traditional agroforestry systems in java, indonesia: their importance for sustainability of rural...

8/10/2019 Traditional Agroforestry Systems in Java, Indonesia: their importance for sustainability of rural livelihoods and food

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Traditional Agroforestry Systems in Java, Indonesia: their importance for

sustainability of rural livelihoods and food security

Introduction

Java is the most populous island in Indonesia. As the fifth largest island of more than

18,000 islands in Indonesia (and fifteenth in the world), Java covers a mere 6.95 %area (or 132.187 Km2) but support 64 % of the Indonesian population (or 143

million people) (Christanty, et al.1986; Wikipedia, 2014). Despite this demographic

pressure, no less than 50 known active volcanoes keep their soil fertile to feed the

growing number of the population. Combination of population density and fertile

volcanic soils has encouraged the invention of many traditional farming systems to

support village farms sustainability.

Two types of sustainable farming systems arise as ingenuous solutions to maintain

food self-sufficiency in this island. One is wetland rice monoculture and the other is

a group of mix farming systems known as traditional agroforestry systems. These

two farming systems complement each other through alternate provision of food,

fodder and organic materials throughout both the lean and harvest seasons. Thesedominant farming systems can be illustrated from the aerial photograph of typical

villages in Java as green clumps of densely vegetated villages surrounded by yellow

or light-green patches of rice fields (Soemarwoto, et al., 1976).

The types of traditional agroforestry systems in Java can be distinguished from their

modern counterpart through their level of species diversity. Later known

agroforestry system is tumpang sari (taungya), which is a simple agroforestry

system with low species density being introduced by the Dutch colonial government

as planting of annual crops below teak plantations (Michon and de Foresta, 1993).

The Indonesian government continues to adopt this system as the official social

forestry program within state forests since its independence. However, traditional

agroforestry systems excel from this official program as they provide safe havensfrom natural and socioeconomic shocks and stresses through a mix of plants and

animals farming.

The focus of this paper is the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in Java

to sustain rural livelihoods and food security. Therefore, the organization of this

paper follows from the evolution of traditional agroforestry systems in Java to prove

that they arise from the demand to provide a support system for Javanese rural

livelihoods. Then I discuss the structures of home garden and mixed gardens as the

two prominent agroforestry systems in Java. Further, I will address the question of

sustainability of these systems to adapt to the current and future challenges. I argue

that commercialization and governments free market policies slowly erode

sustainability of agroforestry systems in Java.

The Evolution of Traditional Agroforestry Systems in Java

The landscape changes from forest into agroforest and permanent agriculture in

Indonesia has been studied extensively. Manurung et al. (2006) argue that shifting

cultivation has facilitated successive changes from forest into agroforestry systems.

Shifting cultivation becomes complementary intermediate between trees and

crops, and between forest and farming, as it accommodates gradual establishment


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of forest vegetation on farms, when valuable resources from natural forest are still

needed by local people (Michon and de Foresta, 1995; de Foresta et al., 2000).

I argue that population density plays a substantial role in assisting transition from

forest to agroforest, as the denser the population the bigger the pressure to manage

forestland more intensively. Kosuke et al. (2013) explain that increasing population

density necessitates the shortening of fallow period in a shifting cultivation cycle. Ifthe fallow period is too short, the forest will end up becoming degraded lands.

However, Kosuke et al. (2013) assert that if the property right of lands and trees are

secure, the shifting cultivators may adopt more sustainable tree management.

Wiersum (2006) adds that gradual transformation of shifting cultivation into

permanent cropping systems reflects general processes of rural transformations as

the remote areas are increasingly connected with national and global markets. He

explains that in Java, gradual division of communal lands among individual

landowners made shifting cultivation virtually disappeared and in areas with

clumps of planted trees on fallow lands, a conversion to tree gardens took place.

The result of this conversion is a diversity of tree gardening or complex agroforestry

systems. According to Wiersum (1982), in the early 1980s, three possible types ofagroforestry systems exist in rural Javanese landscape:

Homegarden (pekarangan): a land use form on private lands

surrounding individual houses with a definite fence, in which several tree

species are cultivated together with annual and perennial crops, often

including small livestock.

Mixed gardens (kebun campuran): a land use form on private lands

outside the village, which is dominated by planted perennial crops,

mostly trees, under which annual crops are cultivated.

