankdifferences by other groups: serious and entertaining TV current affairs pro-grammes, weekly magazines, and professional magazines (e.g. trade unionmembers magazines). But the similarity with other groups in terms of thehigh worthwhileness of prime time TV news and net-based news is evident.Compared with Group 1, the regional daily has taken over the role of the

national daily, and Group 7 are more open to social net media and 24-hourTV news. Of low importance are international non-media news sites, newsblogs and international news media websites. In our sample these peopletend to live in a provincial town and to have less education than a masterdegree from university.

CROSS-MEDIA USE IN A CHANGING NEWS ENVIRONMENT:COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVESThe best way to put these preliminary findings of the Danish news consump-tion landscape into perspective is perhaps to compare them to a recent study

of cross-media use in the United States, the Pew Research Centers NewsConsumption and Believability Study 2008 (Pew 2008).


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The Pew study is a large-scale, demographically sensitive study of newsconsumption and news perceptions among the American public for 2008.The latest study in a biennial series, it traces the development of the usageof different news sources since the 1990s, making the fluctuations betweentraditional media and Internet news media visible over time, and finding thattrends from previous biennial studies are continuing. The consumption of tra-ditional news media is declining, while the use of online news is growing, butnot quite proportionally so as to make up for the losses. Therefore, overallnews consumption is declining.

The most interesting part of the study in our connection is its typology offour news audience segments, defined in terms of (1) peoples interest in andtime spent on news, (2) their primary news source and (3) how often they usethe Internet to get news (see Table 4).

There are certain resemblances between the Pew news consumption land-scape and that found in our study, but also some significant differences. ThePew study segments the respondents on the basis of a few key usage criteria, which basically amounts to a 4-by-2 matrix based on time spent on differentnews media (TV, radio, newspapers and net news):

Traditional news media Net news media Traditionalists + Integrators + + Net-Newsers + Disengaged

Our study establishes its typology on the basis of the participants detailedrelational evaluations of the perceived worthwhileness of 25 different newsmedia and genres. Consequently, the Pew typology is simple and close to com-monsensical (but illuminating nonetheless, thanks to its representativeness anddemographic detail), while our typology is more inductive, complex and subtle.

TV news Newspaper Radio Online Total

Traditionalists 35 14 14 1 64Integrators 37 16 21 14 88Net-Newsers 23 12 15 28 78

Disengaged 13 5 7 4 29

Table 4: The Pew study typology of news consumption in the US 2008(minutes per day).

Traditionalists, 46 per cent of the population, use traditional media sources (TV, news-papers, radio) almost exclusively (p. 45), and rarely go online for news (less thanthree days a week) (p. 47).

Integrators, 23 per cent of the population, name a traditional source as their mainsource, but are also frequent consumers of online news (3+ days a week) (p. 47).

Net-Newsers, with a 13 per cent share of the population, point to the internet as theirmain news source and consume online news frequently (3+ days/week) (p. 47).

Disengaged, 14 per cent, do not closely follow any of the following: local, national,international, or business and finance news (p. 47).


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Heuristically, one could pose the following resemblances between the two:

Pew typology Danish typology Traditionalists Group 5 and Group 7 Integrators Group 1, Group 4 and Group 6 Net-Newsers Group 2 and Group 3

On closer inspection, however, there is a lack of fit between the types,due mainly to the fact that even for the Danish traditionalists Group 5 andGroup 7, Internet news is among the top-five news media. This is also the casefor the Danish integrators Group 1 and Group 4, while for Group 6 social netmedia also squeeze themselves into the top-five news media. Conversely, theDanish net-newser groups both rank TV news in third place, while for their American not-exact-counterparts fewer than half (47 per cent) watch televi-sion on a typical day (p. 2). Some differences between the American and theDanish study (for instance the absence of the Disengaged category from theDanish study) may be due to the fact that the former is based on time use, while the latter is based on the participants perceived worthwhileness, irre-spective of time spent.

The conclusion of the Pew study that for audience segments in a chang-ing news environment in the United States it can be said that key newsaudiences now blend online and traditional sources requires a differentformulation in the case of the Danish study. It is not just the case that cer-tain key segments are blending online and traditional sources: the blendingphenomenon is so widespread in Danish society, due in large part to the con-tinued salience of public service TV, that blending is characteristic of all newsusers, although the rank-order of traditional (especially TV) news sources andonline news sources among the top-five news media is different between theDanish newser traditionalists and newser innovators.