Forest gardens (talun-kebun): a land use form on private lands outside

the village in which planted and sometimes spontaneously grown trees

and sometimes additional perennial crops occurs.Christanty et al. (1986: 137) provides diagrammatic processes of typical land use

changes in Java following forest clearing (Figure 1). They explain that forestland can

be converted into either huma(dryland rice) or sawah(wetland rice), dependingon water availability. Forestland can also be converted directly into agroforests by

planting annual crops to develop kebun. If bamboo is planted, the kebun becomes

kebun campuran (mixed garden), which will be dominated after several years by

perennials and become talun (perennial crop garden). If farmers want to build ahouse on the kebun, kebun campuran, or talun, firstly they will buildpekarangan.

Substantial land area is dedicated for these traditional agroforestry systems, which

proves their importance to support traditional livelihoods in Java, in tandem with

rice cultivation. On average, home gardens account for 20 percent of total land area

in Java, while kebun-talun occupy 16 percent of 4.4 million ha area of West Java

(Christanty, et al., 1986).

Traditional agroforestry systems in Java harbor important supplementary and

security functions to rice cultivation. Christanty et al. (1986) underline that while

lowland rice production from sawah(wetland cultivation) provides most of staplefood for the population, pekarangan provides additional food nutrition and kebun-


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talun provides cash crops, timber, and industrial crops. They assert that home

gardens cushion Javanese families against food insecurities brought by socio-

economic and environmental crises. When asked if crises would strike and they

have to sell some lands, they replied, the homegarden is the last land they wouldsell (Christanty, 1986: 138).

Figure 1. Land use changes leading to pekarangan, kebun, and talunafter forest

clearing (Christanty et al.,1986: 137)

Manurung, et al. (2006.: 1-2) are reporting different route for traditional

agroforestry system development in West Java, an agroforestry system called

dudukuhan, depicted in figure 2. They distinguish dudukuhan into 4 types: timber

system, 2) mixed fruit-timber-banana-annual crops system, 3) mixed fruit-timber

system, and 4) fallow system. After shifting cultivation cease to benefit the

population, the abandoned land leads to the development of a fallow system. The

farmers will subsequently plant this fallow land with intercropping of banana dan

annual crops that last for 3 4 years, to establish a huma or tegalan (dryland


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farm). After this period, farmers transform their huma into either mixed fruit-

timber-banana-annual crops system or mixed fruit-timber system. In these systems,

farmers increase biodiversity within the huma by favorite fruit and timber trees

such as Maesopsis eminii Engl., Paraserienthes falcataria (L.) Nielsen, Artocarpusheterophyllus Lam., Durio zibethinus Murr., Archidendron pauciflorum (Benth.)

Nielsen, Mangifera odorata Griff., Euodia latifolia DC., Parkia speciosa Hassk,Nephelium lappaceum L., and Schima wallichii Noronha.The timber system can be

changed back into humawhen the timbers are extracted from the field.

Manurung, et al. (2006) also relate the dudukuhan system transformation with

income and food security. They see the popularity of mixed fruit-timber-banana-

annual crops system over mixed fruit-timber system to the short to long terms

stability of income. Bananas and annual crop harvests meet short-term needs, and

Artocarpus heterophyllus Lam. and various bamboo species for medium-term needs.

The other fruit and timber species provide for long-term needs. Moreover, if the

mixed fruit-timber system fails to support livelihood of farmers household due to

lower productivity or income, the farmer will opt to convert the system back into

huma. However, if the plot distance is quite far (more than 3 km), the farmer usuallyopts to change the plot into a fallow system, and then the cycle may start again.

Figure 2. Transformation of dudukuhan into 4 types of agroforestry systems

Source: Manurung, et al. (2006)

Fallow system

Bananasannual crop

Mixed fruit-timber-banana-annualcrops system

Mixed fruit-timber system

Timber system


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Javanese Home Garden System (Pekarangan)

There is no clear distinction between many types of traditional agroforestry systems

in Java. Wiersum (2006) underlines that the distinction among different types of

agroforestry systems above is often diffuse and may be related to location than tovegetation structure. Even Terra, the first authority in the literature about home

garden, interchangeably used the term mixed garden to refer to home garden inhis early writings about agroforestry in Java in 1950s (Soemarwoto et al., 1976)

Many factors influence farmers decision to choose combination of trees and other

crops in Javanese home gardens. Soemarwoto et al. (1976) underline that both

ecological and cultural factors determine vegetation structure of home gardens in

Java. Christanty, et al. (1986: 143) elaborate the association of ecological and

cultural factors with home gardens plant diversity into the following factors:

Altitude-There is a greater diversity in lowland areas than in upland

areas (Karyono et al. 1977).

Homegarden size-The larger the homegarden, the greater the number

of plant species (Karyono et al. 1977, Stoler 1981, Abdoellah 1980).

Cash crops-The number of vertical layers and the number of cropspecies are less when cash crops predominate.

Labor-When labor is scarce, people plant more perennials and fewer

annuals and crop diversity is lower (Stoler 1981). .

A population density-at high population density thereisa tendency to

grow cash crops, so the diversity of plants in the garden is reduced.

However, sometimes the land is used more intensively for subsistence

purposes, and the diversity of plants increases (Penny and

Singarimbun, 1973).

Employment-When people do not have good outside jobs, they may

concentrate their labor on their homegardens, and the crop diversity

increases (Penny and Singarimbum 1973).

Economic status-Poorpeople plant many kinds of subsistence plants

in their homegardens, especially fruits and vegetables. Rich people

have a tendency to plant more ornamental plants, as well as more

cash crops (e.g., cloves) that have higher economic value (Achmad et

al. 1978).

Wiersum (2006) cites the home gardens differentiation byKehlenbeck and Maas

(2004) , which divide home gardens into 4 typical categories according to age, size,

and level of plant diversity:

1.

Small, moderately old species and tree-poor spice gardens

2.

Medium-sized, old, species-rich tree gardens3.

Large, rather young, species- and tree-poor garden of

transmigrant families

4. Diverse assemblages of rather old, individual gardens with very

high crop diversity.

Wiersum (2006) explains that the types 2 and 4 represent vegetation structure of

more traditional home gardens. No. 3 is the type of home gardens developed by


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Javanese settlers in other islands, where they establish new home gardens that are

dominated by food crops to ensure food provision in their new villages.

Even though variations exist, a typical structure of Javanese home garden has been

developed to help the agro-climatic description and analysis. Christanty, et al.

(1986: 140) develop typology of Javanese home garden based on Iskandars profile

diagram (1980, figure 3). They divide vertical layers of Javanese home garden intocascading stories of vegetation that mimic the structure of natural forest. This

layered structure of home gardens is important to maximize the ability of plants to

harvest the sunlight. The lowest layer (less than 1 meter) is composed of Starchyfood plants, vegetables, and spices (e.g., sweet potatoes, taro, Xanthosoma, chili

peppers, eggplant, and Languas). The dominant species in the subsequent layer at

the height of 5 10 m is also starchy food plants (e.g., ganyong [Canna edulis],

Xanthosoma, cassava, and gembili [Dioscorea esculenta]). Small fruit trees such as

bananas and papayas dominate the next story at 2-5 m heights. The taller fruit

trees (e.g., soursop, jackfruit, pisitan [Lansium domesticum], guava, and mountain

apple) or other cash crops such as cloves dominates the subsequent zone (5-10 m).

Tall timber trees such as albizzia and coconut dominate the top zone at 10 m orabove.

Figure 3. Profile Diagram of a typical home garden

Source: Iskandar (1980)

Javanese System of Mixed Garden-Tree Plantation (Kebun Talun)

Talun-kebun is the adaptation of shifting cultivation in a densely populated areawith less available forestland. Despite popular belief, shifting cultivation is a

sustainable farming system provided population density is still low. Kosuke et al.

(2013) conclude that shifting cultivation has a particular threshold of around 25-30

people/km2 before the system collapse into degraded land. Furthermore, the

cleared land can only be cultivated for 3 5 years before the next cycle begin after8-15 years of fallows. Excess population will result in shorter fallow period and

consequently increase land degradation.


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Soemarwoto (1984) dub talun-kebun as shifting cultivation practiced in a man-

made forest. He makes his case from the structural division of this system into twodistinctive landscape features of talunand kebun. Talunis a canopied area consists

of various perennials with annual crops undergrowth. It analogues to the forest

stage in shifting cultivation but has an additional economic value to complement its

ecological value (Soemarwoto, 1984). kebunis a cleared area within talunon whichannual crops other than dryland rice are planted, primarily for sale to support

family income (Kosuke et al., 2013). While shifting cultivation is developed for

subsistence purpose, kebun-talun is developed for economic purpose. Clearly, the

difference of this system with shifting cultivation is that talun-kebun system is

geared towards market economy (Soemarwoto, 1984).