So far we can conclude that for those who believe that it is necessary todefine an enlightened citizen as someone who reads a serious daily newspa-per, there are many contemporary Danes who do not qualify. Only in three ofthe seven groups do we find serious newspapers (national or regional) in theTop-5; in three they are placed lower than Top-10.

If, however, one disagrees with Neil Postmans claim that serious televi-sion is a contradiction in terms (Postman 1985) at least in a country with astill strong public service tradition, then one does not have to worry too muchabout the state of democracy, since prime time TV news is in the Top-3 ofall seven groups (and number 1 in three). The news consumption study ofCurran et al. (2009) confirms that extensive use of public service television

produces a citizenry with a high level of democratically relevant knowledge.If, moreover, one believes that net-based news media are capable of deliv-ering balanced quality information for both overview and background func-tionalities, one may take courage from the fact that the net news media runby the major publishing and broadcasting houses in Denmark are placed inthe Top-5 of all seven newser groups, who are thus to some extent all Net-Newsers, although to varying degrees. In addition, even though obviouslythe social net media are used for very heterogeneous purposes, many of which can only remotely be defined as political or civic, the fact that the par-ticipatory affordances of social net media and/or news blogs are now deemed worthwhile to varying but fairly high degrees by the members of Groups 2, 3,

4, 6 and 7 could be regarded democratically with cautious optimism (see also Jenkins 2006; Torpe 2006).


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It is now up to the next stage of the Danish analysis to provide qualitativethick description of the participants worthwhileness reflections underlyingthe Danish typology.

APPENDIX 1: THE NEWS MEDIA UNIVERSE OF THE Q STUDY.Prime time Danish TV news1.24-hour TV news2.Serious current affairs programmes on Danish TV 3.Entertaining current affairs programmes on Danish TV 4.

News and current affairs on international TV channels5.Radio news (mornings before 9 am)6.Radio news (after 9 am)7.Radio current affairs8.National mainstream newspapers9.National specialized newspapers10.

Free daily newspapers11. Tabloid newspapers12.Local/regional dailies13.Local free weeklies14.Professional magazines15.Family and womens magazines16.Magazines about lifestyle, health, culture17.News on Danish newspapers and TV channels websites18.News on other Danish websites19.Blogs with news on the Internet20.Social net media (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, etc.)21.News on international news media websites22.International news sites not produced by media23.Text-TV news24.News on mobile phones and other handheld media25.

APPENDIX 2: TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS USERSThe numbers refer to the 25 elicitation cards, which informants sorted on thegrid (see Appendix 1). JuneSeptember 2010

Factor 1 nine participants

1. Prime time Danish TV news9. National mainstream newspapers6. Radio news (before 9 am)3. Serious current affairs TV 18. News on Danish Internet news sites8. Radio current affairs7. Radio news (after 9 am)19. Internet: culture sites10. National niche newspapers15. Professional magazines4. Entertaining current affairs TV 17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture11. Free daily newspapers


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22. International news media websites5. International TV news/current affairs21. Social net media14. Local free weeklies23. International non-media news sites24. Text-TV news2. 24-hour TV news13. Local/regional dailies16. Family and womens magazines25. Mobile phone news20. News blogs on the internet12. Tabloid newspapers

Factor 2 four participants

21. Social net media18. News on Danish Internet news sites

1. Prime time Danish TV news4. Entertaining current affairs TV 11. Free daily newspapers19. Internet: culture sites24. Text-TV news6. Radio news (before 9 am)16. Family and womens magazines15. Professional magazines20. News blogs on the Internet10. National niche newspapers9. National mainstream newspapers17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture23. International non-media news sites2. 24-hour TV news7. Radio news (after 9 am)12. Tabloid newspapers25. Mobile phone news14. Local free weeklies8. Radio current affairs13. Local/regional dailies3. Serious current affairs TV 5. International TV news/current affairs22. International news media websites

Factor 3 three participants

18. News on Danish Internet news sites21. Social net media1. Prime time Danish TV news19. Internet: culture sites11. Free daily newspapers17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture5. International TV news/current affairs3. Serious current affairs TV