Christanty et al. (1986) elaborate succession in kebun-talun, which also illuminate

its successive functional changes. They divide the succession into three stages of

kebun, kebun campuran, and talunas illustrated in figure 4. At the first stage, high

valued annual crops dominatekebunto provide cash income for farmers. This kebun

will gradually evolve into kebun campuran when perennials planted along the

annual crops reach juvenile stage. In this stage, its ecological functions for soil andwater conservation are emphasized than its decreasing economic value. Afterharvesting the annuals, the field usually is abandoned for two to three years to

become dominated by perennials. This stage is known as talun, and this stage has

both economic and biophysical values (Christanty et al., 1986: 135)

In addition to its economic benefits, taluns ability to maintain its ecological values isworthy of emphasis. Soemarwoto (1984) relates this ability with the distinct taluns

features. He identifies talunas privately owned lands with the average area of 1-2

ha/family, which usually located in the higher slopes above the village bordering the

state forests. [M]ultistorey structure of the canopy and the layer of litter on thetalun floor help prevent soil erosion, even under the heavy rainfall at the steep

taluns slope (Soemarwoto, 1984: 97).

Figure 4. Successional stages of the kebun-talunsystem

Source: Isnawan, 1980


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Sustainability of Javanese Traditional Agroforestry systems

Several factors have been identified to determine sustainability of Javanese

traditional agroforestry systems. Arifin et al. (2012) account the interface of

biophysical and socio-economic-cultural dimensions that determines future

trajectories of agroforestry systems. They translate this interface as interconnected

micro system that is self-propagating, self-nourishing, self-governing and selffulfilling (p. 897). Combination of macro-agroecological (climate, soil, topography

and watershed) parameters and socioeconomic attributes at the community andregional level, such as employment opportunities, wage rates, credit access, input

availability and cost, production efficiency and marketing determine their

sustainability (p.898).

I would argue that sustainability of these systems rest in the ballast point where

their ecological values balance their socio-economic benefits. Michon et al. (1983)

conclude that farmers economic decisions determine ecological sustainability of

these systems. They reveal several risks associated with successional cycle within

the establishment of traditional agroforests in Java. As mentioned earlier, there are

some stages of development in Javanese traditional agroforests such as in talun-kebunsystem. Michon et al. (1983) warn the implications of economic pressures to

eliminate some stages of agroforestry development, hence endanger sustainability

of the whole agroforestry system. For instance, if farmers decide to eliminate the

talunstage to perpetuate kebun stage, full vegetative cover will not realize so that

long-term ecological benefits such as erosion prevention will not materialize to

avoid soil degradation. Further, they expose the systems fragility at the initial stage

of the cycle, because the availability of open areas after land clearing may lure

farmers to establish monocrop gardens (for instance clove gardens) to obtainfast

cash income (p. 125).

Special attention has been expended to assess sustainability of Javanese traditional

agroforestry systems, as these systems harbor the ultimate defense for the existenceof rural livelihoods in Java. Kumar and Nair (2004) scrutinize sustainability of home

gardens in Java through social lens. They see land fragmentation as the biggest

threat to species loss in Javanese pekarangan. They relate the specific inheritancesystem in an Islamic society, where a property is divided equally among their heirs,

as the primary cause of pekarangans fragmentation. Moreover, they also see

acculturation, the social transformation of a society through adoption of cultural

traits from another society, as another driver ofspecies loss in home gardens. They

list the impacts of acculturation to reduce home gardensspecies diversity through

dietary changes from traditional to modern food, the spread of modern medicines

and healthcare facilities in place of traditional medicines, and the introduction of

non-native species as ornamental plants. In addition, they argue thatcommercialization of home gardens produce may erode social resilience of ruralsocieties. They see the danger of nutrition deficiency when home gardens produces

are more sold than consumed. They also see negative impact of home gardenscommercialization through erosion of its traditional role to maintain equitability

among rural villagers. [T]he traditional rights of the poor through sharing ofhome gardens produce may disappear if the traditional homegardeners are all

transformed into modern urbanites (p.147).


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However, I argue that acculturation does not fully explain the shift of home gardens

species diversity in Java since it jeopardizes nutritional and economic resilience of

rural livelihoods, and because acculturation in Java happens since time immemorial

without adversely impacting agricultural sustainability. I find Doves (1990)argument more compelling, which exposes the paradox of production, consumption

and marketing of produces between Javanese pekarangan and wet rice cultivation.His point is based on his critical review of Penny and Gintings (1984) research

about correlation of farmers, pekarangan, and poverty in Sriharjo Village, Central

Java. Penny and Ginting posit two important findings; that productivity of

pekaranganin Java is far exceeding wet rice fields production; andthat the poorest

households involve more in marketing of home gardens input and output than the

wealthier families. The findings reveal, that an average holding of 0.23 hectare of

wet rice contributes 35 per cent of the household's income, whereas an average

holding of 0.10 hectare of home garden contributes 49 per cent. They also reveal

that it is the poorest farmers in Sriharjo (and hence the farmers with the fewest

other alternatives) who sell the greatest percentage of their home garden produce

to the market (as opposed to consuming it themselves) and who also buy the mostinputs, while the wealthiest farmers consume the greatest percentage of garden

yield within the household and purchase the fewest inputs (pp. 130-32, 157).

Dove (1990) successfully explains those phenomena according to the

interdependence of invisible subsistence economy with the visible market

economy. He rightly points out that farmers conceal a larger proportion of home

gardens production from the hands of market and the government, hence securing

their self-provisioning system. It can be done through obscuring the real

production and importance of home gardens in household economy from

governments statistics, hence avoiding taxation and over-extraction. On the other

hand, they leave the smaller proportion of rice production for market access andexchange with other marketed goods. Subsistence production from home gardens

serves as a safety net to enable farmers involve in market economy of rice

production. This idea is in line with Carpenters (2001: 13), who suggests the

division of peasants economies into a risk-averse, subsistence sector, and a

market-oriented sector where risks are acceptable.

Sustainability of traditional farming systems lies in the balance of those two

household economies. Dove (1990) translates the increasing percentage of home

gardens produce sold in Sriharjo as a sign of rural livelihoods deterioration.

Rural subsistence economy is indeed deteriorating in the face of free-market

economy. As the result of governments free market policies, subsistenceproduction is no longer feasible. Carpenter (2001: 18) points out that

development institutions aim to commercialize subsistence activities, even

though to be sustainable, development must help peasants maintain a subsistence

sector without commercializing that sector.

Therefore, I conclude that commercialization of traditional agroforestry systems in

Java is the biggest threat for their sustainability. Kumar and Nair (2004: 147)

agree that commercialization has caused a decline of the structure and functions


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of Indonesian pekarangan and kebunsystems. They assert that changes in land

use patterns are coming from government policies and demographic pressures.

Yapa (1993, in Carpenter, 2001: 14) warn the negative impacts of government

policies to introduce green revolution technology into farming systems. He

emphasizes transformation of crop farming systems through commercialization

and development makes them vulnerable to a host of risks, including the marketbust and pest destruction cycles that typify the green revolution. Moreover,

because of the demographic pressure, deteriorating resiliency of subsistence

economy within traditional agroforestry systems will become a powerful driver for

increasing urbanization.

Hence, I argue that without subsistence orientation, profit maximization in free

market economy will result in the thinning of species diversity in the agroforestry

systems to support cash crop production. Moreover, more inputs will be needed to

increase production and to cover soil degradation, so that farmers need more cash

income to buy those inputs. The result is more urgency to convert their

agroforestry systems into cash crop monocultures. Logically, sustainability oftraditional agroforestry systems can only be achieved through changes back to the

subsistence orientation, which support rural livelihoods through food sovereignty.

Conclusion

From the description and analysis above, we can conclude that the diversity of

Javanese traditional agroforestry systems arises from the need to sustain rural

livelihoods and food security. Different from other islands in Indonesia, Java has

been heavily populated for centuries and has to develop sustainable agricultural

systems to replace shifting cultivation. Complex agroforestry systems are suitable

to cushion rural families against socio-economic and ecological shocks thatthreaten wet-rice cultivation.

Different agroforestry systems in Java have been developed to adapt to specific

biophysical and socio-economic spectrum of rural Java. The dynamic changes in

their vegetation structures represent adaptation that mimic revolving cycle of

shifting cultivation in the natural forest. This paper features two prominent

Javanese traditional agroforestry systems, the pekarangan and kebun-talun

systems to highlight their relative importance in Javanese rural livelihoods.

Sustainability of traditional agroforestry systems in Java is under the threat of

commercialization. Population pressure and governments free market policies

increase vulnerability of subsistence economy under traditional agroforestry

systems. As the result, species diversity under those agroforestry systems is

declining to support cash crop production.


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