7. Radio news (after 9 am)


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9. National mainstream newspapers4. Entertaining current affairs TV 20. News blogs on the Internet25. Mobile phone news2. 24-hour TV news22. International news media websites15. Professional magazines8. Radio current affairs24. Text-TV news10. National niche newspapers23. International non-media news sites14. Local free weeklies16. Family and womens magazines13. Local/regional dailies6. Radio news (before 9 am)12. Tabloid newspapers


1. Prime time Danish TV news12. Tabloid newspapers11. Free daily newspapers18. News on Danish Internet news sites4. Entertaining current affairs TV 24. Text-TV news3. Serious current affairs TV 5. International TV news/current affairs21. Social net media

7. Radio news (after 9 am)16. Family and womens magazines2. 24-hour TV news22. International news media websites14. Local free weeklies20. News blogs on the Internet6. Radio news (before 9 am)19. Internet: culture sites17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture8. Radio current affairs9. National mainstream newspapers25. Mobile phone news13. Local/regional dailies15. Professional magazines23. International non-media news sites10. National niche newspapers


9. National mainstream newspapers1. Prime time Danish TV news24. Text-TV news18. News on Danish Internet news sites

10. National niche newspapers


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19. Internet: culture sites14. Local free weeklies3. Serious current affairs TV 11. Free daily newspapers2. 24-hour TV news17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture13. Local/regional dailies21. Social net media5. International TV news/current affairs7. Radio news (after 9 am)4. Entertaining current affairs TV 15. Professional magazines16. Family and womens magazines8. Radio current affairs22. International news media websites12. Tabloid newspapers23. International non-media news sites20. News blogs on the Internet6. Radio news (before 9 am)25. Mobile phone news


2. 24-hour TV news1. Prime time Danish TV news24. Text-TV news18. News on Danish Internet news sites21. Social net media19. Internet: culture sites6. Radio news (before 9 am)4. Entertaining current affairs TV 17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture7. Radio news (after 9 am)11. Free daily newspapers25. Mobile phone news3. Serious current affairs TV 22. International news media websites14. Local free weeklies15. Professional magazines5. International TV news/current affairs10. National niche newspapers16. Family and womens magazines13. Local/regional dailies12. Tabloid newspapers9. National mainstream newspapers20. News blogs on the Internet8. Radio current affairs23. International non-media news sites


1. Prime time Danish TV news


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13. Local/regional dailies3. Serious current affairs TV 16. Family and womens magazines18. News on Danish Internet news sites15. Professional magazines4. Entertaining current affairs TV 7. Radio news (after 9 am)17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture14. Local free weeklies21. Social net media2. 24-hour TV news19. Internet: culture sites11. Free daily newspapers9. National mainstream newspapers24. Text-TV news6. Radio news (before 9 am)12. Tabloid newspapers10. National niche newspapers8. Radio current affairs25. Mobile phone news5. TV news/current affairs, international23. International non-media news sites20. News blogs on the Internet22. International news media websites

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis research project is one of seven that together make up the research initia-tive The Transformation of Newspapers and Journalism, which is funded inpart by the Danish Research Council for Culture and Communication (http://aviser.mef.ku.dk/front/). The fieldwork has been implemented with the assist-ance of Bent Steeg Larsen and Poul Melbye, researchers in the media analysisdepartment of the Danish publishing house Politiken. The interviews werecarried out by Sophie Bo Schmidt, Mette Frkir Schou og Nynne BomholtGravesen.

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SUGGESTED CITATION

Schrder, K. C. and Kobbernagel, C. (2010), Towards a typology ofcross-media news consumption: a qualitativequantitative synthesis,

Northern Lights8, pp. 115137, doi: 10.1386/nl.8.115_1

CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS

Professor Kim Christian Schrder, CBIT, Dept. of Communication, Roskilde

University, Denmark.Contact: POB 260, 4000 Roskilde, Denmark.E-mail: [email protected]

Doctoral student Christian Kobbernagel, CBIT, Dept. of Communication,Roskilde University, Denmark.

Contact: POB 260, 4000 Roskilde, Denmark.E-mail: [email protected]


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